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Henry Williams to the Rev. E. G. Marsh.
Paihia, June 24, 1842.
The Bishop is now in my house, having landed after dark on Monday evening last, while I was engaged with my Bible class, so I am happy he found me at my station. We were all taken by surprise, and put into an immediate bustle. I was most delighted to see his face and hear him speak, and was relieved from many forbodings. You had certainly spoken most favorably of his Lordship; but I have known that persons in England and persons out of England are frequently very different; however, I must say that I am quite afraid to say how delighted I am. I have seen very much of this good man during the few days of his sojourn amongst us. We have spoken freely upon various subjects in connection with the Mission, and it is very remarkable that in no one instance have we had a contrary idea. He so fully enters into our views upon all Missionary points, that I am at times under some apprehension of forgetting that he is our Bishop. I have been with him to the Waimate, where he takes up his quarters, probably for some considerable time, in the house formerly occupied by Mr. Clarke. We are, moreover, all of us delighted at the knowledge the Bishop has obtained of the language. He can, to the surprise of all, converse with ease and correctness, having kept close to work during the voyage. The Bishop observes, moreover, that he shall require all his clergy to acquire the language, that they may attend to the natives. William and I have just come from him after a long conference as to the stations now about to be taken up. I hope that several of our laymen may be admitted to ordination; this will very effectually strengthen the Mission. I think, indeed, our affairs are even now in a position we could never have anticipated. We shall not now require any one more to superintend the Mission, and I feel fully satisfied to leave all the affairs of the Mission, or my own as a Missionary, in his hands. The Society have, I believe, considered me to be a refractory hand, because I have disapproved of their measures. His Lordship may be able to say in a few years, should we both live so long, whether or not this be correct.
Henry Williams to Mrs. Heathcote.
Paihia, June 28, 1842.
My dear Kate,--I must hasten to give you a line, that it may obtain the frank of our worthy Bishop, who has now been beneath my roof for ten days. The good man has most mightily astonished all by his proficiency in the native language, and our admiration increases daily. Indeed, he has captivated every heart by his kindness and courteous manners. On Sunday last he took his portion in the native services, preaching in the New Zealand language,
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besides the Communion service, administering the Lord's supper to a large number. In the afternoon, he read prayers in Maori. In the forenoon, his Lordship gave us a most admirable sermon, which is about to be printed at the request of the congregation. The Bishop and I have had very much conversation, and upon all points, so far, we have fully agreed. He appears not only to be the head of the Church in this country, but at the head of the Mission, which is quite in accordance with our views. It will quite relieve us from a multitude of perplexities in Committee, and give a tone and character to the Mission it never possessed before. I am persuaded that nothing will escape his notice, however trifling the circumstance, and that now all unpleasant looks and unkind feelings will cease between us and the Society, as we shall turn all their matters over to his Lordship, satisfying ourselves with his decision. I am so far gratified that, as yet, we have had no difference of opinion upon any single point. I have conversed freely with him upon the land question, and upon many others also; he has given his opinion precisely in accordance with what I have from time to time stated to the Society. The Bishop, hitherto, has expressed nothing but satisfaction in all he has seen, both in the neighbourhood of the Thames (Auckland), and also here. He is now going to make a tour of the Island, intending to visit every station. Several of the laymen are looking for ordination, and will, I expect, obtain it; which, of course, will greatly strengthen the Mission. The Bishop is to take his family to the Waimate, to Mr. Clark's old house, expecting to remain there for at least the next five years, and perhaps much longer. This, I feel, will give weight to the Mission. He purposes, also, to take change of the school, converting it into a college, by which he will take charge of nearly the whole settlement.
I was not surprised to hear that you were never in a greater mind to come to New Zealand than when you saw the Bishop.
The Bishop was as well pleased with the Missionaries as they with him. In a letter to the Secretary of the Church Mission Society, he says:
I hope this letter will have put you in some degree in possession of my feelings towards the natives, and towards the Mission. If you have gathered from it that I have imbibed the strongest regard for the native people, and a very high regard and esteem for the members of the Mission in general, you will have drawn a right conclusion from this very imperfect statement of my real feelings. I would rather that you should give me credit for feeling more than I express, than incur the danger of seeming to exaggerate beyond the facts of the case. God grant that the facts may every day more and more speak for themselves, and prove this country to be, as I believe it to be, the ground-plot of one of the most
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signal mercies which God has ever granted to the missionary exertions of His Church.
To this may be added an extract from the Bishop's sermon, preached at Paihia in 1842.
These are the promises of God; and mark how they have been here fulfilled. We have come to the uttermost parts of the sea, and even there we find the right hand of the Spirit of God guiding the hearts of men. Christ has blessed the work of His Ministers in a wonderful manner. We see here a whole nation of pagans converted to the faith. God has given a new heart and a new spirit to thousands after thousands of our fellow-creatures in this distant quarter of the earth. A few faithful men, by the power of the Spirit of God, have been the instruments of adding another christian people to the family of God. Another christian church has arisen here, in the midst of one of the fiercest and most bloody nations that ever lived to bear witness to the power of sin over the heart of unregenerated man.
Also the Bishop's account of an administration of the Lord's supper at Paihia.
On the Lord's day, June the 26th, I administered the Lord's supper to one hundred and fifty native communicants at Paihia, and was much struck with their orderly and reverential demeanour. All were dressed in European clothing, and, with the exception of their colour, presented the appearance of an English congregation. In few English churches, however, have I heard the responses repeated in the deep and solemn tone with which every New Zealander joins in that portion of the service.
How far the Bishop had the good will of the Society, I cannot say. They could not but perceive that either they must abandon their own authority over their own servants, or, by adhering to it, constitute what always ends in trouble,--an imperium in imperio. Moreover, the Bishop was not of the Church party to which they belong. His sympathies were supposed--rightly or wrongly--to be rather with the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel than with the Church Mission Society. Mr. Secretary Venn's letter, very complimentary, though dashed with the significant observation that "the selection of the individual to fill the office was made independently of the Society," bears traces Of apprehension for the future. In his own words,--"he was not insensible to the perplexities which might arise, even from the introduction of the Episcopal office into
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a church which had been formed, and for so many years administered, in an incomplete form." It is enough to say that, within a very short period, such perplexities did arise.
The Reverend Henry Venn to Henry Williams.
Church Mission House, 1842.
In opening my correspondence with you, I must in the first place congratulate you and the rest of our brethren in New Zealand, upon the appointment of a Bishop. I regard this event as the consummation of all our missionary schemes for New Zealand; and as an answer to the prayers which we have long been offering up, that the Lord would foster and confirm the infant church of that interesting land.
Though the selection of the individual to fill the office was made independently of the Society, we trust that it has been guided by a gracious Providence for the best interests of the Church of Christ.
You will probably have heard from your brother, Mr. Marsh, his favourable opinion of the Bishop. I was myself a stranger to him till the day of his consecration; but I have had several interviews with him since, and indulge the best hopes from his christian devotedness, his zeal, his talents, and his large experience in the work of education. I trust that the whole of our missionary brethren will receive him with the confidence becoming the paternal relation in which he now stands towards them.
You will see from the copy of our official minute on the subject, which has been transmitted to you, that the temporal affairs of the Society will continue to be conducted by the Parent Committee and the Local Committees in New Zealand; but I anticipate much benefit from the Bishop's advice and co-operation, 1 when he shall have been enabled to take a full view of the circumstances of the Island.
I am aware that many questions have lately arisen of a perplexing character; these will now be at once, and I trust happily, settled by the presence of the Bishop. I need not therefore further allude to them or to Mr. Vore's late letter to the ordained Missionaries in New Zealand.
Among the many advantages of the appointment, I dwell with peculiar delight upon the reflection that our Missionaries will henceforth have one ready to vindicate them from unjust aspersions
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in a far more effectual manner than it would ever have been possible for the officers of the Society to do. In this I find a relief to those feelings of deep sympathy with which I have long regarded my dear brethren in New Zealand, nobly labouring in the work as they have done, "through evil report," and content to approve themselves to their Lord and Master as "workmen that need not be ashamed."
But though I thus write, I am not insensible to the perplexities which may arise, even from the introduction of the Episcopal office into a church which has been formed and for so many years administered in an incomplete form. I do not however suffer my mind to dwell upon any such apprehensions. I know enough of the devices of Satan to know that as the appointment bids fair to be productive of the richest benefits to the cause of Christ,--so difficulties will if possible be raised to obstruct the beneficial effect of the office. I will only say that my dependence is upon the efficacy of the prayers which daily ascend to the throne of grace; and to the spirit of candour and christian prudence which I trust has been and will be vouchsafed to the Society at home and abroad. One only advice will I venture to give, namely, if perplexities ever arise, remember that they may be, generally speaking, far better settled by a reference home, than agitated in the Mission.
And now let me in conclusion assure you of my hearty wishes and best prayers for your continued prosperity in soul and body,-- in your ministry and in your family. I shall rejoice to hear from you full and free accounts of such encouragements or disappointments as you meet with in your work. I shall unfeignedly thank God if in my correspondence with my brethren I can in the smallest degree strengthen their hands or cheer their hearts. May the Lord himself be with your spirit.
Nor can it be said that the whole of the New Zealand Mission remained untinged by the feelings of the Parent Society. They were of what is commonly called "low church;" he was supposed to be high, though, in reality, he did not follow the lead of any party, but took his own course. Dark rumours of Puseyism 2 were
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creeping in, though mainly, I believe, among the laity. Mr. Williams paid no attention to hearsay, but, as usual, thought for himself. He said that he did not quite know what was meant by Puseyism; that he took people as he found them, and found the Bishop as evangelical 3 as he could wish. Apprehension too was gaining ground of very high-handed proceedings on his Lordship's part, for which no sufficient cause is discoverable, the Bishop seeming to have been, at the outset, very moderate and discreet in his utterances. But, unluckily, some of those around him were not so reticent as himself. Galling or slighting words sometimes escaped; not, perhaps, such as ought to have given offence, but which were, to say the least, provocative. For instance, when it was said of the Mission that "they wanted a little authority among them, to set them to rights," an error of judgment was committed. For the expression was used towards those who had themselves exercised authority for years; who had won for themselves the mastership under danger and difficulty; and who knew that they had but to hold up a finger utterly to nullify the Bishop's influence among the natives. 4 No one was likely to complain of the
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legitimate exercise of authority; but to fling it in the face of those who were in reality masters of the situation was imprudent.
Mr. Williams himself was little disturbed by these things. He had no personal susceptibilities; his one idea was work, regulated by discipline. And he could not understand discipline, without correlative authority. Steadily and faithfully he stood by the Bishop, who little knew how much he was indebted. But when the Bishop was told, at a later period, that Mr. Williams had borne him and the Bishop's whole college on his shoulders, he was told no more than truth.
In the first volume, an account was given of the state of the Mission at the time of Mr. Williams' arrival in New Zealand, with an intimation that corresponding statements for the epochs of the Bishop's arrival, and departure, should follow. He found it at its best; in full force. The dispersion of the Mission, about which Mr. Williams had been so urgent, had been effectual and complete. To some, this might seem a light thing to accomplish; but a little consideration will shew that no small abnegation of self was required. The abandonment of homes in which, by much labour, something like comfort had been achieved; the beginning of all over again, in a strange place; the setting foot once more upon
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the lowest rung of the ladder--this would, as a matter of course, be submitted to without repining, wherever required for the advancement of the cause. But it was hard to be called upon to sever friendships formed with native converts; to leave behind those whose confidence they had won, to blot out valued associations of the past. But dispersion, to the nethermost parts of the Island, had become needful, and no complaint was heard.
The following Stations were already occupied; and others had been prepared for occupation.
Kaitaia..... Mr. J. Matthews. Mr. W. Puckey.
Whangaroa - - - Mr. J. Shepherd.
Tepuna ----- Mr. J. King.
Kerikeri - Mr. J. Kemp.
Waimate --- Rev. R. Taylor (school.) Mr. G. Clarke. Mr. R. Davis.
Paihia --- Rev. H. Williams.
Kororareka --- Rev. R. Burrows.
Maraetai --- Mr. W. T. Fairburn.
Hauraki--- Mr. --. Preece.
Orua --- Mr. J. Hamlin.
Waikato --- Rev. R. Maunsell.
Kaitotohe --- Mr. B. Ashwell.
Otawhao --- Mr. J. Morgan.
Rotorua --- Mr. T. Chapman.
Tauranga --- Rev. A. N. Brown.
Opotiki --- Mr. J. Wilson.
Waiapu ----- Mr. J. Stack. 5
Uawa -- Mr. C Baker.
Turanga -- Rev. W. Williams.
Whanganui -- Rev. J. Mason.
Waikanae and Otaki -- Rev. O. Hadfield.
Mr. Kissling had been ordered by the Society to the southermost coast; but was permitted by the Bishop to exchange for the milder climate of Kawakawa, on the East Cape.
Mr. Spencer, who had arrived a fortnight before the Bishop, was sent to Tarawera.
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Many stations were at this time occupied by native teachers. Being unable to furnish a complete list, I pass them over. 6
In September, 1842, Governor Hobson died; Mr. Shortland, the Colonial Secretary, assuming the reins of Government until a successor should be appointed.
With Governor Hobson, there was little fault to find. A straight-forward man, English to the back bone; blamed only for weakness, and this because he was powerless. A Governor on sufferance of the natives, thwarted also by a powerful company, always in a state of half-rebellion against the Crown, he effected nothing but the Treaty of Waitangi, and the founding of Auckland. The opinion formed by Governor FitzRoy, 7 a man superior to exalting himself at the expense of a predecessor, may be relied upon. He says:--
The illness and death of Governor Hobson no doubt increased the difficulties under which the country was then struggling. The designs which he was forming, and the local acquaintance that he had gained, perished almost unrecorded. He suffered severely from the distractions of his false position, and the treatment he received while struggling to make the best of adverse circumstances.
Although selected for his difficult task on account of his qualifications; although he had previously visited the Bay of Islands and Cook's Straits in command of H.M.S. "Rattlesnake," and had particularly distinguished himself by his conduct and gallantry in the West Indies, his representations of the real state of the country, true to the letter, were slighted, and his opinions, now proved sound, were bitterly assailed.
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Words to the same effect, might be used in regard to Governor FitzRoy himself.
From Mrs. Williams' journal.
October 22, 1842. Mr. Whitehead, Bishop's chaplain, arrived from Sydney, in ill health.
November 11. Mr. Telford, from England, to take charge of the Church Mission Society's printing press.
December 6. Mr. Williams returned in his boat from Whangarei, having baptised sixty natives along the coast.
December 22. Mr. Christopher Davies arrived (and soon afterwards joined the Mission).
February 21, 1842. Melancholy news from Port Nicholson. Mr. Mason, our Missionary, drowned at Whanganui.
March 23. Mr. Whitehead's funeral, at Waimate.
April 7. Henry Williams accompanied Ngapuhi to the North, to endeavour to make peace.
This leads us to the disturbance of Oruru, of which so many contradictory accounts have been given.
By the Treaty, the pre-emptive right, interpreted as sole right of purchasing land from the natives, had been reserved to the Crown. This, destroying market value, implied in fairness an engagement by the Crown to give a reasonable price; such at least, as the old settlers who purchased before the establishment of a government had been used to pay. 8 But the Government had entered into competition with a land-trading company. They saw a source of revenue in what was commonly called the Government brokerage; that is to say,--the difference between the price paid to the native owners, and the price received from Europeans at the Government land sales. 9 Without considering that
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this was in the nature of a tax levied exclusively upon the coloured population, they strove to make the most of it, taking advantage of the monopoly they had themselves created. Mr. Shortland instructed the land purchasers not to exceed the price of threepence per acre; the Middle Island was bought (I borrow Bishop Selwyn's words) at the rate of a mite an acre.
This passion for cheap land was taken advantage of by the natives. They proffered land with bad title, for any price the Government thought proper to give. The Government knew little about title, and cared less, expecting presently to have force at their disposal. And in this was the essential difference between the Government land transactions and those of the old settlers, before 1840. The latter knew that they could not hold by force; that, on the contrary, force would be employed against them, unless their title were complete; that they would never be suffered to occupy, until every possible claim had been satisfied. Consequently, intending purchasers were compelled to make themselves acquainted with native custom, with the nature of native claims to land, and, above all, with the right ownership. Every real claim, and possibly some doubtful ones, having been extinguished, the purchaser might take possession in perfect security. No native, in those days of Arcadian simplicity, ever repudiated a bargain.
The Government, on the other hand, being in a hurry, had no taste for long preliminaries, and wanted the land at less than its worth. The result was soon apparent. The Government was made a catspaw in native quarrels. A native would sell disputed land for a song, if the effect of sale would be to involve the rival claimant in a quarrel with the English. He would have the double satisfaction of revenge, and of relief from the obligation of being bound in honour to maintain a troublesome and uncertain right. This is the clue to most of the troubles about land. And it is now admitted, though long strenuously denied, that the purchases by the old settlers, where followed by occupation, have stood the test of time; while those by the Government, from Oruru down to Waitara, have involved a succession of disturbances, and sometimes the appeal to arms.
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An unsound purchase of this nature, described in one of the "Reminiscences," is termed by Mr. Williams
HOBSON'S FIRST ERROR.
Captain Hobson had not been many months in the Bay before communication was opened with a chief at Kaitaia, the leading man of whom was Nopera Panakareao. This man came to pay a visit to the Governor at Okiato; Mr. Shortland and some others made a return visit to Kaitaia, the Mission station, where Nopera played the first part
While sailing along the coast, Nopera was asked, whose land is this abreast? Takou and the Karatu, he replied; "this is all mine." And whose is that, and that, and that in the far distance? to which the same answer was given,--"that is all mine." Mr. Shortland wisely concluded, from the extent of territory, that this man must be the greatest chief he had yet come across, and consequently swallowed all that Nopera had to say. A great display was made before Mr. Shortland and his party at Kaitaia in the shape of a feast, denoting the importance of this great chief, his power and dignity. Plates, knives, and forks, &c, were supplied from the Mission houses. After some two or three days, Mr. Shortland and party returned to the Bay, highly delighted, considering they had found the great man they required, and gave their report. Governor Hobson fell into the snare; he accompanied the great man, and made sundry purchases of land, in perfect secrecy,--alone; not before his own people, but when at Mangonui. There the Europeans met him at the house of Captain Butler, all being much pleased with his very affable manner. As the Governor was leaving, he took out some papers, which he requested Captain Butler to have put up in conspicuous places, and sailed off. As soon as they were examined, the table turned, and all were full of indignation. The papers were to give notice that all this land at Mangonui, Oruru, and other places, had been bought in the name of the Queen, and to prohibit all from cutting timber of any description. After some months, a large party of natives from Oruru, Hohepa, Porirua and others, came to me at Paihia, stating that the ground had been sold from under them by Panakareao, while they were asleep, and that they wanted me to take them to the Governor. I said I would take two, Hohepa and Porirua. We went accordingly, and saw the Governor. I asked his Excellency, if he had made the purchase of Oruru; he said he had made that purchase of Panakareao, including Mangonui. I mentioned my fear that there was some mistake; that I knew the places and the residents; that I had no idea that Panakareao had any claim to those places, and that I feared there would be fighting amongst the people.
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When I had taken leave, he observed to the Maori Secretary,-- "What business had Mr. Williams to interfere in this matter?" When told this, I determined to have nothing further to do with their errors; they might act as best they could. A few months after this, contending parties assembled at Oruru, and commenced fighting. Waka came to me, and asked me to accompany him to Oruru, to stop further proceedings. Remembering Governor Hobson's observation, I said that in olden times I should have been glad to do so; but that times were changed. This conversation took place at the Kerikeri. On my return to Paihia the following day, Wharerahi came to me, stating that Ngapuhi were going to Oruru, he wished me to accompany them. Considering this a more public request, I consented. The following day we were off; about fifteen canoes, I in my boat; we were three nights on the way. Early on the fourth day, we landed between the contending parties, who were fighting on the beach; several were killed and wounded; they separated shortly after our arrival.
In the afternoon, Whai, a chief related to both parties, and myself, with others, were deputed to Panakareao's party. Speeches were delivered during the whole night. At the first peep of day, the peace party were on the stir, and before noon all was quiet. Peace was established on the condition that Panakareao should relinquish all claim to that place, and that Government should deliver up the purchase deeds. These were accordingly conveyed to Oruru, and destroyed in the presence of the chiefs. This question has remained quiet ever since, Panakareao keeping the payment.
I do not know of a chief on his own authority disposing of land, without leading to a serious disturbance. In this instance, to avoid further complications, Governor Hobson had to cancel the deed of sale, sacrificing the money paid for the land. It is noteworthy that the Waitara war, involving such momentous consequences to the Colony, arose from a transaction of a similar nature,--Teira selling land to the Government on his own authority, without previous consent by the tribe.
The following is an extract from the Archdeacon's official report.
In April, 1843, I accompanied Ngapuhi, at their request, to Oruru, in consequence of a war which broke out in that quarter between Nopera Panakareao, a chief of the Rarawa, residing at Kaitaia, and certain parties of Ngapuhi, living at Oruru. The war had been occasioned by Nopera desiring to force Ngapuhi from that part of the country, where they had been residing peaceably for
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about thirty years by right of conquest. It is much to be regretted that Nopera exhibited much obstinacy to the remonstrance of all his friends, and shewed a determination to carry his point at the hazard of his christian character. Several were killed on either side, and the country around became desolate, the crops being destroyed. The leading chiefs therefore of Ngapuhi felt that it was needful to bring these evils to a close, and stop further proceedings, by withdrawing their friends from Oruru, the land in dispute, and requiring that Nopera and his party should also retire from the same place, leaving it unoccupied. I was much pleased with the disposition shewn by the tribes from the Bay of Islands and Hokianga to obtain peace, though their advantage in point of numbers was very considerable. The killed and wounded were by them treated with every respect, and restored to their friends. It is to be feared that serious evil will result from this war to the whole of this part of the country, but more particularly to the Rarawa.
Mr. Williams' journal supplies details. But he does not tell us that in his endeavours to stop the fight, he was in the thick of it; under fire from both sides. 10 In his own accounts, he minimises his own work throughout.
Friday, March 31, 1843. Mr. Kemp mentioned that the chiefs wanted me to accompany them to Oruru. In the afternoon went over to Kororareka; saw a few of the natives. They were much changed in their behaviour, and spoke of my going to the North. In the evening Wharerahi came over to see me about proceeding with Ngapuhi.
April 1. Wharerahi and I went up to Otuihu to see Kawiti; he was not there. Saw Pomare; returned with the old man to Kororareka; saw the chiefs generally; concluded to move as soon as the weather appeared favourable.
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April 5. At committee. Received message from Ngapuhi that they should move in the morning.
April 6. Fine; preparing for departure; no movement amongst the canoes. In the evening a message,--Ngapuhi to proceed in the morning. Edward Williams arrived in the evening. Heard that the Bishop had returned from Oruru, and was to proceed in the morning to Auckland, over land.
April 7. At daylight all in motion; canoes off early, with fine wind at South-East. At 8-30 took departure. Mr. Burrows came when off Tapeka, to deliver two letters for Kaitaia and Whangaroa. Over-took the canoes at Waihihi; remained about an hour. One of the Pikopo Priests in company. Continued our course, and landed at Matauri, where we met Captain Butler going to the Bay. All the Europeans had left Mangonui. Natives assembled at Oruru; whether peace or war, not known.
April 8. Fine; moved off at sunrise, Pikopo taking his seat in Rewa's canoe. Landed on a point, and cooked food. The canoes not in sight. After waiting two hours, went in quest of Ngapuhi; found them in a snug bay, secure for the morrow. Tents up, and all comfortable. Long korero with Rewa. Pikopo moving up and down keeping watch. In the evening, rang the bell for prayers; Pikopo did the same. Long conversation in the evening with several natives at the tent door.
Monday, April 10. Fine; at daylight all on the move. Took breakfast in the boat, having a fire with us. A fine breeze as we drew near Oruru. About ten observed considerable firing on the long sandy beach, and soon saw that the two parties were fighting. On our landing they separated, when we heard that the Rarawa had passed near to the pa of Ngapuhi in defiance, which brought on the conflict. We learnt that about ten of the Rarawa had fallen, besides wounded, and one killed of Ngapuhi. Much confusion for some hours, all talking together. In the afternoon, Whai and I were deputed to go to the Rarawa, and see if they were now disposed for peace. We had about an hour's walk to them. Mr. Clarke and Mr. Matthews came to meet us, followed by the whole party of the Rarawa fully armed,--a formidable body of about four hundred men. After the infernal dance, we proceeded to the kainga. Many speeches were made. Those of the Rarawa were not good. Mr. Clarke, Mr. Matthews, and I left them at a late hour for some refreshments, glad to be relieved from them for a short time.
April 11. Fine morning. Went early to the natives. Panakareao in a better humour, but obstinate. Papahia and Witi disposed to go to Ngapuhi. We accordingly proceeded--a goodly number. When we came in sight of the Ngapuhi pa, no flag was flying, at which our party demurred. A messenger was dispatched to them, when two white flags were hoisted, and the party moved
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on. They were received most graciously. Many speeches were made on both sides. Some fine old men present.
April 12. All the natives talking through the night. Papahia and his party returned to the Rarawa, and all the Hokianga party returned home. Captain Butler and Mr. J. Busby called.
April 13. Fine. The camp more quiet, though but little sleep. At noon Mr. Puckey came to fetch me to Kaitaia, where we arrived by sunset; all well. Passed through several plantations destroyed by the parties passing to and fro, in consequence of the war.
Good Friday, April 14. Fine morning. Service at eleven o'clock; good congregation. Papahia's party returned to their place. Had conversation with several persons upon the evil of war. The church an important building, and neat.
Sunday, April 16. Fine. Three services, besides the baptism of six European children. Felt weary in the evening. Saw Panakareao, who was unwell, and low in spirits.
April 17. Wind N.W., and rain until eleven o'clock, when we prepared to take leave, as the weather cleared up; had a pleasant ride, and arrived at Ngapuhi camp by dusk. All were quiet, but anxious to learn the news from the Rarawa, which was given to them. They appeared to be satisfied.
April 18. Fine. Every one talking through the night, and much firing of guns. At the dawn of day the camp was set on fire, and all prepared to depart. A little after sunrise every one out of the river. We soon rounded the headland of the Bay on our way home, with a fair wind. We landed at Paihia at seven o'clock, after a pleasant voyage.
This unlucky land purchase led to further consequences,--to disaffection among settlers as well as among natives. The settlers had been long in the habit of purchasing, undisturbed, from the natives, kauri pine trees, for spars; at that period the chief article of export from New Zealand. On the 2nd July, 1841, Governor Hobson issued a proclamation, forbidding the cutting of timber on the lands supposed to have been acquired by the Government. But four months later, appeared a proclamation of a general, and more stringent nature. It shall be given in full, as a memorial of early times, and of the freaks of "new-born honour."
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NEW ZEALAND GOVERNMENT GAZETTE,
Auckland, Wednesday, November 3, 1841.
Colonial Secretary's Office,
Auckland, October 30, 1841.
Whereas all land purchased from the Natives in the Islands of New Zealand have become vested in, and are now the property of, the Crown.
And whereas by an Act of the Imperial Parliament, passed in the reign of his late Majesty King George the Fourth, it is enacted that if any person shall steal, or shall cut, break, root up, or otherwise destroy and damage, with intent to steal the whole, or any part of any tree, sapling or underwood, of a certain value, shall be guilty felony, and shall be liable on conviction to the punishment of transportation.
And whereas serious depredation has been committed in the forests of New Zealand,--and whereas her Majesty has been pleased to direct that effectual means should be taken for the preservation of Kauri Pine for the use of the British navy.
Now, his Excellency the Governor directs it to be notified that all persons found stealing, cutting, or destroying Kauri Pine, with intent to steal the same, within the Colony of New Zealand, will be prosecuted with the utmost rigour of the law.
Now, it is hereby also notified that a reward of £5 (five pounds) will be given to any person who will give such information as shall lead to the conviction of any person or persons so offending.
By his Excellency's command,
This Proclamation, says Mr. Williams, tended seriously to disturb and irritate the minds of all classes of the community, and Walker Nene particularly declared at Hokianga, a Kauri district, that, if the Governor were present, he would cut down a kauri tree before him, to see how he would act.
The proclamation was well meant, directed, seemingly, against the waste of timber,--the wealth of the Northern district. But it was made in ignorance of facts, and inopportune in time; the destruction of an industry. Timber was not then being wasted, but utilised. It was also private property, over which the Government had no right. It is true, however, that of late years Europeans are chargeable with much wanton destruction among the forests; to put an end to which, a Bill was introduced into the New Zealand Parliament of 1874, not a day too soon. Strange to
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say, it met with bitter opposition, on the alleged ground that it abridged Provincial and Superintendental rights.
In a letter to Mr. Marsh, Mr. Williams mentions the amount of land awarded to his family by the Commissioners, under a scale prescribed by law; 7,010 acres, out of 11,000 purchased. This was the first award; twice altered at subsequent periods, to meet corresponding alterations in the Colonial Ordinances. The award was accepted without demur, though contrasting strongly with the liberality shewn in New South Wales, where the Colonial chaplains received, for each son, in free grant, 2,560 acres, and for each daughter, 1,280 acres. This, for Mr. Williams' family, would have amounted in all to 21,760 acres. The Church Mission Society had endeavoured, though without success, to get their New Zealand missionaries placed on the same footing with the chaplains in New South Wales.
Upon the question of land, the Bishop and Mr. Williams were, at this time, seemingly quite agreed.
Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
Paihia, February 25, 1843.
You will be grieved to hear of the loss the Mission has had to sustain, lately. We had this week the news confirmed of the death of Mr. Mason, in Cook's Straits; drowned while attempting to cross a river. Mr. Hadfield was with him, and was nearly lost also, in the attempt to save his companion.
The quantity of land allowed by the Government is 7,010 acres. By a recent "Government Gazette," Sydney, there appear four portions of land to the daughters of clergymen, each portion 1,280 acres. This is a grant without purchase. Our land is less than half of this, though purchased by ourselves. The sum of money allowed by the Society, and paid by me for land, is £20. All the remainder is from my private funds. I am sorry they have not let this subject drop. The Bishop has entered freely upon all subjects connected with land, and every thing else. I am happy to say that in no case has our opinion differed; that is, He and I.
The Bishop's troubles were already gathering in; the first of them, as might have been expected, arising from the imperium in imperio. He had desired to establish himself on the Society's land
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at Waimate; the Church Mission Society were determined that he should not get a footing there. It might be the cuckoo-egg in the hedgesparrow's nest. They foresaw what in diplomatic parlance are termed "complications," and resolved upon keeping clear. A very reasonable determination, if the two powers were to continue in rivalry; the mistake was, in perpetuating a system of double government. Mr. Williams, who did not understand two captains to one ship, gave his support to the Bishop. And this, even though the idea was already dawning on his mind, that the Bishop was fond of power, and not altogether perfect. But, as no man is perfect, he was not disappointed.
Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
April 18, 1844.
Our good Bishop does not appear at all pleased at the recent despatches received from the Church Mission Society. There are difficulties; and how they may be met, I cannot see. I have a great opinion of him as a Bishop. His views are clear, and judgment very correct, and I believe his heart is as thoroughly in his work as that of any Missionary. He labours night and day, and his kindness is parental and extreme. I have never yet seen his equal; one to whom I could cheerfully submit entire direction, were it considered needful. He is one who forms his judgment not upon hearsay, but by personal knowledge and acquaintance of things around. Yet, knowing that he is not a perfect man, I am not disappointed when I see that all is not perfect. I am thankful that hitherto the Bishop has not mentioned any thing at variance with my opinions, though there is no question he is fond of power; and, when once his mind is made up upon any question, I doubt the possibility of altering it.
My children, I rejoice to say, are getting on in their several departments. Edward has cares springing up around him. He is blessed with an excellent wife, and has a fine boy. The other boys work hard, and I trust will not require much more assistance from me. I have mentioned to you that they are about to put up a water mill, which will be of high importance, and prove a settled occupation for one to look after. The mill will prove a general benefit to this part of the country, as there are no mills yet, and all are afraid to put one up.
In December, 1843, Captain Fitzroy arrived, as Governor. At a most unfortunate time for himself; for discontent was seething among the natives, an outbreak imminent; no means of making
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head against it; neither money or men wherewith to hold his own; not only the Company's settlers, but also those of the Government in angry mood, though from opposite motives. All was confusion; "a vigourous policy" was out of the question; there was nothing for it but to conciliate, if possible, and trust to the healing hand of time. An impotent demonstration of force would have lost the Colony. It may be said, that upon the whole Governor Fitzroy acted with prudence and judgment; and this at least is undeniable, that the worst of the trouble had been tided over, and that the country was fast recovering from its deep depression, before he left the Colony.
1844. Mr. Williams, having got clear, for a time, of Government business, was now able to give undivided attention once again to his own work. In January, he went upon a Northward tour, as far as Kaitaia. All seems to have gone on in ordinary routine till June, when, at the Bishop's request, he left his own district to take his brother's duty at Turanga; Archdeacon William Williams being wanted to take part in the revision of the New Testament. 11 The sending away "the peacemaker" was an error in judgment. His power over the native mind was not fully appreciated until it was missed. The flag-staff was cut down, for the first time, in his absence. The Bishop tried his hand at mediation; but, as might have been expected, the influence of a new-comer was null. The old men said that only Te Wiremu could set things straight again, though difficulties might have gone too far even for him. He came back from Turanga, but it was too late. The die was cast; the sense of respect towards the emblem of material power was broken through; the prestige was destroyed. In Maori view, Dagon, the fish-god from the sea, typical of England, had fallen. But even then, had Mr. Williams' advice been followed, had the Government acted at the first as they found themselves compelled to act at last, leaving the flag-staff where it lay, the war in the North might have been
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averted. He warned the Government against setting it up again until they should have sufficient force to protect it; his advice was unheeded, and his prediction came to pass. 12
Shortly after his return from Turanga, Mr. Williams was desired to take charge, as Archdeacon, of the Northern District, disagreement between the Bishop and the Society having occurred.
The Bishop to the Reverend Henry Williams.
St. John's College, Waimate, September 20, 1844.
Rev. and dear Sir,
Since you left Paihia, communications have been received by various persons from Salisbury-square, which have made it necessary for me to retire from the Waimate, and fix my residence at Auckland. As this will withdraw me from the personal supervision of the Northern District, I have to request that you will assist me by acting as Archdeacon of the Waimate, including the district North of Wangarei in your Archdeaconry. Your long experience and great influence with the natives will give me the greatest confidence in delegating to you the charge of this portion of my diocese. Archdeacon Brown is to be installed, God willing, on Sunday next, the 22nd September, at which time I should wish you to be present for the same purpose, if you will oblige me by accepting my proposal.
I remain, reverend and dear Sir,
Your very faithful friend and brother,
G. A. NEW ZEALAND.
Some correspondence, ranging over the whole year, is put together, for the sake of convenience; after which we shall return to the causes of the war in the North. The first of these letters concerns that which was to him, in the circumstances of the Colony, a most serious consideration,--the future of his family. Government employment for them, speaking the native language like their own, was to be had for asking; but he had objections to it. He desired to see them their own masters. Besides, he was already a grandfather; it was evident that something more permanent and secure than a small salary, dependent on caprice, was required. The young men were doing well on their farm, earning a competency; but there was still the possibility of their improvements being
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confiscated, and themselves ousted by the Government, at the bidding of the New Zealand Company. The confidence which is essential to progress had been destroyed.
Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
Paihia, February 20, 1844.
There is no choice here for young men. I had an offer the other day for Henry to be a Protector, with a salary of £150, but I was so glad to have Edward free from the society of those he was amongst, that I declined the favour. Samuel will, I believe, join the Bishop's party at the Waimate, to see how study agrees with him. He is a steady, good lad. We are glad to hear of your spirited conduct relative to the erecting of a church at Southwell. Should I live so long, I hope to commence a church at Pakaraka in about four years' time, as my children may be in a state of multiplication so as to make it necessary. I could almost like to go there myself, and finish my days with them. I shall call upon my English friends for assistance towards my church.
The next letter makes reference to a matter which caused some soreness in after-time,--the endowment by Mr. Williams and his family of a church at Pakaraka, putting the endowment fund into trust, and reserving the presentation to the family. The Bishop, when his Church Constitution was being framed, spread his broad net for catching all church monies in one haul, subjecting the whole of the church expenditure to central controul, and was much vexed when he found the symmetry of his system marred by an outstanding endowment. The endowment remains private, to the present day; but when the church was rebuilt, in 1873, the liberal feeling of the Bishop's successor, in consenting to perform the re-opening service, was gratefully acknowledged.
Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
Turanga, Poverty Bay, July 25, 1844.
We are looking out with some expectancy for the Bishop's charge, when we may learn more clearly his Lordship's views. As yet all has been very smooth and quiet; and the good man has gone to work with the strength of a giant in the discharge of true and faithful missionary work. He has laboured hard, and set us all a noble example. I may certainly say that he does the work of the best two Missionaries I have ever known. He richly earns the £600 per annum allowed by the Church Mission Society. I told him he must take better care of himself if he expects to last,
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which is strictly the duty of a soldier, though to be always ready for any work to which he may be called to engage. I suppose that you, like myself, are getting on in years. We hear the snow is gathering around your brow. I exhibit some signs of frost myself, and by some am called an old man. I feel it needful to count my days. There are many younger in the field, who must continue the work which is begun. I did feel some time since a willingness to retire, but the arrival of the Bishop has done us much good, and given us fresh vigour. I hope he is no Puseyite; I believe he is not; time will shew, and may God continue to him grace and vigour for his important work . . .
I am happy to say, my boys are not afraid of work, and their farm is spoken of as the first in New Zealand. I saw the Governor (FitzRoy) when in Auckland, on my way down here; he was extremely gracious, and told me the children 13 should have nine thousand acres of land. 14 I trust all will now go on well. I hope, should I live, in four years from this to commence the erection of a stone church at Pakaraka, with the prospect of a clergyman being permanently established there. We are desirous of giving any quantity of land which may be required as an endowment, besides an annual sum. The Bishop will, if he please, give in proportion to what we contribute; but there is a question which has lately presented itself,--how far it should be given into the Bishop's hands. I should prefer its being the property of the Church Mission Society, freeing them from any expense, or, as in England, reserving the presentation in the family, or in trustees. I should like your opinion upon this, before I say anything further to the Bishop, as I do not wish to have a chance of a Puseyite man getting among my children and grandchildren.
In October, Archdeacon Williams was placed by Governor FitzRoy in communication with Sir Everard Home, commanding the "North Star." The friendship formed between these two excellent men was never abated. It was the more valuable to Archdeacon Williams, for that Sir Everard, having ample opportunity, had taken much pains to get at the real truth of all questions connected with the war.
Governor FitzRoy to Archdeacon Henry Williams.
October 22, 1844.
My dear Sir,--I have asked Sir Everard Home to call on you, and I beg that you will allow me to introduce him. A more discreet, right-minded man you will seldom meet.
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I have told him that he cannot have better opinions or advice than your own, in respect of any New Zealand affairs.
I remain, my dear Sir,
Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
Paihia, November 30, 1844.
We are drawing near to the close of the year, and about to commence a new period of time. I returned from Turanga about two months since, and found a large party of Missionaries at the Waimate, preparing for their departure to their respective stations. I am sorry, very sorry on my arrival here, to learn the way in which the good Bishop had been treated by expulsion from the Waimate. How could this have taken place? Who could have given consent for such a movement? The whole settlement had been let by Mr. Kempthorne to the Bishop for seven years, with the store, for the no small sum of £400 a year, the Bishop undertaking to keep the premises in repair, which would be worth nearly £200 per annum in addition, besides a general improvement to the whole estate, as well as to this part of the country. The whole establishment was progressing in a masterly manner. The advancement of the native institution was very pleasing. The native boys the Bishop had taken with him. The girls' school remains at the Waimate, and, I hope, will be carried on with vigour. I am happy to say that in consequence of Mr. Kemp declining to take charge of this institution, my son Edward and his wife have come forward to try what they can do. They have a very pleasing assemblage of children; we hope to fetch up the number to a hundred, increasing to two hundred. It may seem singular to you in England, the effort required to assemble a hundred children, but so it is. They are a scanty few, and considerable reluctance has been shewn to their being brought by their parents and friends. But one very sad point in the native character is, that after every effort has been made for the improvement of their general state, after our being led to hope we have now accomplished a good work, down they fall like the barometer by a sudden change of wind. We have made many attempts to shew them the advantage of possessing cattle and sheep. The wool for wearing, oxen for cultivating their land, cows for the sake of milk for their little ones; but no; the putting up of fences is so much trouble in their estimation, that they prefer continuing their old indolent habits. I call their attention to the work of my own boys at their farm, at which they express approval, and say they are a brave set of lads, who know how to work; but that they have different ideas. The fact of the matter is, the natives have but few wants, and are too indolent to work
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unless by fits and starts. They do not understand steady regular work. The Bishop, having the reins in his own hand, intends commencing on a broad scale, and possessing a great mind and great means, both in money and men, he will accomplish much. He will introduce amongst them every trade he may have at command. The girls' school will be at Waimate, where, amongst other accomplishments, they will learn to spin. Your godson Samuel is admitted as a student of St. John's College, Auckland. The Bishop is much pleased with him, and so am I. He is a good steady lad, of very correct principles. He has not cost me a shilling since he was off the Society's books, when he attained his fifteenth year, and bears his own expenses with the Bishop. This may appear rather paradoxical, how he paid his way and yet never received any assistance. The lad was very diligent, and, like Jacob, his cattle multiplied beyond all others; so also his crops. He has established his name; I trust he will keep it, and make a good and useful Missionary. The Bishop has laid violent hands on Leonard, 15 whom, when old enough, he will admit to holy orders. My daughter Marianne, with her husband and son, is about to remove to Tauranga, where they are to be stationed. In your last letter you notice the land question, and recommend a plain, clear, and correct statement. My friends here generally charge me with the fault of being too plain in my statements; I think my friend D. Coates cannot say but that I have been both clear and correct in this matter, which has long since, here, died a natural death. The Governor paid me a high compliment some time since, and stated that my young men were well deserving all the land they could possibly require. They have taken the lead amongst the settlers here, though the Colony is in a state of decay, and many are ruined. I am thankful to say that my boys appear quite content in the society of the Mission families, and with those also of the Bishop's party. Their credit stands high, having no debts nor anything to do with bills of exchange, the very bane of a new Colony. Henry and Thomas have excellent abilities, and are well advanced in their studies.
Henry Williams to Mrs. Heathcote.
Paihia, December 10, 1844.
We expect our hive again to swarm to-morrow, another clearout; six members of our family going to Auckland, and I am taking a run for a fortnight down the coast. We have been in high bustle, as ours is the only town in this parish; there is therefore plenty to do. Our dear child Marianne is now about to leave us for Tauranga, with her little lively boy. I have but a moment to say a word in which I must thank you for all your kind attention. I
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wish I knew if you had been paid or not by our old friend, Dandeson Coates; but in January I will fund £50, and would send the whole, if I only knew how much. Your church account I am delighted with. It is a grand affair, and I wish you every consolation in your great work. But you must not be surprised at opposition, for it would not be a good work unless there were opposition. We have had it, and continue to have it, more or less; but how much more so those of old. You will be sorry to hear of the removal of the Bishop from this neighbourhood. We have felt it very much, but trust that all these things will work together for good.
I am about to forward a few pounds to the Protestant Association, and hope to be able to collect a good sum for them. The Pastoral Aid Society appear to claim our assistance. The world is in great commotion at this time; when shall we have universal peace? May you possess that peace the world knoweth not of.
THE WAR IN THE NORTH.--HEKE.
We now revert to the cause, or rather to the causes, of the war in the North, which have been so seriously misrepresented; partly through want of knowledge, partly with a view to effecting a sinister political purpose. The incidents shall be taken, not from blue books--the most unreliable of evidence; not from despatches, the value of which depends upon the credibility of the writer, but from the oral testimony of actors in the drama.
A distinction must be drawn, at the outset, between Heke's and Kawiti's war; 16 waged side by side, rather than in concert, as will presently be shewn, and prompted by essentially different motives.
We left Heke at Taipa, engaged in hostilities with Nopera Panakareao, coming off with advantage, and adding greatly to his fame. This quarrel being made up, through Missionary mediation, Heke, ever restless and turbulent, returned to his old ways, seeking pretexts for armed interference, to keep his followers in training; turning them out "to play," 17 to keep their hands in for aggression. He had constituted himself a Court of Inquisition: wherever he could hear of an offence, he would come down upon the offender with a taua, on the plea of administering justice.
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But, under this, he nourished one consistent purpose--satisfaction of the grudge he bore the Government for the hanging of Maketu. His disturbance of the deliberations at Paihia has been already described; worsted upon that occasion, he watched every fresh chance as it arose.
Meanwhile he got himself into a quarrel with a cousin of his own--Kahakaha, a chief of Kaikohe. Many efforts were made by other chiefs towards the restoration of friendly feeling, but with out success. At length Ruhe, father of Maketu, re-appears upon the scene. Presenting himself to Heke, he broke into song, as with the authority of a prophet of old.
Kaore te Aroha
Te panga mai ki ahau
Me he ahi e tahu.
Kei Hukanui 18
Tenei ka tata mai.
Kei tohu mai, e Kiri 19
Kei te au ko te moe.
Kei te mata tu tonu
I te roa o te po.
Kai toropuku ai
Te aroha i ahau.
E kore ra e puakina
Kei rangona e te tini.
To putanga ki waho ra,
Ka tohu aku mata,
Nga parae ka takoto
Ki Tauwhare 20
Ko te ara tonu ia,
I whanatu ai koe.
Te whare o Rawhirawhi. 21
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Kei riri e whae;
He nui para haere.
Mau ano te tinana,
Maku te ata;
O te tapara kau atu--e e e.
The song itself, couched in the mystical old Maori style, a series of dark sayings, covert allusions--the hieratic language of the country, would now be understood by few. Paraphrased, rather than translated, its meaning 22 is thus supplied by Edward Williams.
Oh, whence this overpowering love
That palpitates within my breast?
Did ever stronger passion move,
Or deeper thought disturb one's rest?
Ah, no! It burns within like fire,
A ceaseless preying on the mind.
How, then, can I restrain my ire,
Forget the past, and feel resigned?
Tho', Moka, 23
thou art far removed,
Unkenned on Hukanui's plains,
My love for thee has constant proved;
Devoted, true, it yet remains.
Thou fond attendant on my dreams,
I hold thy cherished mem'ry dear;
A conscious feeling, strange it seems,
Tells me that thou art ever near.
Ah! think not, Kiri, 24
that I sleep,
As one forgetful of the past;
Drear vigils night by night I keep,
My love for him shall ever last.
It feeds upon my heart; destroys
My peace, and weighs me low;
My every thought it thus employs,
For t'was to me a heavy blow.
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I think not to obtain relief
By telling this to vulgar ears;
'Tis not for all to share my grief,
'Tis not for all to know my fears.
'Twas only when I saw thee armed,
"Tauwhare's" plains appeared to view,
Where deeds of valour, once performed,
Reverted to my mind anew.
I know thou art a warrior bold,
Rejoicing in the din of war;
Thy deeds, though left as yet half told,
Have struck the foe with direful awe.
I fain would link my fate to thine,
Enlist on " Rawhirawhi's" 25
Whose star shall rise, and brightly shine,
Whose footsteps victory shall guide.
Quench not my zeal, oh long tried friend!
But tread the warpath stern and bold,
Nor fear mishap, nor doubt the end;
Men never wavered thus of old.
There's work of moment to be done,
For which I name thee principal;
My name avails to bear you on;
Then haste; at once obey the call.
Chanted by Ruhe, it acted as a spell; it had touched the right chord. Reconciliation at once took place; the dispute was merged in the more sacred duty of avenging their relative and countryman. Heke was to be principal, and strike the blow; Kahakaha 26 was to join him, openly; Ruhe 27 to lay by, giving his moral support.
The first question was how to get a take,--a sufficient cause of quarrel. A good pretext was soon found.
We now turn back to a parallel chain of events. Early in 1844, two American whalers had been seized for smuggling, and heavily
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fined. 28 Barter with the whalers had been the chief trade of the natives of the Bay of Islands district. Mayhew, the Acting American Consul, told Pomare, his particular trading chief, that in consequence of these fines, the whalers would all leave port, and that he himself would take the earliest opportunity of leaving; 29 that the root of the evil was the flag-staff, flying the Queen's flag; that the country [whenua] was gone to the Queen, and that the natives were no longer their own masters, but slaves to the Queen. Pomare took this much to heart, and held consultation with Pukututu, 30 how the evils of the flag-staff might be stayed. They went to the Rawhiti to consult Ngapuhi, 31--Rewa, Wharerahi, Moka, Whai, Kemara, and other chiefs. Rawhiti sympathised in feeling, but could not see their way clearly as to what should be done. The question was left open, but there seemed no danger of active opposition.
Haratua 32 now appears on the scene. He had been deputed by Heke,--the self-appointed administrator of Justice, to make a complimentary taua upon Kemara, on account of one of Kemara's wives, who had puremu-ed [been unfaithful]. When the customary muru and korero [stripping and high conclave] had been disposed of, Kemara commissioned Haratua to carry a message from himself to Heke, exhorting him to desist from petty depredation, and to turn his mind to the one great question--Te Hu's [Mayhew's] word to Pomare about the flag-staff, which alone was worthy of his weapon.
Heke, backed by Ruhe, and invited by Kemara, now saw his way more clear. One matter only remained for consideration, what sort of opposition,--feeble or determined, might be expected from the pakeha, the Government and the settlers. He had to feel
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his way. With this intent he sought a pretext for a taua--a raid upon the white man.
It happened that a slave girl belonging to Heke, Kotiro by name, was living at Kororareka with a butcher named Lord. Heke, having a colourable right, determined to try the experiment of taking her away. A karere [messenger] was sent ahead, to announce the intention; Heke to follow with a troup of his young men. The message was delivered to the woman in the butcher's shop, where several fat hogs were hanging up. Kotiro answering contemptuously of their power to take her away, pointing to one of the hogs, said, ina a Heke [that is Heke]. (This, to a chief, is as gross an insult as could well be offered,--a tapatapa.) Upon the report being made, Heke forthwith came down upon Lord for payment. Satisfaction was refused: for several days Heke and his mob remained in the town, on the plea of persisting in the demand, but, in reality, feeling their way, trying the temper of the pakeha by bullying, swaggering in and out of the shops, and so forth. As matters were looking serious, the Mission were called in. By their advice, the matter was settled, the demand being "correct," according to Maori usage. But the delay had afforded time to the hostile natives to satisfy themselves that no serious resistance was to be apprehended; and the flag-staff was cut down, a first time, September 16, 1844. 33
Cut down; but not by Heke. Shortly after the taua upon Lord and Kotiro, Heke chanced to meet Archdeacon William Williams, for whom he entertained a strong personal regard. The Archdeacon brought his influence to bear, and Heke, who was soft-hearted to kind words, promised to return quietly to Kaikohe. But his followers, on their way back from the Rawhiti, having been satisfied that there was no hindrance in that quarter, landed at Tapeka, resolved to do the deed. Heke remained in his canoe, alleging that he had pledged his word to Archdeacon William Williams, and
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would keep it. Whereupon Haratua jumped up, axe in hand, ran up the hill with a few followers, and cut the flag-staff down.
Governor FitzRoy obtained from Sydney a re-enforcement of two hundred soldiers. The intention was to march them into Kaikohe, and to seize Heke; but Walker Nene and other friendly chiefs interposed. A meeting was held at Waimate, Governor FitzRoy present. Walker pledged himself that, if the Governor would send the troops back, no harm should befall the Europeans, and urged consideration of the Customs grievance, which alone--and not animosity to the settlers, had caused the quarrel. The Governor, rightly estimating the value of Walker Nene's adhesion, complied with both requests. He sent back the troops, and declared the Bay a free port. The flag-staff was set up again, and suffered, for a while, to remain in peace.
The "rising of Kawiti" is a distinct affair, beginning this wise. Some runaway sailors from the whaling fleet were supposed to be secreted in the house of Mr. B--, at Otuihu, who was living with Kohu, a sister of Hori Kingi Tahua, daughter of the celebrated chief, Whareumu. 34 The aid of the police was called in to retake them. A boat's-crew with police landed at Otuihu in the middle of the night, and forced their way into the house when the inmates were all asleep. A scuffle ensued, during which this woman accidentally received a slight wound in the finger, drawing blood. This act was considered by the chiefs as a kohuru [a "murderous attack without warning"]. Blood having been drawn, there was justifiable cause for demanding utu of the Government. On the following day, a party went to Russell, saw the Resident Magistrate, stated their grievance, and demanded in satisfaction a case of tobacco. The Government declined to acknowledge Maori law; but offered some dressing for the woman's hand. The natives remained the day, according to etiquette, this being a first demand, to be followed by two more successive demands, before any further step should
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be taken by the aggrieved party. A second and a third demand were made, each day in terms more stringent. On the last occasion Tahua said to the Magistrate, "the next time you see me, you will accede to my terms." On their way home, they landed at Omata, Captain Wright's place, and seized eight or ten horses belonging to him. These were taken to Kawiti, as chief man, and thence distributed among the subsections of the tribe. The Government had now to act. Mr. Williams was consulted. He advised that utu ought to have been paid, the demand being in accordance with Maori custom, with which he himself had felt bound to comply on a former occasion. Mr. Williams, appointed mediator, succeeded in arranging that a horse 35 should be given, in payment for the blood drawn, and that the stolen horses should be restored. So the matter ended for the while. But the Maori had begun to find out the weakness of the pakeha. They had also tasted the sweets of plunder. Also the nightly koreros [talks] held over this affair, had influenced their minds, turning their thoughts to some united course of action, under Kawiti as leader. This put Heke, who had hitherto considered himself as entitled to that position, on his mettle. He was not going to allow the lead to be snatched out of his hand. 36 During the lull, Heke took the opportunity of pushing himself to the front again, and with his own people cut down the flag-staff.
Seeing how popular Kawiti had become through sanctioning plunder, Haratua headed a party, without Heke's sanction, and drove away Captain Hingstone's horses. Another horse-stealing party was headed by Ruku. For these there had been no provocation.
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Thus there were two rival chiefs, each bent upon coming to issue with the pakeha, each deeming himself entitled to lead, and each endeavouring to outstrip the other. Heke was already at the head of a party of armed men, encamped at the Ti. He declared against the flag-staff only, disavowing all intention of molesting the settlers. Kawiti's object was to drive the settlers out of the place, giving a loose to plunder. Heke carried with him, at least in sympathy, the greater part of Ngapuhi, the more honourable of the tribes. With Kawiti were the less scrupulous. Moreover, Heke had a personal dislike to Kawiti; consequently there was long a difficulty in effecting amalgamation, which only came at last through the exigencies of war. Heke and Kawiti joined camps at Te Uruti, near Kororareka; Heke to attack the flag-staff, Kawiti to attack the town.
For the fourth time, the flag-staff was cut down; 37 it lay where it fell, until raised again, of his own accord, by Kawiti's son, Marsh Brown, in January, 1858, under Governor Browne. 38
Such was the origin of the war in the North, set forth at greater length than can be allowed for the war itself, to which incidental allusions only will be made. For this is a memoir, and not a history. But the details which have been given are strictly pertinent to the subject, affecting the main question with which we shall be presently concerned,--whether disparaging statements, put forth by authority, about the cause of the war, were TRUE or FALSE.
Another of Archdeacon Williams' "Reminiscences" supplies particulars of the police affray at Otuihu.
THE NIGHT ATTACK OF THE POLICE AT KAWAKAWA.
This event brought to issue the irritation of the natives. The police boat, with the sergeant of police and four men, was ordered to the Kawakawa to apprehend an European, residing by the side of
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the river, though not in the pa. The boat arrived some time after dark, the natives say midnight, that is, some time after they had fallen asleep. The police were armed with swords, and forced open the door of the pakeha's house. Kohu, sister of Hori Kingi Tahua, son of Whareumu and mokopuna [grandchild] of Kawiti, was in the house with some other women; they were alarmed at seeing some armed white men, the light of the fire shewing their swords, and attempted to rush out of the house. In the scuffle, the finger of Hori Kingi's sister was cut, drawing blood, which, though never so little, is by Maori law a serious aggravation of offence. Not finding the man they were seeking, the police returned to Kororareka. The natives in the pa, so soon as they heard of the affair, were very indignant, denouncing the transaction as a kohuru, coming without notice and in the night, and declared that, had they been aware, they would have fired on the boat. These people had been always on the most friendly terms with the Europeans.
The following day, Hori Kingi, with a party of men, came to the Resident Magistrate at Kororareka for redress, on account of the assault. The Magistrate treated the subject with great indifference, said they had better put a piece of rag on the cut finger; it would soon get well. Kingi demanded compensation for the assault; on being refused, he left in anger, saying that he should call again the next day.
On the morrow Hori Kingi returned with a strong party; some rough language was used, but with no better success. After long discussion, Kingi observed, this is my second demand for compensation for the assault on my sister by the police; I shall call once more, when you will attend to my demand.
On the following day Kingi came again with a large party, armed. The magistrate now became alarmed; so also were the inhabitants of Kororareka. He came over to Paihia for advice: I said that as there had been undoubtedly an assault on the part of the police, the more quietly it was settled the better. I mentioned a circumstance which had occurred at Pakaraka, in the killing of a pig, for which a colt worth £10 had been given, the European being in the wrong. The magistrate was perplexed and displeased, but there was no alternative, and a colt was given to the worth of £10, though with bad grace. This circumstance rankled in the minds of the people, who were already only too well disposed to combine. Heke, before unwilling, now resolved to make common cause with Kawiti. From this date all was excitement throughout the district, and a second attack upon the flag-staff was the result.
The narration of events is now interrupted by correspondence, introduced by way of comment.
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Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
January 24, 1845.
In our work we are sorely beset and hindered. For some time past there has been a general laxity amongst our Christian natives, a resuming of the old dances and songs which we have seriously censured, warning them of the awful consequence of grieving the Spirit of the Lord. You will not therefore be surprised at hearing that the whole country is in commotion. Though we are of no party, we also, I presume, shall be involved in the general confusion. I have long seen the anomalous position of the Governor,--a name with no power. This served very well for a time; but the natives soon found the weakness of the English, and the consequence is that now they have set the Governor at open defiance. A party of fifty men and boys have cut down the signal-staff three times. All the tribes are under arms, some for the Government and some against. Troops are sent for with all the implements of war. As we stand between the two, I expect we shall have no favour from either. The Governor has more than once called upon the chiefs to take up his cause. There is much excuse to be made for Heke and those with him. There are many Europeans and Americans who have poisoned their minds with stories of other days, impressing them with the idea that their country was gone, and they themselves sold for slaves. Heke has been represented as a patriot, until he really believes himself to be such. I am glad that the Bishop and his party are off the ground, as he was grossly insulted by Heke and his impudent fellows. Samuel has taken his departure for the college, and will be admitted to orders in due time. My son-in-law, Christopher Davies, with his family, is at Tauranga, and has a large native school. Edward and his wife are at the Waimate, where they have charge of the native girls' school . . . It is astonishing to see Heke, how close he keeps to his Testament and Prayer Book. I am disposed to think he considers he is doing a good work, as, previous to his attack on the flag-staff, he asked a blessing on his proceedings; and after he had completed his mischief, he returned thanks for having strength for his work. But these are minor matters. You have your excitements, and in no small measure. It needs must that offences come. Some have expressed astonishment that persons who have been baptised, and who have been admitted to the Lord's Supper, should thus act. I remind them of their own country and people. This suffices for our own countrymen. In speaking to the natives, I call their attention to that enmity first spoken of as being placed between the seed of the serpent and the seed of the woman; that the word of God is true and undisturbed, and man alone is false. With those natives in immediate connection with myself, I am obliged to be severe;
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many consider me too much so; but I do not understand indifferent Christianity, indolent, filthy Christianity. I feel it necessary to prohibit all old customs; their dances, singing, and and tatu-ing, their general domestic disorders. In Auckland, the Europeans are fond of assembling large parties for the purpose of exhibiting their horrible dances, &c. Of course this has a most serious immoral effect upon their conduct as a christian people. I hope confidence may be again restored, though I fear several must be severely chastened and brought low. The poor Governor is sadly perplexed; he has neither power nor money; his credit is lost, and now taxes are levied to give some assistance, but there are only few who have any means of meeting these evils, the majority having nothing to pay with; so that between the natives on one side, taking what liberties they like, and the laws and regulations as to taxes on the other, the settlers are in a sad and fearful situation. I keep my boys as quiet as I can, but they do not feel quite comfortable, hearing much that is said, but not knowing to what extent these matters may be carried.
Governor Fitzroy trusted the Mission from the first, and was not afraid to shew it. Towards Archdeacon Williams, his feeling was of personal friendship. He never lost an opportunity, either as Governor, or afterwards, as a private gentleman in England, of vindicating the Mission from aspersion.
Governor FitzRoy to Archdeacon Henry Williams.
Government House, Auckland, February 18, 1845.
My dear Sir,--I consider that this country and Great Britain owe you deep gratitude for your untiring efforts to put mistaken people into the right track. I am in doubt whether you have had more difficulty with the natives than with our own misguided countrymen.
The Colonial Secretary and Mr. Beckham have expressed themselves warmly on these subjects, and have told me how much has depended on yourself alone. I was individually well aware of this, but it gratified me to read their written testimony.
I am anxious to pursue such a course as will not let down our authority and influence, while it will not tend to irritate a wounded place.
Time is necessary for full explanations, and gradual restoration of good feeling. I purpose acting on the defensive only for the present, in hopes that it may not become necessary to take ulterior measures.
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I send you Lord Stanley's original dispatches (in reference to the resolutions of seven members of the House of Commons), and the Parliamentary Report. 39 Pray return them at your convenience.
May the Almighty direct our humble efforts through His Son.
I remain, faithfully yours,
P.S.--Pray make any use you please of the enclosed papers, only taking care that I receive them again safely in the course of a month.
In a letter to the Bishop, the Archdeacon calls attention to the anomalous position of the Mission,--between two parties, exposed to suspicion from either side.
Henry Williams to the Bishop of New Zealand.
February 20, 1845.
My Lord,--I was much gratified to receive your very kind letter of the 12th instant on my return from Mangakahia, and hasten to reply to it. I hope your Lordship will be enabled to call at the Bay, previously to your long absence in the Straits, more particularly as our position becomes very critical, standing, as we do, between such conflicting passions. The position we formerly occupied was wholly confined to natives; we appear now to be called to a new and foreign course of proceeding; new certainly for clerical men, who must of necessity fall under the displeasure of all
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in turn. I have had a singular battle to fight, for I know not what other term to use, and, as a matter of course, have been accused as aiding and abetting these turbulent feelings,--well nigh cut down for having taken the part I did, relative to the Treaty, in 1840; the natives having been perpetually told that I had betrayed them in that act. I was compelled therefore to fall back upon the Treaty, and by explaining and distributing several copies amongst the chiefs, maintained my ground and the honor of the Queen, all acknowledging that the terms of the Treaty were good and honest. But for the timely distribution of the Treaty, I hesitate not to say that the native population to a man would have been in arms, and the question of possession might have been settled for a time by the extermination of all the Europeans in this part of the Island, leaving, as in the melancholy affair of Cabul, others at some future day to exact utu. Feeling, as I did, that the terms of the Treaty were a sacred compact between the British Government and the chiefs of New Zealand, I was enabled to speak with confidence as to the integrity and honour of England,--that it was impossible that the Queen or the Governor could admit of any tinihanga [tricky nonsense] towards them.
Your Lordship will be able to form some idea as to my feelings on reading last night that triumphant document, the "New Zealand Journal" for August 3rd, 1844. I was certainly overwhelmed with shame and confusion, considering we were betrayed and ruined, and our cause in New Zealand lost. This morning I was thankful to receive a packet from His Excellency the Governor, which set my mind at rest again upon this serious and important subject. To the Lord be all the praise.
Since the Treaty has been more particularly explained, I am happy to say that a large body of the natives disapprove of Heke's conduct, and say they will not join him, though they must not be expected to act against him. The Kawakawa natives have told me they shall come to this place on the first indication of mischief. Heke is expected at the Wahapu on Monday or Tuesday next, by invitation from certain Europeans. What this may lead to, we cannot surmise, but are not without our fears.
Considering, however, our political state, I am satisfied that good order may be established here as in any other country, yet not without means; but I must not enlarge on the subject. The weapons of our warfare are not carnal but spiritual. I believe that all these unhappy events shall work together for the good of the people and the glory of God, if we seek His glory, and the good of His people, in deed and in truth.
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THE SACKING OF KORORAREKA.
The town of Kororareka 40 is built upon a strip of beach, less than a mile in length, closed in at the south end by a hill rising from Mataawi Bay, and at the north end by the flag-staff hill. In rear of the town is swampy ground, and the Oneroa beach: in a military point of view, it may be treated as an island, secure from attack, unless with the use of boats or canoes. On the flag-staff hill was built the upper block-house, defending the flag-staff. Halfway down the hill was the lower block-house, built by the people of the place, and therefore placed under command of a civilian; on the flat was Mr. Polack's house, temporarily converted into a stockade. At the opposite end of the town, on the Mataawi hill, a picket was placed. At anchor, in front of the beach, lay the shipping.
This short description should suffice to render intelligible a brief account of the contest. 41
On the evening of the 10th [March, 1845], Archdeacon Williams informed the police magistrate that the natives intended to make their attack on the morrow, in four divisions. On the same evening, Mr. Gilbert Mair, a justice of the peace, arrived from the Wahapu, bearing the intelligence that the attack was to be next morning, at dawn of day, in four or five divisions. Captain Robertson, commander of H.M.S. "Hazard," when told that the town might be taken, said, "They shall pass over my body first." And they did. It is an error to suppose that there was any surprise: all, soldiers, sailors, and civilians, were at their places on the morrow, though a few had passed the night in riot.
On the 11th, in the first grey of the morning, according to Maori usage, the attack was made, in three divisions, the combined force amounting to about six hundred. Heke, true to his principles, confined his attention to the flag-staff, which passed through
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the centre of the block-house roof. 42 He lay in ambush the greater part of the night, so close to the pathway up the hill, that his people could have caught Ensign Campbell by the leg, as he returned, late at night, to his post. 43 But that might have betrayed his where-abouts.
Kawiti, with Ngatihine, accompanied by Pumuka, 44 at the head of Roroa; also, by certain Southerners,--Ngatikahununu, led by Kuhukuhu, advanced from Mataawi bay, about two hundred strong. Near the church-yard fence, he was met by Captain Robertson, leading about fifty sailors and marines of the "Hazard," who charged in the most gallant manner, and cut their way through. A hand to hand fight, lasting nearly half an hour, then ensued. Captain Robertson's sword, 45 long after spoken of with admiration by the natives, doing much execution. At last he fell, in advance of his men, hit by four bullets. His fall was not at first perceived; his men passed him, driving before them the enemy, who fled over the hills, not to return again during the day. Pumuka had been killed; also two other chiefs, Hirawanu and Kereopa. The blue-jackets did not pursue them far, and on their return missed their commander. After a while, one of them saw the waving of a white handkerchief, which guided them to the
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spot. The assailants had "passed over his body;" but it was in full retreat. Thence his men made their way to the stockade.
When the firing at the church-yard was heard, the occupants of the flag-staff block-house began to come out, walking along the ranges to learn what was going on below, at the opposite end. Heke, knowing the number of the guard, told them off, one by one, until but four were left inside. He made a rush; the sentinel fired and killed his man, and was himself instantly shot; the door was burst in, and the remnant of the garrison killed. 46 The unarmed soldiers, outside, made their way to the lower blockhouse.
Heke, having cut down the flag-staff, had accomplished all that he intended, and contented himself with looking on at the fight immediately below. This was the attack by the third division,-- Kapotai, led by their chief Kapotai, and Ngatiwai, led by Tawatawa, in rear of the town, round about the stockade, and the lower block-house. On our side there was no order, no concerted action. It was hard to say who was in command; but Mr. Hector, a civilian, fought the battle, behaving throughout with remarkable coolness and determination. He was in command of the lower block-house, built by the inhabitants, halfway down the hill.
The engagement continued until about 10 1/2 a.m., when the natives, who could not take the block-house or stockade, and were annoyed by Hector's long gun, got tired of fighting with no result, and retired to Oneroa. 47 About this time, Heke hoisted a white flag, under which to send down the two women found in the upper block-house. The flag remained unnoticed; but he sent them, nevertheless, by his own brother, telling him not to return till he had seen them safe with the pakeha.
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The firing had ceased; the town was still in our possession; there had indeed been no intention of taking it. For the natives had no quarrel with the settlers. The attack upon the town was meant only as a diversion, to hinder the several forces from concentrating in defence of the flag-staff. The staff was down, and, according to Maori ideas, there was an end of the affray. They had given checkmate, and the game was over. 48
And now comes in the crowning error of the day. It had been a chapter of Accidents throughout; but such a portentous blunder as now took place, can be accounted for in only one way. Captain Robertson being disabled, Lieutenant Philpotts took command of the "Hazard." He ordered the settlers to take refuge on board the shipping, as he was about to fire on the town. The settlers had no choice but to obey, and embarked accordingly; some of them trying to save a few goods from the undefended stores. Then might be seen, to the surprise of those unacquainted with the Maori way of thought, the ci-devant assailants helping the settlers to carry their valuables down to the boats, in high glee and good humour. For the Maori, save in cases of deadly feud, bears little malice. He fights more for the fun of the thing than out of animosity. He will shoot at you one moment, and fraternise in the next, or discourse with his enemy in true Homeric style. The surrender of the town was to them a mystification. They had never asked it, or fought for it. In their first bewilderment, they even refrained from pillage; though that feeling of delicacy soon disappeared under the influence of unlimited grog, to be had for the taking.
All this time the Bishop and the Archdeacon, equally regardless of danger, 49 had been caring for the wounded, and doing such offices as in them lay. 50 The Archdeacon had been grossly insulted
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by Lieutenant Philpotts, who called him "traitor," to his face. Being informed, to his amazement, that the town was to be evacuated, he took charge of the government papers, and placed them in safe keeping. 51 The wounded were got on board.
Presently the guns of the "Hazard" began to blaze away upon the houses and merchandise,-- upon friend and foe alike. Of confusion there had been enough before; it was now complete.
While this firing was going on, the Archdeacon made his way to the upper block-house, from which, with the assistance of the taua [the attacking party], he brought down the bodies of the soldiers, that of the half-caste child, and the officer's sword, conveying all to the "Hazard." Passing up the sword, he said, in his own dry way,--"Here is something that one of you gentlemen has left behind him." He then returned for the Bishop, whom he brought to the wounded commander. While he was waiting alongside, the language used towards him from the deck of the "Hazard" was gross and violent. He had to sheer off, the life of friendly natives in his boat being in danger.
This day, the natives in possession behaved tolerably well; but the Lieutenant's mad prank was repeated on the following day, firing on the town while some of the townspeople, by permission of the natives, were trying to recover what little they could. 52 All was now past redemption; the natives were exasperated; moreover, the drinking had begun. Six Europeans were killed that night; it is supposed, however, that they were rival marauders. The more sober of the natives loaded their canoes to the water's edge with pillage, and coolly poled them away under the guns of the "Hazard," which
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were not depressed enough to hit them. The church, indeed, seemed to be the favourite target. It certainly received most shot. Towards evening, the town took fire, or was fired. About fifty of the refugees slept that night at Paihia.
In order to connect the history with the Memoir, Mrs. Williams' notes of events are subjoined.
January 6, 1845. Henry went on a three days visit amongst the natives. One object was, to see Waikato and Tareha, about the utu of Hone Heke, who is again stirring up the natives to evil.
January 9. Hone Heke and his party, to eat twenty pots of stir-about, and to say that the stolen property was carried back to Mr. Busby's.
January 10. Hori [George] came to tell us that the flag-staff was cut down. Henry went off to Kororareka. Met Heke returning. Quite dispirited with the prospect of affairs.
January 11. A message from Heke, desiring Henry to go with him to Paroa to make peace. Word sent back to say that Heke must first set up the flag-staff.
January 12. Native sacrament. Heke came to church with his party, behaving well. They did not attempt to stay the sacrament. Rewa sent a letter to Henry, urging him to keep Heke from going to Paroa till the Governor should arrive.
January 13. Henry went to see Heke. In the evening Mr. Kemp told us of the reports at Kororareka that Heke was going to attack the Police Office; also of the reports among the natives that Te Wiremu had told Heke to cut down the flag-staff,--as preposterous as any former ones. Henry resolved to pass the night in Heke's camp at Haruru, to watch proceedings, and quiet the minds of the pakeha. I had to quiet the dreadful fright of Mrs. Stanley at the school.
January 16. Henry returned after dinner. He had seen Rewa, and sifted Heke's abominable conduct. The man had stolen into the company of Rewa and other chiefs; had sat up all night to talk, telling them that Te Wiremu, Parata [Williams the brother-- Archdeacon William Williams], and the Bishop had told him to cut down the flag-staff. Henry was enabled to undo much mischief, and left a copy of the Treaty behind. We heard Heke's guns, both at Kororareka and at the Wahapu, where Henry met Pomare, in whose honour the American flag was flying.
January 17. We could see many canoes at the Wahapu: Henry went over. A vessel came in; thirty soldiers, a young commander, and the Colonial Secretary. The Kawakawa large canoe, "The King," at the Wahapu. These are anxious times.
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Henry excited and troubled to see the English flag up again before they have strength to keep it without bloodshed and defeat.
January 18. The Colonial Secretary (Dr. Sinclair) and Mr. Beckham called, staying long in conversation with Henry.
January 19. A canoe from Kororareka, with the news that Heke had again cut down the flag-staff last night. He had strengthened his force, now numbering two hundred. The flagstaff, in consequence of Henry's remonstrance, was in the charge of natives; not of soldiers, as had been at first intended; so there was no blood-shed.
January 22. Captain Hingstone bringing boxes, &c, to Paihia for safety.
January 24. Mr. Beckham called, on his way to the Wahapu, to order down the American flag.
January 25. A mob of Hokianga natives on their return from a visit to Ruku,53 after an ineffectual attempt to persuade him to return the stolen horses. Ruku said that he would bury his teeth in the pakeha.
January 28. Henry went to Paroa, Rewa and Tamati Waka having requested him to meet the Whangaroa mob there.
January 31. My husband's boat seen sailing gaily in. He had had a successful, though fatiguing and anxious conversation--quite a struggle with the two hundred Whangaroa natives; but got them to give up joining Heke, and go back quietly.
February 15. A man-of-war, H.M.S. "Hazard," with a blockhouse for the flag-staff.
February 25. Mrs. Brown told us of the danger the "Hazard" had been in, (the Bishop on board,) off the East Cape. Orders were given to cut away the masts, but she righted. Seven guns were thrown overboard. 54
February 26. Captain Wright brought a box, containing money and papers, to be taken care of. They had been warned to flee; spent the night in packing, and were going to Kororareka.
Mention of certain transactions between disaffected Europeans and the insurgent natives is designedly omitted, as inexpedient to revive. It is enough to say that the latter found no difficulty in purchasing ammunition and other warlike stores.
March 2. U.S. man-of-war "St. Louis" arrived.
March 3. Hostilities commenced between the English and the Maori. A man-of-war's boat pulled up the river and fired upon a party of Kawiti's people, who had burnt Ben Turner's wheat-
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stacks, and stolen his horses. The boat was too late, the horses having been swum across.
March 4. Our son Henry went to Manawaora, to offer help to the Clendons, if needed. They packed up their goods and embarked for Paihia, which they reached on the following day. Archdeacon Henry went to see Heke, by invitation, at Hauotapiri. In the evening we heard that Haratua's party had stripped Captain Hingstone. This caused much alarm. My husband sent to the "St. Louis" to solicit help. We were engaged in packing up all night.
March 5. The children were dressed before dawn. At daylight Henry went to meet Heke's war party. He returned, bringing back Heke's hatchet, given to him as an assurance of friendly intentions. Heke arrived, and danced the war dance in front of Paihia.
March 6. A visit from the Captain of the "St. Louis;" my husband interpreted for him to Heke. The natives had been led to understand that the Americans would send a man-of-war to help them, and present them with an American flag. They could not understand the captain's familiarity with the Archdeacon.
The Wrights and Hingstones arrived at Paihia, as refugees.
March 7. Heke and his party on the move to join Kawiti, from whom, up to this time, they had kept aloof, Kawiti being bent on plunder and bloodshed, while Heke had only one object, to cut down the flag-staff. Heke called at Paihia before breakfast. Henry tried to dissuade him from going, telling him that he would be killed. Heke seemed very undecided; he went and returned several times. At length he decided upon joining Kawiti, but before he went he gave the Archdeacon his gold-laced cap to tangi [cry] over, in the event of his being killed.
Henry, hearing the Kororareka people were short of meat, sent a bullock from his sons as a present. Firing this day.
March 8. The Archdeacon took Mr. Beckham to Heke's camp, to see if peace could be made, one having been killed on each side. The natives told Mr. Beckham not to come again; and that had he not been in company with Te Wiremu they would have killed him.
Sunday, March 9. Archdeacon Brown went to hold service in Heke's camp, at the Urutii.
March 10. A note of invitation from Mrs. Selwyn; the girls to go either to her or to Turanga. All preparation; their boxes sent on board. The natives gave out this day that the battle was to be next morning. My husband went across, to inform Mr. Beckham.
March 11. Slept little last night, thinking of my daughters about to leave me. 55 At the first dawn of day, heard the report of a
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gun, and then another, supposed at first to be from the men-of-war at daylight. Then a volley; we all jumped up, and in the dark grey dawn, saw the quick successive flashes of muskets in the town. It appeared to be a close and heavy conflict. The natives of the settlement crowded round us. The flag-staff appeared to shake; it fell; oh, how the natives shouted. The great guns now rolled and reverberated through the hills; heavy firing from the lower block-house, the "Hazard," and the "Victoria." Henry and Mr. Brown went off to the Bishop on board his vessel, the "Flying Fish." An awful suspense; we walked the verandah and the beach in the hot sun; all restless and anxious. Still some firing: Canoes landed. Report the first said that the natives were broken and driven back; Pumuka and two of Kawiti's sons killed; the flag-staff shot down by the man-of-war. Another canoe landed; all crowded to hear report number two. This was to the opposite effect; the man-of-war crowded with dead and wounded. At last the dreadful certainty came. The boat landed; the block-house and flag-staff in the hands of the natives, the captain of the man-of-war mortally wounded; the woman and child at the signal station prisoners; the town to be evacuated. Many chiefs on the other side killed. Then the conflagration; the stockade blown up, with the ammunition and all the valuable property of the inhabitants. The women and children crowded the decks of the ships. The Bishop landed; we dined, and sent dinner and clothes on board the "Flying Fish" (the Bishop's vessel), where Mrs. Pringle and children, Mrs. Hector and children, and Mrs. Potter and children, were all huddled, without any comforts. The Bishop sat down to dinner with us. We put the soup into a jug to send on board, also the bullock's cheek, and dined upon the heart. Mr. and Mrs. Dudley an agreable addition to our party.
This afternoon Henry went to try to get Mrs. Tapper and her children, but found that the natives, having hoisted the white flag, had already sent them down. He went to the block-house, brought down the bodies of four soldiers and of a little half-caste girl; also the officer's sword, and took them to the man-of-war. The Bishop had buried six soldiers, two sailors, and two marines. Orders given, after evacuating the town, to blow it up. I was in distress for Thomas, who had been sent to assist Captain Clendon in getting things out of Hodgson's store. Henry received so much insolence along side the "Hazard," where he was waiting for the Bishop, that he had to leave.
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March 12. Henry started, with John and Thomas, before daylight, to try to save some goods from Hodgson and Weston's store. Two houses were on fire in Kororareka before breakfast. The mad Lieutenant, Mr. Philpotts, fired into the town while Thomas was on the top of the hill, trying to save some of the Dudleys' things; they lost everything. We afterwards heard that six white men were killed in cold blood during the night. We had breakfast and dinner together; a long table for the sufferers. Mr. Hanley came over to us; his misfortunes made us friendly; he had lost everything. We had to bake twice during the day. The wide-spread body of flames at Kororareka on a still day,--a black cloud resting over her, very grand. Five soldiers and the little girl buried at Paihia. The Bishop, Mr. Dudley, and Archdeacon Brown, all forgot to toll the bell. The house crowded at night.
March 13. The Bishop, from Waimate, was in the house at daylight. All bustle and embarkation. My great trial was to determine about my girls, whether to go or to stay,--to see my duty clear. The natives were consulted, and pupuri-ed [i.e., urged that they should remain], saying much to the Bishop to that effect. Mrs. Brown was carried on board the American man-of-war. A general exodus. Five vessels sailed. The Hectors and others went with the Bishop in the "Flying Fish." The Dudleys and others in the American man-of-war. Three hundred in Captain Bliss' whaler, which came in on the day of the battle. An honest Englishman.
It has been a melancholy, trying day. The tide has swept over us, and we remain in the hands of our gracious Lord to preserve and keep us. My sons rejoice to find their sisters left to them, and to hear the piano once more. We had music and singing in peace,--a family enjoyment in the midst of alarms. A number of friendly natives gathering round to protect us.
March 17. Heke paid my husband a first visit after the battle, trying to persuade him to move inland.
The Archdeacon's correspondence concerning these events will not now require any further comment or explanation.
Archdeacon Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
Paihia, March 12, 1845, 2 o'clock, a.m.
I know not whether you will be prepared for the present disasters of this country by any previous accounts, but at present we are in a most critical state, which has been gradually growing upon us during the last year, and now appears to have arrived at its crisis. You have heard of the flag-staff disputed by a chief of the name of Heke, which commenced about ten months since. Upon that
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occasion about two hundred troops were sent for; but, upon a compromise on the part of the well disposed chiefs, the matter was made up, and the troops were sent back to New South Wales. I was from home at this time. It has always seemed to me a mystery, how the Government could attempt to form a colony here without a military force corresponding with that which might possibly be brought in opposition. This did not seem to occupy much of the attention of the Governor and those around him. I gave my opinion of the state of feeling amongst the people, and certainly went out of my proper path in suggesting the only proper course of proceeding,--the adoption of such means as are used elsewhere for the preservation of order. But the malady was not seen by those at the helm of affairs, consequently the remedy not used. The evil increased, and it was left as a trifling circumstance until the day before yesterday, when it was determined beyond a doubt. The staff in question was merely a signal-staff, to give notice of the approach of vessels; but this had been pointed out to the natives as an evidence or mark of the country having been seized,-- literally so; and of themselves being slaves, liable to be taken at any time at the will of the Queen or Governor, and ordered to any menial work. This feeling was generally suppressed by the aid of the Missionaries, previous to the felling of the late flag-staff. It had been cut down three times by Heke, he stating at the same time that, as often as it should be put up, he should serve it the same way. When the second staff was put up, thirty soldiers were sent to protect it. Against this I remonstrated strongly. It was again cut down in two days: the troops having been withdrawn, did not suffer; the staff fell, and there was an end of that. The late staff was prepared with a blockhouse for its protection; and, finally, the whole military guard consisted of fifty soldiers and about eighty sailors from a sloop of war. Twenty of the military force were to remain within the block-house. Upon this point being attended to, depended the issue of the day. The citizens of Kororareka were turned out for the protection of their property. Heke commenced to assemble his noisy party about a month since, and has carried on his plans in a steady way.
On the 16th instant, firing was observed before daylight in the town, which continued for some time, when, to the consternation of all the English, the flag-staff was again laid prostrate. This could not be comprehended, as no firing had been noticed in that direction. It appeared, however, that the guard had left their charge, not noticing a party of natives laying in ambush, who, watching their opportunity, made a rush upon the block-house, and at their leisure accomplished their purpose. This catastrophe was followed by a second, equally fatal to the Government cause. The magazine on shore had been put in charge of a person who knew not the care required in such a, charge. The powder was placed in