1932 - Elder, J. (Ed.) The Letters and Journals of Samuel Marsden - CHAPTER II. MARSDEN'S FIRST NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL.

E N Z B       
       Home   |  Browse  |  Search  |  Variant Spellings  |  Links  |  EPUB Downloads
Feedback  |  Conditions of Use      
  1932 - Elder, J. (Ed.) The Letters and Journals of Samuel Marsden - CHAPTER II. MARSDEN'S FIRST NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL.
Previous section | Next section      


[Image of page 57]



Marsden embarked in the Active at Port Jackson on 19th November, 1814, sighted the North Cape, New Zealand, on 16th December, and anchored in the Bay of Islands on 22nd December. He sailed again for Port Jackson from the Bay of Islands on 26th February, 1815, and reached Sydney Cove on 23rd March.


WHEN the fulness of time drew near for these poor heathen nations to be favoured with the knowledge of Divine revelation, the Supreme Governor of the World overruled the political affairs of America and England to further this object, and made the wrath of man to praise Him. One great step was accomplished when America, in July, 1776, was declared a free and independent nation. A short time before this important event took place, Captain Cook, accompanied by the late Sir Joseph Banks, had been sent by the British Government to visit the South Sea Islands, and during this voyage the great navigator visited New South Wales and anchored in Botany Bay.

After peace had been established between England and America, in the year 1783, the British Government found that it had now no place to which the national convicts might be transported. In this dilemma it has been said that the late Sir Joseph Banks recommended to His Majesty King George the Third to form an establishment at Botany Bay expressly for convicts, and upon this suggestion an Act of Parliament was passed for that purpose.

It is obvious that neither his late Majesty nor his Ministers had, in these political arrangements, any intention to convey the Gospel to the nations of the South Sea Islands, but merely to provide a receptacle for the criminal population of Britain. Yet He who governs the universe and has the hearts of kings in His own hands had that merciful object in view. As a proof of the correctness of this remark it is a well-known fact that when the first fleet was ready to sail with the convicts for New South Wales, in the year 1787, no clergyman had been thought of. A particular friend of mine, a pious man of some influence, who was anxious for the spiritual welfare of the convicts, made a strong appeal to those in authority to induce them to appoint a clergyman to superintend the spiritual concerns of all, both free and bond, who embarked to form the intended establishment in New South Wales. Accordingly, through the interest of the late Dr. Porteous, the Rev. Richard Johnson was appointed chaplain. 1 The above single fact, therefore, clearly shows that the whole was under the superintending providence of an all wise and merciful God. He did not establish a colony in New South Wales for the advancement of His glory and the salvation of the heathen nations

[Image of page 58]


in these distant parts of the globe by selecting men of character and principle; on the contrary, He took men from the dregs of society--the scrapings of jails, hulks, and prisons--men who had forfeited their lives or liberties to the laws of their country: but He mercifully gave them their lives for a prey, and sent them forth to make a way for His missionary servants--for them that should bring glad tidings, that should publish peace to the heathen world, that should say unto them in the name of the Lord: "Look unto Me and be ye saved, all the ends of the earth, for I am God, and there is none else." Well may we exclaim, with the apostle: "How unsearchable are His judgments, and His ways past finding out!"

Having made the above preliminary observations, I need only add that on the 26th of January, 1788, the first convicts arrived in Botany Bay under the command of Admiral Phillip, who was appointed Governor of the new colony.

I shall now proceed to notice the first dawn of the rising of the sun of righteousness upon the poor benighted heathen of New Zealand. In the year 1793, His Majesty's ship Daedalus, commanded by Lieut. Hanson, was in the South Seas on discovery, and during his voyage the lieutenant touched at New Zealand and anchored in Sandy Bay, a little to the southward of the North Cape. Some natives came off in their canoes to see the ship, among whom were two young chiefs 2 who alone could be prevailed upon to go on board; they were invited into the cabin, and were much entertained with the various objects they then saw. Soon after they had come on board, Lieutenant Hanson weighed anchor and sailed for Norfolk Island. 3 The two young chiefs, not being aware of the ship's sailing, and when they came on deck seeing themselves at a considerable distance from the land and all their canoes returned to the shore, became much alarmed for their personal safety. Lieutenant Hanson and his officers did what they could to pacify their minds, being anxious to carry them safely to Norfolk Island and deliver them to Captain King, who was at that time Lieutenant-Governor of the island and wanted some New Zealanders to instruct Europeans how to dress flax, which grew there spontaneously and was of the same quality with the flax of New Zealand. I have always considered this circumstance as one of the first apparent steps adopted by Divine Providence to prepare the way for the introduction of the Gospel into New Zealand.

Captain King treated Hoodoo and Tokee with the kindest attention: they lived at Government House, and everything was done to quiet their minds and gain their confidence. When they had resided with him about nine months, the merchant ship Britannia (on her way to the Cape of Good Hope for supplies to the Colony of New South Wales) touched at the island, and was engaged by the Lieutenant-Governor to take the two youths to their native country. He embarked with them

[Image of page 59]


himself, in order to prevent any insult or injury being done to them. He saw them safely landed among their friends, and gave them some hogs and various instruments for agricultural purposes, such as axes, spades, etc. He also supplied them with clothes, and such other articles as he thought conducive to their future good. The great kindness and solicitude shown by Captain King for their welfare made a deep impression on their minds and filled them with gratitude and esteem towards the donor, as they afterwards testified to myself and others. 4

During the nine following years little communication took place between the New Zealanders and Europeans, either at Norfolk Island or at New Zealand; a few of them, however, came occasionally, in whalers, to Port Jackson, and with some of these I became acquainted as opportunity offered.

About the year 1802-3 a small Government vessel, the Lady Nelson, commanded by Lieutenant Simmons, was sent with supplies to Norfolk Island, but was driven by violent contrary winds to the east side of New Zealand, and anchored in the Bay of Islands. Captain King had by this time returned to England, and Norfolk Island was under the command of Captain Piper, 5 an officer of the New South Wales Corps. This change did not, however, prevent a longing desire in the late chief Tippahee (Te Pahi)6 and four of his sons to see the island where the two young chiefs before mentioned had been so kindly treated; they were allowed a passage in the Lady Nelson, and received every attention from the officer in command at Norfolk Island.

After they had been some time on the island, His Majesty's ship Buffalo, 7commanded by Captain Houston, arrived from Port Jackson, by which means Tippahee learned that the late Captain King had become Governor of New South Wales, and expressed his wish to visit Sydney. He obtained a passage accordingly, and the Governor received him and his friends with the greatest cordiality. They were invited to Government House, where they lived at their pleasure.

Tippahee was a man of high rank and influence in his own country. He possessed a clear, strong, and comprehensive mind, and was anxious to gain what knowledge he could of our laws and customs. He was wont to converse much with me about our God, and was very regular in his attendance at church on the Sabbath and, when at public worship,

[Image of page 60]


behaved with great decorum. After satisfying his curiosity, he and his friends returned to their native home. 8

About two years after Tippahee departed, the young chief Duaterra (Ruatara), accompanied by several of his countrymen, came to Port Jackson, which gave an opportunity to me of having frequent communication with this very interesting people. The more I examined into their national character the more I felt interested in their temporal and spiritual welfare. Their minds appeared like a rich soil that had never been cultivated, and only wanted the proper means of improvement to render them fit to rank with civilized nations.

I knew that they were cannibals--that they were a savage race, full of superstition, and wholly under the power and influence of the Prince of Darkness--and that there was only one remedy which could effectually free them from their cruel spiritual bondage and misery, and that was the Gospel of a crucified Saviour. But, as Saint Paul observes, "How could they believe on Him of whom they had not heard, and how could they hear without a preacher, and how could they preach except they be sent?" After seriously considering their degraded condition and embracing all opportunities of gaining a perfect knowledge of their character, I resolved to return to England, as soon as I could obtain leave of absence, and endeavour to get some missionaries sent out to preach the Gospel to this people. I was fully convinced that there were no insurmountable difficulties in the way of preaching the Gospel in New Zealand; and I felt no apprehension that the lives of missionaries, if any were sent, would be in danger, being confident that I could personally go with safety if I saw it was my duty to do so.

Under these impressions I waited on His Excellency Governor Bligh, who had now relieved Governor King in the government of the colony, to obtain the necessary leave of absence to visit England, which was granted on condition that the Rev. H. Fulton, who was then at Norfolk Island, should perform my duty as chaplain to the colony during my absence (being myself the only clergyman in New South Wales at that period). Fortunately, a vessel was just about to sail for Norfolk Island, by which I wrote to Mr. Fulton, and another ship very opportunely touched at that place while on her way to Sydney about this time, which enabled that gentleman to comply with my request, so as to arrive at Port Jackson sooner than I expected. As such opportunities were of rare occurrence, I considered this circumstance a highly favourable dispensation of Providence towards myself at that time, being aware that a great political storm was fast gathering in the colony in which, if I remained, I could not well avoid being involved; and to gratify my earnest desire of having the Gospel preached at New Zealand, as well as to secure my own quiet, I was most anxious to quit the colony without delay, lest I should be prevented from proceeding on the design I had formed.

[Image of page 61]


It was therefore a matter of great joy to me when I obtained His Excellency's leave of absence, and got on board of His Majesty's ship Buffalo along with the late Governor King. We sailed in February, 1807, and arrived in England in the November following.

Shortly after my arrival in London I waited upon the Rev. Josiah Pratt, Secretary to the Church Missionary Society, and stated my views on the degraded state of the New Zealanders for the want of moral and religious instruction, and requested that the committee would take their miserable situation into its favourable consideration. The Rev. J. Pratt 9 attended to my request with the greatest kindness, which inspired me with the hope that the committee would enter into my views and render the assistance solicited.

I remained in England more than fourteen months, during which period I waited upon the committee several times, and it was ultimately resolved to send three missionaries out with me on my return to the colony. No clergymen, however, offered their services on this occasion. The character of the New Zealanders was considered more barbarous than that of any other savage nation, so that few would venture out to a country where they could anticipate nothing less than to be killed and eaten by the natives. At length two mechanics 10 agreed to accompany me, and I was very glad of their offer, as I conceived that they, like Caleb and Joshua of old, might open the way for others at a future time to take possession of the land. They accordingly embarked with me in 1809 for New South Wales. 11

On our arrival at Port Jackson, in February, 1810, we received the melancholy news that the ship Boyd, of 600 tons burden, had been burnt, and the captain and crew all murdered and eaten by the natives of Wangarooa (Whangaroa), 12 in New Zealand. This most awful calamity extinguished at once all hopes of introducing the Gospel into that country. Every voice was naturally raised against the natives, and against all who were in any way attached to their interest. None lamented this calamity more than myself.

Another dreadful occurrence soon after took place. At the time I here allude to there were seven whalers 13 on the coast of New Zealand, and the masters of these vessels, having heard of the fate of the Boyd, sailed into the Bay of Islands, which lies about forty miles to the southward of Wangarooa (Whangaroa), and in the night each ship sent a whaleboat with an armed crew, who landed on Tippahee's Island and there murdered every man and woman they could find. In this dreadful slaughter my friend Tippahee (Te Pahi) received seven shots, and died

[Image of page 62]


of his wounds. Many other friendly disposed people were killed. It was alleged by the Europeans, as a justification of this horrid massacre, that Tippahee assisted in the destruction of the Boyd and her crew, though at the same time he was an innocent man. The mistake appears to have originated in the near similarity in the names of the two chiefs-- that of the chief at the Bay of Islands was Tippahee, and the name of the other at Wangarooa (who aided in the destruction of the Boyd) was Tippoohee (Te Puhi). I knew them both well.

After these awful events the way to New Zealand appeared to be completely hedged up, though I did not despair of the ultimate success of the mission, from my personal knowledge of the real character of the New Zealanders, provided I could get any vessel to take the missionaries to New Zealand who were then with me at Parramatta and willing to go. I waited more than three years, and no master of a vessel would venture for fear of his ship and crew falling a sacrifice to the natives.

At length I purchased a brig called the Active, which had come from India, and applied to the then Governor Macquarie for permission to go with the brig myself along with the missionaries, but His Excellency refused my request. At the same time he promised that if I sent the Active and she returned safe I should then have permission to go. I was satisfied with this answer but felt at a loss to find a suitable person to navigate the brig, because the risk of being murdered and eaten by the New Zealanders prevented several shipmasters from accepting the office. Mr. Dillon, who afterwards went in search of La Perouse, was then in Sydney (1814), and I engaged him to take the command of the Active 14 I then wrote a letter to the chief Deuaterra, or Duaterra (Ruatara), whom I had known nine years before, requesting him to return with the brig and to bring with him three or four chiefs, as also to acquaint the natives that I had sent missionaries 15 in the vessel to see their country, and that it was my intention also to visit New Zealand, provided the brig returned in safety from their coast, and that the missionaries would then accompany me for the purpose of forming a settlement on the island. Under these circumstances Mr. Dillon sailed with the missionaries, and in due time returned to Port Jackson without injury to himself, the crew, nor to the vessel.

The Active having safely arrived in port, I lost no time in calling upon His Excellency for the fulfilment of his promise. My leave of absence 16 was immediately granted, and, with all convenient dispatch, I embarked in company with the missionaries, their families, and five chiefs--namely, Shunghee (Hongi), Korokoro, Toui (Tuhi), Toui's brother, and Duaterra.

[Image of page 63]


We sailed from Sydney Cove, 19th November, and reached the Bay of Islands, in New Zealand, on the 22nd December, 1814. After arranging all matters respecting the mission as well as circumstances would permit (which will be detailed hereafter), I left the island in the same vessel about 1st of March, 1815. Duaterra was then dangerously ill, and, as I afterwards learned, he died four days after the Active sailed for Sydney. The death of this chief was a very afflictive dispensation; he was a man of comparatively great knowledge, loved his country, and was most anxious for its welfare. His character, conduct, and sufferings will be better seen in the following memoir which has already been published 17 :--

In the year 1805 the Argo whaler, commanded by a Mr Baden, put into the Bay of Islands for refreshments. On the vessel leaving the harbour Duaterra embarked on board of her with two of his countrymen. The Argo remained on the coast for about five months, and then returned into the Bay. On the vessel's final departure from New Zealand for Port Jackson, Duaterra sailed in her and arrived in Sydney Cove. After the Argo was again ready for sea, she went to fish on the coast of New Holland, where she remained about six months, and afterwards put into Port Jackson. During this cruise Duaterra acted in the capacity of a common sailor, and was attached to one of the whaleboats. While the Argo lay in Sydney Cove, Duaterra was discharged from her, but received no remuneration for his services during the twelve months he had been on board.

On his leaving the Argo he entered on board the Albion whaler (then in the Cove), commanded by Captain Richardson, and was six months on the fishery in that vessel off the coast of New Zealand, and when she put into the Bay of Islands Duaterra left her and returned to his friends. Captain Richardson behaved very kindly to him, and paid him wages (in various European articles) for his services on board the Albion.

Duaterra remained in New Zealand six months, when the Santa Anna whaler anchored in the Bay of Islands on her way to Bounty Island whither she was bound for sealskins. Duaterra embarked on board this vessel, commanded by a Mr. Moody. After she had taken in her supplies from New Zealand, she proceeded on her voyage, and arrived at Bounty Island in safety, when Duaterra, with one of his countrymen, two Otaheitans, and ten Europeans, were put on shore to kill seals, 18 and the vessel then sailed to New Zealand to procure potatoes, and afterwards to Norfolk Island for pork, leaving the fourteen men whom they had landed with very little water, salt provisions, and bread.

When the Santa Anna arrived off Norfolk Island the master went on shore, and the vessel was blown off and did not again make the land for a month.

About five months after the Santa Anna left Bounty Island the King George arrived, commanded by Mr. Chase, but, previous to the arrival of this vessel, the sealing party had been greatly distressed for

[Image of page 64]


more than three months for want of water and provisions. There was no water on the island, nor had they any bread or meat excepting seals and sea-fowl. Duaterra often spoke of the extreme sufferings which he and the party with him endured from hunger and thirst, as no water could be obtained except when a shower of rain happened to fall. Two of the Europeans and one Otaheitan died from the hardship.

In a few weeks after the arrival of the King George the Santa Anna returned, and the sealing party had during her absence procured eight thousand skins. After taking the skins on board, the vessel sailed for England, and Duaterra, having long entertained an ardent desire to see King George, embarked on board as a common sailor with the hope of gratifying his wish.

The Santa Anna arrived in the River Thames about July, 1809, and Duaterra then requested that the captain would indulge him with a sight of the King, which was the only object that had induced him to leave his native country. But when he made inquiries by what means he could get a sight of the King, he was told sometimes that he could not find the house, and at other times that no one was permitted to see King George. This distressed him exceedingly. He saw little of London, being seldom allowed to go on shore. He told me that about fifteen days after his arrival the vessel had discharged her cargo, and the captain informed him that he would be put on board the Ann, which had been taken up by Government to convey convicts to New South Wales, and had then dropped down to Gravesend. Duaterra asked the master of the Santa Anna for some wages and clothing, but these were refused, and he was told that the owners at Port Jackson, on his arrival there, would pay him, in two muskets, for his services; but these he never received. About this time Duaterra, from hardships and disappointments, was seized with a dangerous illness. Thus, friendless, poor, and sick as he was, he was sent down to Gravesend and put on board the Ann, in which ship I was about to embark on my return with my family to New South Wales. At this time he had been fifteen days in the river from the first arrival of the Santa Anna, and had never been permitted to spend one night on shore.

Mr. Charles Clarke, the master of the Ann, informed me (after I had recognised Duaterra) that when he was first brought on board the Ann he was so naked and miserable that he (the master) refused to receive him unless the master of the Santa Anna would supply him with a suit of slops, observing at the same time that he was very sick.

I was then in London, but did not know that Duaterra had arrived in the Santa Anna. Shortly after Duaterra had embarked at Gravesend, the Ann sailed for Portsmouth; and when I embarked Duaterra was confined below by sickness, so that I did not see him nor know that he was there for some time. To my great astonishment I first observed him on the forecastle. He was wrapped up in an old greatcoat, very sick and weak, had a very violent cough, and discharged considerable quantities of blood from his mouth. His mind was also very much cast down, and he appeared as if a few days would terminate his existence. I inquired of the master where he had met with him and then of himself as to what had brought him to England, and how he came to be so

[Image of page 65]


wretched and miserable. He stated, in reply, that the hardships and wrongs he had endured on board the Santa Anna were exceedingly great, and that the English sailors had beat him very much, which caused him to spit blood, and finally that the master had defrauded him of all his wages and prevented him from seeing the King. I should have been most happy, if there had been time, to call the master to account for his conduct, but it was too late. I endeavoured to soothe his afflicted mind by assuring him that he would now be protected from insults, and that his wants should be supplied. By the kindness of the surgeon and master, and by administering proper nourishment to him, he began, in a great measure, to recover his strength and spirits, and got quite well before we reached Rio de Janeiro. He was ever after truly grateful for the attention that was shown to him. As soon as he was able he did his duty as a common sailor on board the Ann till she arrived at Port Jackson in February, 1810, in which capacity he was considered equal to most of the men on board. The master behaved very kindly to him. He accompanied me to Parramatta after leaving the ship, and resided with me there till the November following, during which time he applied: himself to agriculture.

In October, 1810, the Frederick whaler arrived from England, and was bound to fish on the coast of New Zealand. Duaterra having been long absent from his friends, and wishing to return home, requested me to procure a passage for him in the Frederick. One of Tippahee's sons was at the time living with me, as were also two other New Zealanders, all of whom united in the same request. I applied to the master of the Frederick for their passage, who agreed to take them on condition that they should assist him to procure his cargo of oil while the vessel remained on the New Zealand coast, and when he finally left it he would land them at the Bay of Islands. They were four very fine young men who had been a good deal at sea, and were, therefore, a valuable acquisition to the master, and, on his promising to be kind to them, I agreed that he should take them on his own terms. They all left Port Jackson in the Frederick in November, with the gratifying hope of soon seeing their country and friends.

When the ship reached the North Cape of New Zealand, Duaterra went on shore for two days to procure supplies of pork and potatoes, as he was well known there and had many friends among the natives. As soon as the ship had procured her necessary supplies she proceeded on her cruise, and in little more than six months' time procured a cargo and was ready to depart from the coast. Duaterra, finding that the master intended to sail for England, naturally requested that he and his companions might be put on shore, on the specific terms of their engagement with the master, made by me on their behalf. The ship lay (at the time) in the mouth of the Bay of Islands, where the residences of all their relatives then stood, and Duaterra had got everything ready to put into the boat, expecting they would be immediately put on shore. The master, however, on his being urged to land them, said he would do so by and by, when they had caught another whale, and the vessel then bore away from the harbour. Duaterra felt great distress on this occasion, as he had been from home about three years and was most anxious to see his wife and friends. He earnestly solicited the captain

[Image of page 66]


to land him on any part of the coast--he cared not on what place--as all he wished was to get put on shore and he would find his way home. The master was deaf to all his entreaties, and told them he would proceed to Norfolk Island and from thence direct to Britain, and that he would be landed as they passed New Zealand on their way to England.

When the Frederick arrived off Norfolk Island, Duaterra and his three companions were sent on shore for water and were all nearly drowned in the surf, having been washed under some hollow rocks (with which that shore abounds), which placed him in such danger of his life, as he emphatically observed to me afterwards, that "on reaching the surface of the water his head was full of sea." It is generally very dangerous for a boat to land at Norfolk Island on account of the great surf among the breakers. When the Frederick was sufficiently supplied with water and wood, etc., so that the master had no further occasion for the services of Duaterra and his countrymen, he had the cruelty to inform them that he would not again touch at New Zealand but proceed direct on for England. This occasioned great distress to Duaterra, who reminded the captain of his violated promises--the cruel usage to which he had been subjected by not being put on shore while the ship lay at the Bay of Islands (within two miles of his home), and being subsequently prevented from leaving the vessel when off the North Cape; that it was a great addition to his misery to be left with his companions in a destitute situation on Norfolk Island, after all the assistance they had rendered him (the master) in procuring his cargo. Nothing, however, which Duaterra could urge had any effect on the callous mind of the captain, who proceeded on board his ship and left the New Zealanders to provide for themselves as they best could. Duaterra further stated that the master came again on shore before he left and took Tippahee's son on board again with him by force, though the lad wept much and entreated the captain to leave him with his friend Duaterra. No tidings have been heard of that young man since he was thus forcibly taken from Norfolk Island. The ship was taken by an American while on her passage home, after a severe action, in which the captain was mortally wounded and the chief mate killed.

Some time after the Frederick had sailed from Norfolk Island, the Ann whaler touched there for refreshments--she was then commanded by Mr. Gwynn--and, after procuring supplies, she was to proceed to Port Jackson. Duaterra made early application to the master, who very humanely granted him a passage. On the Ann's arrival at Port Jackson, the captain informed me that he had found Duaterra in a naked and distressed state at Norfolk Island, where the master of the Frederick had left him and his companions without clothing or provisions. Mr. Gwynn further observed that the legal share of the Fredericks cargo of oil due to Duaterra and his three countrymen would have come to about £100 each had they accompanied the ship and got her safe to England; and he considered that they had been very much injured by the master of that vessel. Mr. Gwynn kindly supplied Duaterra with clothing and other necessaries, for which he was exceedingly grateful.

Duaterra was very happy when he got once more to Parramatta. He gave me an affecting account of the distress which he suffered when in sight of his own district and yet denied the pleasure of seeing his wife

[Image of page 67]


and friends, from whom he had been so long separated; and what he felt, also, when the Frederick finally sailed from Norfolk Island, leaving him on the spot, with little prospect of ever returning to his own country. When he left Sydney in the Frederick he was in possession of some seed wheat, agricultural tools, and other useful articles, with which he was supplied, but he was despoiled of these on his voyage, and on his return had nothing left of all he had received. He continued with me at Parramatta till the Ann whaler, belonging to the house of Alexander Birnie, of London, arrived from England. She was bound for the New Zealand coast, and he requested me to procure him a passage that he might make another effort to see his country and friends. The captain agreed with me to take him on condition that he would remain on board and do the duty of a sailor while the ship continued on the coast. Duaterra readily consented to go on these terms, and took with him some seed wheat and tools for agricultural purposes a second time.

The Ann was about five months on the coast, and Duaterra was ultimately landed in safety at home, to the inexpressible joy of his relations and of himself. During the time he remained with me he laboured early and late to obtain knowledge and, particularly, to make himself acquainted with practical agriculture. He seemed well aware of the advantages of agriculture in a national point of view, and was a tolerable judge of the qualities of land. He was anxious that his country should reap the advantages of which he knew it was capable, by the cultivation of the soil on waste lands, and was fully convinced that the wealth and happiness of a country depended greatly on the produce of its soil.

On his landing from the Ann he took with him the seed wheat, etc., which he had received at Parramatta and acquainted his friends and his neighbouring chiefs of its great value, stating that it was from it the Europeans made the biscuit which they had seen and eaten on board of ships. He gave a portion of this article to six different chiefs and some of his own common men, directing them, at the same time, how to sow it; and he reserved, of course, a proper proportion for his own use and that of his uncle, Shunghee (Hongi), who is a very great chief having a domain extending from the east to the west side of the island. The people to whom Duaterra had given seed wheat put it properly into the ground and it grew well, but before it was ripe many of them became impatient for the produce, and as they expected to find the grain at the root of the stems, like their potato crops, and finding, on examination, that there was no wheat under the surface, they all, with the exception of Shunghee, pulled it up and burnt it. The chiefs ridiculed Duaterra about his wheat speculation very much, telling him that because he had been a great traveller he thought he could easily impose on their credulity by telling them fine stories, etc., nor could anything in his power to urge serve to convince them that wheat would make bread. Shunghee's crop and his own came in due time to perfection, and were reaped and threshed, which convinced the natives that the grain was produced from the top and not from the bottom of the stem as they had supposed, yet they could not be persuaded that bread could be made from it.

About this time the Jefferson whaler, commanded by Mr. Thos. Barnes, put into the Bay of Islands; and Duaterra, being anxious to remove the prejudices of the chiefs respecting the wheat and to prove

[Image of page 68]


(what he had before asserted) that it could be made into biscuit, requested the loan of a pepper or coffee mill from the master to grind some of his wheat into flour (if such an instrument could do it) that he might make a cake before them; but the mill was too small and he did not then succeed in his design. He sent me word by a vessel proceeding from New Zealand to Sydney that he had sown his wheat and it had grown well, but he had not timely thought of a mill to grind it, and requested me to send him some tools of agriculture, which I determined to do, by the first opportunity.

A short time after this the Queen Charlotte cleared out from Port Jackson for the Pearl Islands, and as this vessel would likely have to pass the North Cape of New Zealand I thought there was a probability of her touching at the Bay of Islands, and I therefore put some hoes and other agricultural tools, as also a few bags of seed wheat, on board, and requested the Captain, Mr. William Shelley, to deliver them to Duaterra should his ship touch at the Bay of Islands. Unfortunately, the Queen Charlotte passed New Zealand without touching anywhere; and was afterwards taken by the natives of Otaheite, and while she was in their possession all the wheat as well as other things I had put on board were either stolen or destroyed. When I received information of that calamity I felt much concerned that Duaterra should from time to time meet so many disappointments in his benevolent exertions to improve the condition and to civilize his countrymen. I was fully convinced that nothing could be done effectually for New Zealand without a vessel for the express purpose of keeping up a regular communication between Port Jackson and that island.

When Mr. Kendall, who had been sent out under the patronage of the Church Missionary Society, arrived in the Earl Spencer, 19 I soon determined either to take up a vessel or purchase one for the service of New Zealand, and thereby make an attempt to establish a settlement, as had been resolved on by the Society in 1808, and for the purpose of which Messrs. Hall and King, with their families, accompanied me out from England to New South Wales on my return to that colony. I endeavoured to hire a vessel, but could find none willing to make a voyage under £600, which I considered too much for one voyage to New Zealand.

The brig Active having about this time arrived from the Derwent (Tasmania), the owner proposed to sell her, and I therefore became the purchaser and ordered the vessel to be got ready for sea, directing Messrs. Hall and Kendall to proceed in her to Bay of Islands.

When the Active 20 sailed I sent a message to Duaterra to inform him for what purpose I had sent over Messrs. Kendall and Hall, and invited him to return with them to Port Jackson and to bring two or three chiefs along with him. I sent him on this occasion a steel mill to grind his wheat, a sieve to clean it, and a few other useful presents. On the

[Image of page 69]


arrival of the brig at her destination, the settlers were kindly received by Duaterra and the other chiefs, and every attention was paid to them during the six weeks they remained on the island. Duaterra was greatly rejoiced by the receipt of the mill. He quickly set to work and ground some wheat in the presence of his countrymen, who danced and shouted for joy at seeing the flour. He told me that he made a cake, baked it in a frying-pan, and gave it to the people to eat, which fully satisfied them of the truth of what he had repeatedly told them--namely, that "wheat would make bread." The chiefs then begged some more wheat which they received and sowed, and there can be little doubt but they will soon learn to appreciate the value of wheat. I saw some growing in January last (1815) exceedingly strong and fine; the grain was very full and ripe. It leads me to believe the climate and soil of New Zealand will be very congenial for the production of that grain.

Previous to the time the Active reached New Zealand, Duaterra had resolved to visit Sydney by the first vessel which might sail for Port Jackson in order to procure a mill, some hoes, and other articles which he much wanted. He therefore greatly rejoiced when the Active anchored in the Bay of Islands, trusting to get a passage in her; but on receiving the mill and wheat, etc., which I sent he altered his mind, observing that he would now apply himself to agriculture for two years as he had the means of cultivating his land and grinding his wheat. His uncle, Shunghee (Hongi), had at the time a great desire to visit Port Jackson, and being a powerful chief at home and having no friend at Port Jackson who could speak English and the New Zealand tongue, Duaterra was induced to accompany him, although his wives, friends, and people earnestly requested him to stay at home. He endeavoured to persuade them that he would return in four moons, but they disbelieved him, under an erroneous idea that the Active would not again return. Their priest told him that his head wife was sure to die before his return if he left her. (This very woman hung herself the day after Duaterra died on account of her tender affection and love for him.) He told the priest he had often returned before and would soon return again. He accordingly took leave of his relatives and friends, and embarked with his uncle and a few other natives for New South Wales. About a month after he once more reached Parramatta in safety.

During his stay at my house I often observed him to be very thoughtful, and I asked him the occasion of his uneasiness. He replied, "I fear my head wife is either dead or very sick." What the priest had told him respecting his wife's dying during his absence evidently made a deep impression on his mind. Though he had been about three years in my family before, and had acted with great propriety all that time, and willingly received religious instructions on all proper occasions, yet the superstitious notions of the religion he had imbibed from his infancy at New Zealand were deeply rooted in his ideas. He had great confidence in what the native priests asserted and in the effects of their prayers.

His death has been the subject of much pain and regret to me and appeared to be a very dark and mysterious dispensation.

During the last ten years of Duaterra's life he had suffered every danger, privation, and hardship that human nature could well bear;

[Image of page 70]


and on my arrival at New Zealand with him and the settlers before named, he appeared to have accomplished the grand object of all his toils--an object which was the constant topic of his conversation-- namely, the means of civilizing his countrymen. He said with joy and triumph in his eyes, "I have now introduced the cultivation of wheat in New Zealand. It will become a great country, for in two years more I shall be able to export wheat to Port Jackson in exchange for hoes, axes, spades, and tea and sugar." Under this impression he made arrangements with his people for a very extensive cultivation of the land, and formed a plan for building a new town, with regular streets, after the European mode, to be erected on a beautiful situation, which commanded a view of the harbour's mouth and the adjacent country round. We, together, inspected the ground fixed on for the township and the situation of the intended church. The streets were to have been all marked out before the brig sailed for Port Jackson, but at the very time of these arrangements being made Duaterra was laid on his dying bed. I could not but look on him with wonder and astonishment as he lay languishing under his affliction, and could scarcely bring myself to believe that the Divine goodness would remove from the earth a man whose life was of such infinite importance to his country, which was just emerging from barbarism, gross darkness, and superstition. No doubt he had done his work and finished his appointed course, though I fondly imagined that he had only begun his race. 21

It may be not uninteresting to some of my readers to subjoin also the memoir of another young chief named Mowhee (Maui) 22 who likewise was instrumental in promoting the introduction of the Gospel to New Zealand.

When Mowhee was about eight years old he became desirous of visiting New South Wales from the accounts he had heard of the Europeans mentioned to him by Hoodoo (Huru) and Tokee (Toki), and to effect his purpose he embarked on board a whaler at the Bay of Islands the captain of which intended to call at Port Jackson. On their way the vessel touched at Norfolk Island, when Mr. Drummond (the harbourmaster) went on board and took Mowhee on shore to his own house and treated him with great kindness, and promised to keep him as one of his own family if he agreed to remain. Mr. Drummond then placed him at a day school, where he learned to read and write.

Some time after Mowhee's arrival in Norfolk Island Mr. Drummond removed to New South Wales (taking the lad with him) and settled on a farm at Liverpool (a town about seven miles south of Parramatta) 23 I visited Mr. Drummond shortly after he had settled on his estate, and found Mowhee living with him there as a servant, or acting rather in the capacity of shepherd. This sort of employment did not seem to suit Mowhee's turn of mind--he wanted to be placed in a situation where he could see and learn more of civil life. I proposed that he should come and live with me, to which Mr. Drummond agreed, and

[Image of page 71]


he was accordingly removed into my family. By this time he had learned to speak English tolerably well, and could read a little. He possessed an amiable disposition, and seemed anxious to learn all he could. He remained with me till November, 1814, making the period of his stay with Mr. Drummond and me together to be more than eight years. He accompanied me when I sailed to New Zealand in the Active and possessed, at that time, as clear a knowledge of civil life and of the Christian religion as human instructions could well communicate to one just emerging from savage life. 24

On 23rd December he arrived in the Bay of Islands, to the great joy of his friends, and it gave me great pleasure to see with what kindness and affection Mowhee was received by his tribe. Terra (Tara), the head chief, said (on my presenting him with a few trifling articles) that "he could accept nothing from one who had been so kind to his countryman." And while I remained he did all in his power to promote the objects I had in view.

When I returned to New South Wales, Terra's brother, Tupee (Tupehi), with several other chiefs, accompanied me, and I considered these ample security for the safety of the missionaries and their property after my departure. Mowhee was left with his relations at New Zealand that he might assist the missionaries in their intercourse with the natives, being qualified for that task by his knowledge of the English tongue. About twelve months afterwards Mowhee became anxious to improve his knowledge by a visit to England, having heard much of that kingdom. For this purpose he entered as a common sailor on board the Jefferson whaler, home bound, and arrived in the river Thames in May, 1816. The captain of the vessel, having then no further occasion for his services, and knowing that he was connected with the missionaries at New Zealand, took him to the Church Missionary Society's House in Salisbury Square. His case and circumstances were laid before the committee of that benevolent institution, which immediately resolved to provide for the friendless stranger. He was taken under the protection of the Society until an opportunity should offer to return him to his native land. The Rev. Basil Woodd got him under his more immediate care, and provided accommodation for him in a respectable family. He was sent to a charity school belonging to the Bentinck Chapel, and during his attendance on it he was taken ill on the 25th and died on the 28th December, 1816. The Rev. B. Woodd published a very interesting

[Image of page 72]


memoir of him in the "Church Missionary Register" for February, 1817, to which I refer the reader. 25

Mowhee was the first fruit of New Zealanders offered up to God, as far as I may judge from his pious life while he lived with me, and I have little doubt from what I have seen in that island that several of his countrymen have died since in the full assurance of faith, and are now in glory to the everlasting praise of the Redeemer. The Rev. Basil Woodd in his "Memoir of Mowhee" observed as follows:--

"Our first attention was to procure him board and lodging in a creditable family near the Edgeware Road, a few doors from one of the charity schools connected with the Bentinck Chapel, the masters of which were requested to pay him every attention in their power, and to take care that he was supplied with whatever was reasonable and expedient, and to be particularly careful of what acquaintance he made.

"Having furnished him with suitable apparel, I then sent him to a day school kept by Mr. Hazard, a pious and intelligent man, in the adjoining street. I desired that he might be instructed in reading, writing, and the first rules of arithmetic, and that particular attention might be paid to his religious instruction. I especially urged that he should learn to repeat the admirable summary of the Divine law in the church catechism in order that he might be thoroughly instructed in his duty to his God and to his neighbours: in humble hope that through the Divine blessing he might be brought to examine himself by the law of God, by that law might attain to the knowledge of his sins, be convinced of his fallen nature, feel the need in which he stood of a Saviour, and with a penitent and believing heart might understand the design of the death of the Lord Jesus Christ, and trust alone for pardon and acceptance to the Lamb of God who taketh away the sins of the world.

"I requested also that Mr. Amies, one of the masters of the Bentinck schools, and another friend, Mr. Short, would bring him with them to attend the worship of God at Bentinck Chapel and see that he was present at the public catechizing of the schools at the afternoon service.

"I felt the care of this young stranger from a far distant land peculiarly interesting. It struck me as a golden opportunity, or rather as an opportunity more precious than gold, not to be lost; that good was to be done to him now, or perhaps never; that in a few months we must part to meet no more on earth; and, therefore, that it was an imperious duty, the dictate of Christian charity, to afford him in that compressed form which the shortness of his abode in this country demanded, all the general knowledge possible. Our earnest desire and prayer was that when he returned to New Zealand he might carry back with him a competent acquaintance with the arts of civilization, the general principles of Christian morality, and the sublime truths of the glorious Gospel of the blessed God.

"This was our object, and in a short time the intelligent youth amply repaid the expense and attention of the Society. He discovered great tenderness and humility of mind, an ardent thirst for all useful knowledge, a perfect readiness of compliance with the advice of his

[Image of page 73]


instructors, and a devout ambition to qualify himself to be useful in his native country. He took great delight in attending the house of God, in hearing religious conversations, in reading profitable books, and in frequenting the schools. Occasionally at the Sunday Schools he undertook the instruction of a class of little boys that he might learn how to teach the children in New Zealand. He was particularly delighted (when I took him one day to visit Bentinck Girls' School) with the practical simplicity of Dr. Bell's system of education; and he thought he understood it sufficiently to attempt to instruct upon that plan.

"During my annual residence at Drayton, Beauchamp, I was prevented from paying him that attention which I earnestly wished, but I left him under the care of friends who, I trusted, were actuated by principles of Christian duty and would not be inattentive to their charge. Immediately on my return, my first office was to call on Mr. Hazard and inquire how Mowhee was going on. Mr. Hazard gave me a very satisfactory account of our young friend. I found that he had improved surprisingly, and that, under the kind attention of his instructor, he had gained more information than I had anticipated. He had acquired a knowledge of the first principles of drawing and perspective, had done several of the first problems of Euclid, and had drawn various plans and elevations for building of houses. He gave me specimens of all these, selections of which I have presented to the committee of the Church Missionary Society. Considering, however, that a regular report would be more satisfactory to his kind friend, I requested Mr. Hazard to give me a written testimony of his general improvement. From this paper I have learnt that beside the usual hours spent in the school he generally occupied two hours in the evening in religious instruction, drawing, etc. He was, while thus engaged, all attention and obedience, frequently expressing his anxiety to improve that he might be able to instruct his countrymen, and that especially in the knowledge of a Saviour. He often declared his astonishment at the goodness of God in bringing him from a state of darkness into the marvellous light of the Gospel. He spoke with great gratitude of the instruction he had received, and often intimated his hopes that he would be able to assist Mr. Kendall when he returned.

"When asked one day whether he would like to continue in England, he instantly replied, with much feeling, 'Oh, no! I can do no good here, but I may do some good in my own country.'

"One day, after having been at my house where I had shown him a collection of Indian idols, he said to Mr. Hazard on his return: 'Oh! what a blessing it is to be delivered from these vanities to serve the living and true God.' In the months of October and November he was frequently unwell. Mr. Hazard said to him, 'Mowhee, you had better stay at home a day or two till you are better.' His reply was, 'No, Sir, I am never so happy as when at school.' Mr. Hazard assured me that he never saw him out of temper; and that on all occasions he manifested a spirit of humility, patience, and meekness which would be an acquisition to many who bear the name of Christian.

"Though in general very silent and reserved, he was always very communicative with his teacher; he seemed to have formed a great

[Image of page 74]


regard for him, and several times said to him, with joy sparkling in his eyes,'Oh, Sir! I shall often think of you when thousands of miles off.'

"It was very remarkable that he discovered no desire or interest as to any public sights which attract the populace. When informed, on the 9th of November, that the Lord Mayor of London would pass through the streets in grand procession attended with men in armour, music, flags, etc., and that it was such a sight as he might never see but at this time, he could not be prevailed on to walk to Westminster to witness it. But if invited to see a new school, an examination of children, a meeting of a society for Christian benevolence, the distribution of Bibles, or the support of a mission to the heathen, he was all life and attention.

"Mr. Hazard informs me that he was very regular and constant in his seasons for devotion; and he made use of his own expressions in his prayers; and that he always prayed for the success of the Church Missionary Society, for the conversion of his countrymen in New Zealand, and for the ministers of Bentinck Chapel. Another friend whom I requested to take notice of him, who brought him with him to chapel and often accommodated him in his pew (Mr. Short), has informed me that he never heard him use an improper word, that not a symptom of the ordinary profane language of sailors ever escaped his lips, and that he never mentioned the name of God but with awe and reverence. He seemed also very cautious in his words to speak plain truth with great simplicity. One Sunday, as they were walking home from chapel, when the subject of the discourse had been the sufferings and death of the Saviour, Mr. Short asked him if he understood what he had heard. Mowhee replied, 'Yes, indeed; I did understand it, and I hope I shall ever remember it. My poor country is in a dark state, but at the day of judgment this country will have more to answer for; for this country has the light shining before them, and it certainly must be their own fault if they walk in darkness.' After a while he added, 'Alas! my poor country knows no better, but I hope before long they will have these glorious truths revealed to them; and how happy shall I be if I should be able to return and assist in teaching them.'

"At another time, on Advent Sunday, Mr. Short having asked him what was the design of the Redeemer's coming into the world, Mowhee immediately replied: 'He came into the world to save sinners; had He not come and suffered, you and I could never have reached heaven; had He not died for our sins, we must have perished for ever.' I cannot here pass over the great kindness of another esteemed friend, Mr. Coates. On my leaving London I requested him also occasionally to visit Mowhee, and to explain to his capacity the doctrines and duties of our most holy religion. I thought that the instructions of persons of different attainments and education might contribute by its variety to render Divine truth more easy to be understood by our young friend. With my request Mr. Coates very kindly complied, frequently inviting Mowhee to spend the evening at his house. On these occasions he studied to excite him to diligence and application in obtaining all that knowledge which might render him a fit instrument for promoting the civilization and the moral and religious instruction of his countrymen.

[Image of page 75]


"His constant method of spending the evening was to desire Mowhee to read a chapter in the New Testament on which he himself made such observations as the subject naturally suggested, and in this manner endeavoured to engage Mowhee in a familiar conversation. On one of these occasions when Mr. Coates pointed out the extensive blessing which he might be the means of conveying to New Zealand by religious instruction, civilization, and various branches of useful knowledge, for which distant generations might have cause to render thanks to God, his countenance assumed great animation, and he seemed to realise the prospects which had been opened to his view; but, in a moment, it passed away, and he observed with a dejected air, 'But my countrymen will not attend to what I tell them.'

"After my return to London I desired him one morning to accompany to the Philological School myself and the Sultan Kategerry, who is lately come from Tartary to acquire information that he may hereafter benefit his countrymen. Here he was greatly delighted; the first principles of geography were explained to him in a new and simple method. The longitude and latitude of his own country and the probable employment of its inhabitants at the different hours of the day were pointed out to him. With all this he seemed much gratified.

"The damp and foggy weather of November greatly tried his constitution. He contracted a very bad cough, and for a time contended with the usual symptoms of rapid consumption. I instantly put him under the care of a medical relative, Mr. Charles Woodd, and in a short time was happy to find that under his kind attention all the alarming symptoms were completely removed. As it was evident, however, that this damp and cold atmosphere did not agree with him, it was judged expedient to recommend to the Society that as soon as an opportunity offered he should return to his native country. At this period I was indulging the pleasing hope that Mowhee would in a short time return to New Zealand, moderately qualified to instruct and assist his countrymen in building their small houses, to improve them in civilization and the duties of justice and mercy, and to assist in teaching the sublime and holy truths of the Gospel of our God and Saviour.

"Such was our delightful contemplation when a mysterious Providence by an unexpected event said, on a sudden: 'Dust thou art, and unto dust shalt thou return.'

"On Christmas Day, Mowhee complained of great pain in his head and back, and was so unwell that he was advised to keep at home. On Thursday morning I was informed that his face was considerably swelled and that symptoms of dysentery appeared.

"I was engaged that morning to attend the funeral of a respected friend and proposed calling to see him on my return, but the after part of the day brought on a heavy rain, and not being very well I did not venture out. I had previously desired that medical aid might be immediately called in. On Friday morning, immediately after breakfast, I repaired to the house where he lodged. The account given me was very alarming. I went upstairs, and the scene was the most distressing and dreadful that I have ever witnessed. The floor of the chamber was covered, as it were, with blood, as appeared also the countenance of my poor young friend. He seemed totally debilitated, and spoke very

[Image of page 76]


faintly and with extreme difficulty. The room was offensive in the extreme. The disorder appeared to me quite unintelligible. I have never seen, among the many cases which I have visited, anything of the kind before. I sent immediately to Mr. C. Woodd, who had offered to attend him without expense to the Society, and requested that he would as soon as possible meet me at Mowhee's apartment. He had arrived first and sent for me from a school which I was attending. When I entered the room he said, 'It is not safe for you to be here. This is one of the most rapid, and most malignant, putrid fevers that I have ever met with.' The fact was that the whole system, if I express it rightly, was, as it were, decomposing; his blood was oozing from every pore; the mouth, nose, ears, and eyes exhibited this awful spectacle. On a near approach I observed the whole of his countenance covered with purple spots, and that blood seemed mixed with his very perspiration. I retired with my medical friend, and immediately some medicines and other strengthening aids were sent for the poor sufferer.

"It then struck me that it was not right to leave this young stranger to die solitary and unattended by ministerial consolation. I therefore judged it to be my path of duty to return to him. Accordingly I took some port wine, directed a fumigation of nitrous acid, etc., to be prepared, dipped my handkerchief in vinegar, and returned to the bedside of poor dying Mowhee.

"I had been told that he probably would not survive the ensuing night. No time, therefore, was to be lost, especially as delirium was apprehended. I said, 'Mowhee, you seem very ill. Life is always uncertain; if it be the will of God, I pray that you may recover; but if not, I trust you have got good by coming to England.'

"'I trust, Sir,' he replied, 'I got good to my soul before I came to England, when I was at Norfolk Island, and in New Holland.' After a pause he added, 'Also since I have attended the school Mr. Hazard has been very kind and has taken great pains. He often read the Scripture with me and explained them.'

"I said, 'You are sensible of your state as a sinner before God.'

"He shook his head, and replied in his usual manner of assent, 'Oh, yes--oh, yes, very sensible of that.'

"I then said, 'I hope all your dependence for pardon and mercy at the hand of God is wholly and entirely built on the death and merit of our blessed Saviour.'

"He again shook his head, which was his ordinary custom when anything interested him, and replied: 'Oh, yes--oh, yes, on Him alone. He that believeth on Him shall have everlasting salvation.'

"I again observed: 'I trust you endeavour to submit to the will of God, your Heavenly Father, and I hope, that in your present situation, you feel the support and consolation of the Gospel of Christ.'

"He replied: 'Oh, Sir! I cannot express what I feel. I have not words; but it is in my imagination. It is in my thoughts.'

"Perceiving that he was greatly exhausted, and from the blood which collected in his mouth spoke with difficulty, I then said: 'Mowhee, would you wish me to pray with you?' He instantly said: 'Oh, yes. I should be very glad.'

[Image of page 77]


"Accordingly I kneeled down by his bedside, and offered a short prayer for his support and for the pardon of his sins, that his repentance and faith might be strengthened, that he might be enabled to say, 'My Father! not my will, but Thine be done,' that should the disorder end in death he might through the merits of the Great Sacrifice be received to the arms of his merciful God, and that, hereafter, as we now joined in prayer in an hour of affliction, we might meet again and join in praise, in glory everlasting. After prayer he thanked me very affectionately. I then said: 'Mowhee, when I write to Mr. Marsden, have you any message to send to him?'

"He immediately said: 'Oh, tell him I am under everlasting obligations to him for his great kindness to me and to my poor countrymen.' I then added: 'Mowhee, what shall I say to Mr. Kendall?' He instantly replied: 'Tell him that I never forgot his instructions.'

"On this I addressed him: 'Well, my dear friend, may the Lord bless you and keep you. May He lift up the light of His countenance upon you, and give you peace, and when called hence to be no more seen may He receive you to His Heavenly Kingdom.' I then withdrew.

"Soon after, as the disorder advanced, he became delirious, but at intervals he was intelligent and seemed at those periods engaged in lifting up his heart in prayer to God. The next morning he appeared for a time a little revived and lay very tranquil, resigned and happy. He had been literally in a sweat of blood, but it considerably abated. Two persons were with him, and frequently bathed his face with vinegar, which seemed to refresh him.

"About five in the morning one of his attendants read by him the prayers of the service for the visitation of the sick. He seemed to hear with attention, and to be wholly occupied in prayer, but Nature was nearly exhausted. He lay in this state till about half-past seven, when death closed his eyes, on the 28th day of December, 1816; and we humbly trust that 'mortality was swallowed up of life, even life everlasting.' How mysterious is the Providence of God! How unsearchable are His judgments! and His ways past finding out! Still we must not be discouraged. Our work is the Lord's. The event at which we aim is certain--the uttermost parts of the earth will become the possession of the Son of God. I had often looked at Mowhee, and anticipated with great delight the day when he would return to New Zealand and the natives would hear from the lips of a New Zealander of the unsearchable riches of Christ. From his piety, capacity, and application, I had fondly conjectured that it might eventually happen, that as Sattianaden, Nanaperagason, Adeykalam, and Abraham, ordained by the Lutheran Church native priests, are now labouring in India, under the Society for promoting Christian Knowledge, so, I trusted, it was not impossible but that Mowhee, under the patronage of the Church Missionary Society, might be employed in New Zealand, and direct his fellow natives to Him Who is 'the propitiation for the sins of the whole world.' These pleasing prospects are now, alas, but as a dream when one awaketh. Mowhee is no more. I left his dying bed with a deepened impression of the duty of supporting the missionary exertions of these

[Image of page 78]


two institutions, and I can truly add, with cordial exultation in the conversion of the heathen, if accomplished under the Divine blessing, by the zeal of those societies which are not of our own communion, the Lord prosper them: we wish them success in the name of the Lord. This thought then occurred to me. Mowhee is dead; but his work is not yet done. Let his grave address his countrymen. Who can tell but they yet may hear and believe? I give, therefore, this memoir to the Society. Let it, if approved by the committee, be printed in a good type, in the form of a tract after it has received their perusal and correction. Let Mowhee's family be especially considered. Perhaps they may read, or at least hear it, with some interest; and thus may we say of Mowhee: 'By it, he, being dead, yet speaketh, and O native of New Zealand, whoever thou art that mayst hear or read this little tract, remember that Mowhee on his deathbed remembered and prayed for thee. May his prayer be answered in thy conversion: May the God and Saviour Who taught Mowhee by the Holy Spirit the path of life be your God and Saviour in life and death and forever.' To this prayer let all the faithful in Christ Jesus who may read the memoir say Amen.

The death of Mowhee in London will show the Christian world the power of Divine grace, and encourage the faithful, whose single desire is the increase of the Redeemer's kingdom, to go on in their work and labour of love. The Lord of Hosts is with them and has blessed their labours to the honour and glory of His grace, and is raising up a people to serve Him in that heathen and benighted land who will finally sit down with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in the Kingdom of God for ever and ever."

[Before Marsden learned of the sad fate of Maui he had already, to his intense delight, made his first journey to New Zealand and witnessed the establishment of the mission station upon which, for so many years, his mind had been fixed. The journal in which the events of this epoch-making voyage were recorded was despatched from Parramatta to the Rev. Josiah Pratt, the Secretary of the Church Missionary Society, under date 20th June, 1815. Marsden had been absent from New South Wales for four months and returned glowing with enthusiasm and hope, fully persuaded that he had succeeded in accomplishing all that he had set before himself.

The journal continues as follows:--]

I communicated to you on a former occasion my full intention of accompanying the settlers to New Zealand, in order to aid them in their first establishment and to give them as much influence as possible amongst the natives; I had for many years studied the characters of the New Zealanders, having generally some living with me, and was under no apprehension of danger from them as far as my own personal safety and those who were about to go with me were concerned. Many in New South Wales were of the opinion that we should never return, from the horrid massacres that have repeatedly been committed in that island by the natives, but these persons had not sufficiently considered the provocations given to the natives by Europeans, as it is well known that the Europeans have thought it no crime to murder and plunder these islanders upon the most trivial occasions, and too often

[Image of page 79]


from mere wanton cruelty. From my first knowledge of these people, I have always considered them the finest and noblest race of heathens known to the civilized world, and have ever been persuaded that they only wanted the introduction of the arts of civilization and the knowledge of the Christian religion to make them a great nation, and am more confirmed in this opinion since I have visited them than I was before, as I found them much more civilized in general than I had previously conceived.

I shall now proceed with the particulars of my first voyage to New Zealand.

When I was preparing for New Zealand, Mr. John Liddiard Nicholas, a gentleman who came out to settle in this colony about two years ago, voluntarily proposed to accompany me. 26 I readily accepted his offer. We embarked on board the Active brig on Saturday, the 19th of November, 1814, and sailed down the harbour early that morning, but were obliged to anchor again near the mouth of it by contrary winds; here we were detained nine days. On Monday, the 28th, we weighed anchor and got out to sea. The number of persons on board the Active, including women and children, were 35--Mr. Hanson (Hansen), master, his wife and son, Messrs. Kendall, Hall, and King, with their wives and five children, eight New Zealanders, 27 two Otaheitans, and four Europeans belonging to the vessel, besides Mr. Nicholas, myself, two sawyers, one smith, and one runaway convict whom we afterwards found on board. We had also on board one entire horse, two mares, one bull, and two cows, with a few sheep and poultry of different kinds intended for the island. The cows and bull had been presented by Governor Macquarie from His Majesty's herd.

Nothing of consequence happened during our voyage. I suffered much from sea-sickness, and though I have been so frequently at sea I cannot get the better of that unpleasant complaint; I am always sick, and frequently compelled to keep my bed.

On the 16th December we saw the Three Kings, some small islands which lie to the north end of New Zealand about twelve leagues.

[Image of page 80]


We sailed close by them in the afternoon; as I wished to pass a day at the North Cape, we stood in for it in the evening with a light breeze and saw the land before sunset. We had little wind all night; the next morning (17th) at daylight we were almost four leagues from shore. We stood in till about 8 o'clock. I was anxious to have an interview with the chiefs in order that I might explain to them the object of my voyage, introduce the settlers to them, and prepare the way for my future attempts to promote their welfare. After breakfast the ship's boat was hoisted out with a view to visiting the shore; I directed Duaterra (Ruatara), Shunghee (Hongi), Korokoro, Tohee or Toui (Tuhi), and Tiraara (Tirarau?)--all the chiefs we had on board--to go in her, and no Europeans, so that they might open an intercourse between us and the natives and bring us some supplies. The boat was well armed, that they might defend themselves if any attack should be made upon them.

Before the boat had reached the land, a canoe appeared alongside the Active with plenty of fish, and shortly after a chief followed from the shore, who immediately came on board with his son. In his canoe there were some very fine-looking men. I asked him if he had seen Duaterra whom I had sent on shore. He told me he had not, and immediately showed me a pocket knife which he had tied to a string round his waist and which he highly valued, and informed me that it had been given to him by Duaterra a long time before. I was much gratified that we had been so fortunate as to meet with a chief who knew our friend Duaterra, as we were now likely to obtain fully the object of our visit. I told them my name, with which they seemed well acquainted, and immediately enquired after a young man belonging to that place who had lived with me some time previously. His brother was in the canoe, and greatly rejoiced he was to see me; he made the most anxious, enquiries after his brother and I gave him every information I could. We were now quite free from all fear, as the natives seemed desirous to show their attention to us by every possible means in their power. I informed the chief that we wanted some hogs and potatoes. He requested me to send one of our people on shore in his canoe and he would send for some immediately. I ordered one of the New Zealanders belonging to the vessel into the canoe as I did not think it prudent to send any European.

The chief and his son remained on board; they seemed very happy and much gratified with our confidence in them. I explained to the chief the object of our voyage, and informed him that the Active would continue to visit them from time to time, and that Messrs. Kendall, Hall, and King would settle at the Bay of Islands for the general benefit of their country. I also gave him a printed copy of Governor Macquarie's "Instructions to Masters of Vessels" relative to them. I explained their meaning, which he comprehended and much approved of, and directed him to show these instructions to all the captains of vessels that touched there as they would be a protection to them. He received these instructions with much satisfaction. 28

[Inserted unpaginated map]

To illustrate Marsden's journeys of 1814-15 and 1820

[Image of page 81]


In a short time other canoes came to the Active, and brought an abundance of the finest fish I ever saw; our. decks were soon covered with them. We had now a number of natives, both on board and alongside, who behaved with the greatest propriety. We traded with them for fishing lines and other articles of curiosity.

Before Duaterra and the other chiefs returned with the boat, a large war canoe came off to the vessel. She was very full of stout fine-looking men, and sailed very fast, though the sea was rather rough and we were some distance from the land. It was pleasing to behold with what ease she topt the rising waves. One of the principal chiefs was in this war canoe with a number of his attendants, and along with him a young man, an Otaheitan, known by the name of Jem 29 whom I had known some years, as he had resided a considerable time at Parramatta with Mr. McArthur. This Otaheitan had married the chief's daughter, and his wife was in the canoe. He was much surprised to see me, and I was no less so to meet him there so very unexpectedly. He had been in the habit of calling at my house when at Parramatta, and was well acquainted with my situation in New South Wales. As he could speak English exceedingly well, I fully explained to him the object of my voyage to New Zealand. He was much pleased at the idea of Europeans residing in the island. This young man, being very intelligent and active, appeared to have gained the full confidence of his father-in-law, and to have great weight and influence at the North Cape. I made himself, his father-in-law, and the other principal men a few presents which were gratefully received.

After some conversation I mentioned that the New Zealanders had been guilty of great cruelties towards the Europeans and particularly in the case of the Boyd. They replied that the Europeans were the first aggressors by inflicting corporal punishment on their chiefs. I also told them that Mr. Barnes, the master of the Jefferson whaler, when at Port Jackson had informed me that they had acted treacherously towards him in attempting to cut off two boats belonging to the Jefferson when she was last at the North Cape in company with the King George. I told them I was much concerned to hear these reports, and that if they continued to act in this manner no European vessels would visit them. In reply to this the Otaheitan young chief stated that the masters of the Jefferson and King George had, in the first instance, behaved very ill to them. They had agreed to give 150 baskets of potatoes and eight hogs for one musket. The potatoes and hogs were delivered and divided between the two vessels, after which the Otaheitan and one of the chiefs

[Image of page 82]


went on board the King George for the musket, which was delivered. At the same time the master of the King George demanded more potatoes and hogs. The chief was detained on board and the Otaheitan sent on shore for the articles demanded. The head chief said he had fulfilled the agreement for the musket by the 150 baskets of potatoes and eight hogs and he would give no more. The chief that was detained prisoner on board the King George was the head chief's brother, and was with us at this time. The Otaheitan was sent to the King George to tell the master that no more potatoes and hogs would be given, and to request him to release the chief whom he had unjustly detained. This the master refused to do, and also kept the Otaheitan a prisoner. In two or three days they were put on board the Jefferson, and there they remained for some days till they were ransomed at 170 baskets of potatoes and five hogs. The people on shore were greatly enraged all this time and alarmed for the safety of their chief, the vessels being out of sight for some time. After the potatoes and hogs were delivered two boats were sent on shore with the Otaheitan and the chief. Great numbers of the natives were assembled on the shore to receive them. They were no sooner landed than the natives fired upon the boats, and I have no doubt but they would have massacred the crews at the moment, if they could, for their fraud and cruelty. The Otaheitan told me it was not possible to restrain the people from firing upon the boats. The chief spoke with great warmth and indignation at the treatment he had received. I assured them that both King George and Governor Macquarie would punish any act of fraud or cruelty committed by the Europeans whenever they were informed of them.

I then gave them Governor Macquarie's "Instructions to Masters of Vessels" and explained the nature of them, which was clearly understood by the Otaheitan who explained it to the rest. I told them that the Active would occasionally visit them, and by that means they might easily obtain redress from the Governor of New South Wales, and requested them never to commit any act of violence upon the Europeans in future, but refer their complaints to Governor Macquarie. They seemed much pleased, and promised they would not injure the crews of ships that might touch there. I also informed them that the masters of the King George and Jefferson would be called upon to answer for their conduct when they came to Port Jackson, as I should inform Governor Macquarie of what they had done.

While the principal chief and his party remained on board, the boat returned with Duaterra and the rest that had gone in her. Duaterra and the principal chief seemed well acquainted, and were very polite to each other. The most friendly salutations passed between them, and Duaterra being now comparatively very rich made several presents to his friends as did the other chiefs who had come with me from Sydney.

Duaterra renewed the conversation relative to their firing upon the Jefferson's boats, and laid the strongest injunctions on them not to injure the Europeans in future, bur refer their complaints to the Governor of New South Wales.

[Image of page 83]


This was one of the most interesting and pleasant days I had ever enjoyed. I was never more amused and gratified than upon this occasion. Before evening we had got an abundant supply of fish, hogs, and potatoes. I informed the natives we should sail that night for the Bay of Islands. They pressed us very much to stop another day and they would bring us more hogs, potatoes, and fish. I told them we had enough for the present, and that I would call and see them on my return to Port Jackson, and, in the meantime, if they would prepare me some flax I would buy it from them. The chief promised to have some ready.

As soon as evening came on they took their leave in a very warm and affectionate manner and went into their canoes to return to shore, apparently much satisfied with the reception that they had met with on board the Active and the information they had received relative to the Active visiting them again and the Europeans settling on their island.

When they had left us we made sail and proceeded on our voyage with a fair breeze. During the night (18th) the wind died away, and in the morning the little we had was against us, so that our progress along the coast was but slow. The hills and woods appeared very beautiful to the eye, and the fires of the natives smoked in all directions on the mainland. The wind continued nearly the same during the day. The next morning (19th) we beat up against the wind and passed the mouth of the harbour of Wangarooa, the place where the Boyd was cut off, but could not weather the Cavalles, some small inhabited islands a few miles from the main. The natives informed us there was a safe passage between these islands and the main, and we therefore endeavoured to beat through them but could not for contrary wind. 30

As we were not far from the Cavalles, I wished to visit the people on them and had the boat hoisted out for that purpose. Messrs. Nicholas and Kendall, with Korokoro and Tohee (Tuhi) accompanied me on shore.

As soon as we landed all the natives ran off, and secreted themselves in the bushes, excepting one old man who, being lame, was not able to make his escape. We walked up to him; he appeared alarmed till he saw Korokoro. I then made him a present of a few trifles, and in return he offered us a basket of dried fish which we declined. Immediately Korokoro left us and went in search of the natives. Mr. Kendall sat down with the old man who was much fatigued in getting up the hill from the steepness of the shore. Mr. Nicholas and I went after Korokoro, but were some time before we could find him; he had gone to enquire after his relations who lived upon this island. After some time we found Korokoro, who had met with one of his own men.

By this time the natives began to recover from their alarm and to come out of their hiding places. While we were talking with Korokoro and some of the natives, his aunt was seen coming towards us with

[Image of page 84]


some women and children. She had a green bough twisted round her head, and another in her hand, and a young child on her back. When she came within a hundred yards she began to make a very mournful lamentation, and hung down her head as if oppressed with the heaviest grief. 31 She advanced to Korokoro with a slow pace. Korokoro appeared much agitated and stood in deep silence like a statue leaning upon his musket. As his aunt advanced she prayed aloud and wept exceedingly. Tohee, Korokoro's brother, seemed much affected and as if ashamed of his aunt's conduct; he told us he would not cry: "I will act like an Englishman,"- he said, "I will not cry!" Korokoro remained motionless till his aunt came up to him when they laid their heads together, the woman leaning upon a staff and Korokoro upon his gun, and in this situation they wept aloud for a long time and repeated short sentences alternately, which we understood were prayers, and continued weeping, the tears rolling down their sable countenances in torrents. It was impossible to see them without being deeply affected. At this time also the daughter of Korokoro's aunt sat at her mother's feet weeping, and all the women joined in their lamentations. We thought this an extraordinary custom amongst them and a singular mode of manifesting their joy, but we afterwards found that this custom was general in the island of New Zealand. Many of these poor women cut themselves in their faces, arms, and breasts with sharp shells or flints till the blood ran down in streams. When their tears and lamentations had subsided, I presented the women with a few presents. Tohee had sat all this time labouring to suppress his feelings, having declared he would not cry. In a short time we were joined by several fine young men; amongst them there was a youth, the son of a chief of the island. When Tohee saw him coming he could contain his feelings no longer but instantly ran to him and they were locked in each other's arms, weeping aloud. After they had saluted each other and the women had gone through various ceremonies, we entered into conversation with them. I enquired why they all ran off into the bushes. They told us that they had supposed when we landed that we were going to shoot them. These people were greatly rejoiced when they found us to be their friends. They did everything in their power to please and gratify us. After spending a few hours we returned to the place where we left Mr. Kendall talking to the old man. A number of the natives attended us, and we enjoyed a very pleasant day, as every object around us was new and interesting, particularly the inhabitants. From the top of the Cavalles the view of the mainland, together with the ocean and the numerous small islands scattered upon it, is the most delightful I ever saw--at least I thought so.

When we arrived we found Mr. Kendall had been visited by some of the natives, who were still with him, and had much entertained him during our absence. In the evening we returned to the vessel accompanied by the son of the chief and other chiefs from the mainland, who remained on board all night.

[Image of page 85]


The next morning the wind still continued against us, and we had been labouring more than a day and a night to work the vessel either round the islands or between them and the mainland to no purpose. I thought it most prudent, as there was good anchorage, to bring the vessel to anchor and wait for a fair wind. I communicated my wishes to the master accordingly, and we came to anchor between the islands and the mainland in seven fathoms of water.

Here we lay about five leagues from Wangarooa harbour, where the Boyd was cut off and her crew massacred, and one league from that part of the mainland which belonged to the chief Shunghee who came with us from Port Jackson. Duaterra and Shunghee had often told me of the bloody war that had been carried on between the people of Wangarooa and those of the Bay of Islands from the time the Boyd was destroyed till that period. During the stay of these chiefs in New South Wales they were always apprehensive that the chiefs of Wangarooa would take advantage of their absence to make an attack upon the people at the Bay of Islands. However, we here learned that there had been no disturbances since they had left home. It appeared that after the Boyd had been cut off, Tippahee, a chief belonging to the Bay of Islands, who had visited Port Jackson where he received great attention, was accused of being concerned in that dreadful massacre, in consequence of which the whalers who were at that time upon the coast had come into the Bay of Islands shortly after that affair, united their forces, and sent seven armed boats before daybreak to attack the island of Tippahee 32 where, on their landing, they shot every man, woman, and child that came in their way. In this attack Tippahee received seven wounds and soon afterwards died.

Duaterra and Shunghee always declared that Tippahee (Te Pahi) was innocent of the crime for which he suffered, and that Tippoohee (Te Puhi) of Wangarooa committed it. Wangarooa is situated about thirty miles nearer the North Cape than the Bay of Islands. Tippahee was in the habit of trading with the people of Wangarooa and happened to go there with a cargo of fish on the day on which the Boyd was taken and the whole of her crew massacred. When he arrived five only of her men were alive and in the rigging, whom he took into his own canoe and landed them with a view of saving their lives, but being followed by the people who committed the outrage these five were forcibly taken from him and instantly put to death. This is the account given by those natives who had first visited New South Wales. They originally declared that Tippahee was innocent of the destruction of the Boyd. The people at the Bay of Islands, in consequence of the murder of their chief Tippahee, declared war against the people of Wangarooa. Several desperate battles had been fought, and the war was likely to continue.

I had often told Duaterra and Shunghee that it would be to the interest of all parties to make peace, and that I wished to see it established before I quitted New Zealand. Duaterra expressed his doubts as to the accomplishment of this object. I told him I thought if I could obtain an interview with the chiefs I might bring it about, and that it was my determination to visit Wangarooa before my return to try what could be done.

[Image of page 86]


The next day the wind still continued in the same quarter, which obliged us to remain at anchor. I again visited the Cavalles and there learned that the chiefs of Wangarooa were on the mainland and all the principal warriors. They had come to the funeral of some great man who had died a few days before, and were then encamped on the shore opposite to our anchorage. At this information I hastened on board and consulted with Duaterra. I told him how anxious I was to make peace now that the Europeans were come to settle amongst them, that this would secure the lives of the Europeans and tend to the general benefit of their country. I expressed my wish to visit the camp of the Wangarooa people and hear what the chiefs had to say on the subject. As he had never met these people since the loss of the Boyd except in the field of battle he hesitated for some time. I did all I could to induce him to try the experiment. He was not afraid of himself but was apprehensive that some accident might happen to me or to the persons of my party. He at length consented to go on shore with me. Shunghee and Korokoro agreed to accompany us, and Messrs. Nicholas, Kendall, King, and Hanson (Hansen) volunteered to do the same. We took several loaded muskets in the boats with us. The beach on which we were to land belonged to Shunghee and was covered with his people. 33

When we approached the shore we saw the Wangarooa chiefs with their warriors encamped on a high sugar loaf hill to our left, with colours flying, etc. The foot of this hill communicated with the sea. As soon as they saw us land (our distance from them being about half a mile) they took to their spears, struck their colours, and ran off as fast as they could.

Duaterra took a brace of large pistols and told me to follow him slowly, for he would come up to them at a certain point where they must speak to him because they could not escape by any other way on account of the sea. We all marched together after Duaterra, being surrounded by an immense crowd of men, women, and children belonging to Shunghee's tribe. Some of the principals of these people ran in different directions to clear the way and keep the crowd from pressing us. In a short time Duaterra returned to meet us and called to me to come forward; accordingly we mended our pace and soon came in sight of the Wangarooa people who had stopped to receive us. A line was formed on each side of us to march through them. An old woman, whom I took to be a priestess, made a very great noise and waved a flag as we advanced. The chiefs were all seated on the ground, according to their custom, and their warriors standing up with their spears fixed upright which were from 15 to 20 feet in length and upwards. They were armed also with their patooes (patus). 34 Duaterra stood at some distance from the chiefs, who were seated, with a pistol in his hand. When I had got up to the chiefs, Duaterra discharged his pistol and afterwards ordered

[Image of page 87]


the muskets belonging to our party to be discharged, which was done. The Wangarooa people discharged their muskets also. These I considered as most favourable omens to my object. One of the principal chiefs who had cut off the Boyd had been at Parramatta and knew me. He had been on board the whalers for a considerable time and spoke English well enough to be understood. He is known by the Europeans by the name of George. 35

I made the chiefs a few presents, and after some conversation upon various subjects and particularly upon the occasion of my visit to New Zealand, I enquired how they came to cut off the Boyd and massacre her crew. Two of them stated that they were at Port Jackson when the Boyd was there, and had been put on board by Mr. Lord in order to return home. The head chief (George) had fallen sick when on board and was unable to do his duty as a common sailor, in consequence of which he was severely punished, refused provisions and threatened to be thrown overboard, and many other indignities were offered him even by the common sailors. He remonstrated with the master, begged him not to inflict corporal punishment upon him, saying that he was a chief in his own country which they would know on their arrival at New Zealand. He was told he was no chief, with many abusive terms which he mentioned and which are but too commonly used by British sailors.

When he arrived at Wangarooa his back was in a very lacerated state, and his friends and people were determined to revenge the insults which had been offered him. He said if he had not been treated with such cruelty the Boyd would never have been touched. From the accounts which these chiefs and their people gave of the destruction of the Boyd, Tippahee had no hand in this melancholy event; it was wholly their own act and deed. This being strictly true, I see no reason to disbelieve their declaration that Tippahee and his people were innocent sufferers, and their deaths laid the foundation for much bloodshed. Many since that period have been cut off, both belonging to the Bay of Islands and to Wangarooa, and I never passed Tippahee's Island without a sigh. It is now desolate, without an inhabitant, and has been so ever since his death. The ruins of his little cottage, which was built

[Image of page 88]


by the kindness of the late Governor King, still remains. I would hope that those Europeans who were concerned in that fatal transaction were ignorant at the time that they were punishing the innocent. I think it probable the mistake, if there was one, which I am inclined to believe, originated in the affinity between the names of Tippahee and the chief of Wangarooa who was principally concerned in the destruction of the Boyd and whose name is Tippoohee (Te Puhi). This chief I saw and conversed with on the subject.

Having fully satisfied myself relative to the loss of the Boyd, and explained to these people the reason of the Active's coming to New Zealand, I found as night was coming on I could not accomplish the grand object I had in view, namely, to make peace, without spending more time with them, and therefore I resolved to remain all night in their camp. Shunghee had given directions to his people to prepare supper for us nearly a mile from where we then were. I told the chiefs we would go to visit Shunghee's people, and when we had taken some refreshment I and Mr. Nicholas would return and spend the night in their camp, in order that we might have a little more conversation with them. To this they readily consented, and with a view to show some marked attention they entertained us with a sham fight, war-dance, and song of victory before we went to Shunghee's people.

After these ceremonies were over we took leave and returned to the place where we had landed, attended by a very large number of natives. Shunghee's servants had got our potatoes and fish prepared.

Duaterra and the party who had come with us from the Active now returned on board, leaving myself, Mr. Nicholas, and Shunghee to spend the night on shore. We sat down upon the ground to supper, but were soon almost smothered with the natives who crowded so close around us that I was compelled to draw a circle and direct them not to pass it. We were here much amused with these people, and they appeared equally so with us and manifested every wish to serve us. After spending about an hour with them, we returned to the camp of the Wangarooa people who had removed about half a mile further from the place where we had had our first interview with them, and had taken their station on a level piece of ground which I estimated to contain about one hundred acres. When we arrived they received us very cordially; we sat down amongst them and the chiefs surrounded us. I now renewed our conversation relative to the destruction of the Boyd with a view of bringing about a reconciliation between them and the inhabitants of the Bay of Islands, as I considered it of great importance to the mission to establish peace between these contending parties. The chiefs told me the state the Boyd was then in, and promised to give me the guns and whatever remained belonging to her if I would go into their harbour; they had got some of the guns on shore and would get the rest.

The chief George told me that his father and five others were blown up in the Boyd when she took fire. His father had got part of the powder upon deck with some of the muskets, and was trying one of the flints in a musket whether it would strike fire or not, when a spark caught the powder and set the Boyd on fire and killed all that were near. He pressed me much to go into their harbour. I told him I probably

[Image of page 89]


should before I left New Zealand, if the wind would permit, but I could not go at that time on account of the stock and number of people I had on board the Active. I then spoke to him on the subject of peace, and pointed out to him how much more it would be for their interest and happiness to turn their attention to agriculture and the improvement of their country than continue to fight and murder one another, and particularly now as the Europeans were going to settle amongst them, through whom they could obtain wheat to sow their lands with and tools for agriculture. I assured them that every assistance would be given to them by the Europeans to promote the improvement of their present situation and that, if they would only attend to the cultivation of their lands and lay aside all wars and murders, they would soon become a great and happy people.

George replied then they did not want to fight any more and were ready to make peace. Much conversation passed, principally respecting New Zealand and Port Jackson, which George had visited. I endeavoured to impress upon his mind the comforts we enjoyed compared to them in our mode of living, houses, etc., which he well knew, and that all such comforts they might equally enjoy in a short time by cultivating their lands and improving themselves in useful knowledge, which they would now have an opportunity to acquire from the European settlers. He seemed sensible of all these advantages, and expressed a wish to follow my advice. We were surrounded by the other chiefs and their people during our conversation.

As the evening advanced the people began to retire to rest in different groups. About 11 o'clock Mr. Nicholas and myself wrapped ourselves up in our great-coats and prepared for rest also. George directed me to lie by his side; his wife and child lay upon the right hand and Mr. Nicholas close by. The night was clear, the stars shone brightly, and the sea in our front was smooth. Around us were numerous spears stuck upright in the ground and groups of natives lying in all directions like a flock of sheep upon the grass, as there were neither tents nor huts to cover them.

I viewed our present situation with new sensations and feelings that I cannot express. Surrounded by cannibals, who had massacred and devoured our countrymen, I wondered much at the mysteries of Providence, and how these things could be. Never did I behold the blessed advantages of civilization in a more grateful light than now. I did not sleep much during the night; my mind was too seriously occupied by the present scene and the new and strange ideas it naturally excited.

About three o'clock in the morning (20th) I arose and walked about the camp surveying the different groups of natives; some of them put out their heads from under the top of their kakkahows, 36 which are like a beehive, and spoke to me. When the morning light returned we beheld men, women, and children asleep in all directions like the beasts of the field.

I had directed the boat to come on shore for us at daylight, and soon after Duaterra arrived in the camp. I now invited the chiefs on board the Active to breakfast, which invitation they readily accepted. We immediately went all in the boat together, and several canoes put

[Image of page 90]


off at the same time for the Active. At first I entertained doubts whether the chiefs would trust themselves with us or not on account of the Boyd, lest we should detain them when we had them in our power, but they showed no signs of fear and went on board with apparent confidence. I communicated to Duaterra my intention to make them some presents. He told me that whatever article I gave to one I must give a similar article to another, and each article was to be given separately, and to the eldest chief first. The axes, billhooks, prints, etc., which I intended to give them were all got ready after breakfast. The chiefs were seated in the cabin in great form to receive the presents. I sat on one side of the table and they on the other. Duaterra stood and handed each article separately that I was to give them. Messrs. Kendall, Hall, and King, with the master of the Active and his son, were all one after another introduced to the chiefs. The chiefs, at the same time, were informed what duty each of these persons were appointed to do--Mr. Kendall to instruct their children, Mr. Hall to build houses, boats, etc., Mr. King to make fishing lines, and Mr. Hanson (Hansen) to command the Active, which would be employed in bringing axes and such other articles as were wanted from Port Jackson to enable them to cultivate their land and improve their country.

When these ceremonies were over of giving and receiving the presents, I expressed my hopes that they would have no more wars, but from that time would be reconciled to each other. Duaterra, Shunghee, and Korokoro all shook hands with the chiefs of Wangarooa and saluted each other as a token of reconciliation by joining their noses together. I was much gratified to see these men at amity once more, and sincerely wish that this peace may never be broken. I considered the time well employed while we had been detained by adverse winds.

The chiefs took their leave after this, much pleased with our attention to them and promised never to injure any Europeans in future. Having now nothing more to do and the wind becoming favourable, in the afternoon we weighed anchor and stood for the Bay of Islands and reached the mouth of the harbour that night, but for want of wind we could not get in. About ten o'clock the next morning we entered the mouth of the harbour and were met by a war canoe belonging to Korokoro, who resides upon the south side of the harbour. In this canoe were Korokoro's son and a number of his servants. They were all greatly rejoiced to see their chief. He left his son on board and immediately went on shore in his canoe.

About three o'clock on Thursday, the 22nd December, we anchored on the north side of the harbour about seven miles from the heads in a cove opposite to the town of Rangheehoo 37 where Duaterra was wont to reside, to the great joy of his people. The Active was soon surrounded with canoes from all quarters. On going ashore Duaterra and Shunghee found all their friends and relatives well, who wept much for joy at their return, and the women cut themselves, in a similar manner to those at the Cavalles, with shells and flints, till the blood flowed down. It was in vain to attempt to persuade them not to do this, as they considered it the strongest proof of their affections.

[Image of page 91]


The next day (24th) we landed the horses and cattle, 38 and fixed upon a place for the present residence of the settlers, and began to clear away the rubbish and prepare for erecting the houses for their reception on a piece of ground adjoining to the native town pitched upon by Duaterra and the chiefs of the place.

About eight o'clock on Saturday morning, Korokoro, who lives about nine miles from the settlers, came to pay his respects to us. He was attended by ten canoes full of his warriors, with some women and children. The canoes came down in a regular line with colours flying, which when we observed we immediately hoisted ours. Some of his officers stood up and regulated all their movements both by word of command and signal made by their large patooes 39 ornamented with feathers which they held in their hands and kept in constant motion. Korokoro was dressed in his native clothing and also his brother Tooi; both were painted with red ochres, as were all the warriors, and had feathers in their hair. The whole presented a grand warlike appearance. They advanced with great speed towards the Active and kept a regular line, each man striking his paddle at the same instant so that the whole had the appearance of one stroke. They sung the war song as they approached, and performed all their gestures and threats as if

[Image of page 92]


they were determined upon attacking the vessel. They were saluted with a discharge of thirteen small arms; the song of victory was then sung in the canoes, and their war rejoicings performed.

After this Korokoro, with the chiefs who had come along with him, came on board and made us several presents in the politest manner. A number of chiefs from other districts were also on board. Korokoro introduced them all one by one to us, pointed out the particular attention that each had shown him while in Port Jackson, and lamented that the poverty of his country prevented him returning our kindness according to his wishes. He was also very particular in explaining to the other chiefs for what purposes Messrs. Kendall, Hall, and King came to reside at New Zealand. Duaterra and his friends were present on the occasion and assisted in regulating the necessary ceremonies and forms in which Korokoro and his party were to be received.

It had been previously settled between Duaterra and Korokoro, unknown to us, that when the latter came to pay his respects we were to be entertained with a sham fight. After taking some refreshment, preparations were made to go on shore; Korokoro was about to make an attack upon Duaterra's people and take the place by storm. Duaterra then went on shore to prepare for the defence of his place. A number of canoes full of people belonging to other chiefs immediately joined us.

When Korokoro left the Active, I, accompanied by Mr. Nicholas and the settlers, went with him. Duaterra had got all his men drawn up armed with their spears and other weapons of war. Korokoro's canoe advanced towards the shore in the same order of battle in which they had approached the Active. A chief belonging to Duaterra, quite naked, ran furiously to and fro along the beach, armed, making a most horrid noise, and daring them to land. As the canoes came nearer to the shore those in them increased their shouts and furious gestures. At length they all jumped out of the canoes into the water and, in one close body, began to attack. Duaterra's men all retreated as fast as possible and the others pursued them a considerable distance, when Duaterra's men suddenly wheeled round and attacked their pursuers. The battle then became general. A number of women were in the heat of the action, among whom was Tippahee's old wife, not much less than seventy years of age, and Duaterra's wife bearing in her hand a patoo about seven feet long, made out of the jawbone of a whale. 40 This weapon she brandished about in the very centre of the battle, and went through all the various movements of the men whether in retreating or advancing.

After both parties had run and struggled together till nearly-exhausted, some having been trampled upon and others accidentally knocked down, they formed a close body and united in the shouts of victory and war dance which ended the scene. Duaterra, during the action, commanded one party and Korokoro the other.

[Image of page 93]


Duaterra passed the remaining part of the day in preparing for the Sabbath. He enclosed about half an acre of land with a fence, erected a pulpit and reading desk in the centre, and covered the whole either with black native cloth 41 or some duck which he had brought with him from Port Jackson. He also procured some bottoms of old canoes and fixed them up as seats on each side of the pulpit for the Europeans to sit upon, intending the next day to have Divine service performed there. These preparations he made of his own accord, and in the evening informed me everything was ready for Divine service. I was much pleased with this singular mark of his attention. The reading desk was about three feet from the ground and the pulpit about six feet. The black cloth covered the top of the pulpit and hung over the sides. The bottom of the pulpit as well as the reading desk was made of part of a canoe. The whole was becoming and had a solemn appearance. He had also erected a flag-staff on the highest hill in the village which had a very commanding view.

On Sunday morning (December 25th) when I was upon deck I saw the English flag flying, which was a pleasing sight in New Zealand. I considered it the signal for the dawn of civilization, liberty, and religion in that dark and benighted land. I never viewed the British colours with more gratification, and flattered myself they would never be removed till the natives of that island enjoyed all the happiness of British subjects.

About ten o'clock we prepared to go ashore to publish the glad tidings of the Gospel for the first time. I was under no apprehensions for the safety of the vessel, and therefore ordered all on board to go on shore to attend Divine service, except the master and one man. When we landed we found Korokoro, Duaterra, and Shunghee dressed in regimentals which Governor Macquarie had given them, with their men drawn up ready to march into the enclosure to attend Divine service. They had their swords by their sides and a switch in their hands. We entered the enclosure and were placed in the seats on each side of the pulpit. Korokoro marched his men on and placed them on my right hand in the rear of the Europeans and Duaterra placed his men on the left. The inhabitants of the town with the women and children and a number of other chiefs formed a circle round the whole. A very solemn silence prevailed--the sight was truly impressive. I got up and began the service with singing the Old Hundred Psalm, and felt my very soul melt within me when I viewed my congregation and considered the state we were in.

After reading the service, during which the natives stood up and sat down at the signal given by the motion of Korokoro's switch which was regulated by the movements of the Europeans, it being Christmas Day, I preached from the second chapter of St. Luke's Gospel, the tenth verse: "Behold I bring you glad tidings of great joy." The natives told Duaterra they could not understand what I meant. He replied they were not to mind that now for they would understand by and by, and that he would explain my meaning as far as he could. When I had done preaching he informed them what I had been talking about. Duaterra was very much pleased that he had been able to make all the

[Image of page 94]


necessary preparations for the performance of Divine service in so short a time, and we felt much obliged to him for his attention. He was extremely anxious to convince us that he would do everything for us that lay in his power and that the good of his country was his principal consideration. In the above manner the Gospel has been introduced into New Zealand, and I fervently pray that the glory of it may never depart from its inhabitants till time shall be no more. 42

When the service was over we returned on board much gratified with the reception we had met with, and we could not but feel the strongest persuasion that the time was at hand when the Glory of the Lord would be revealed to these poor benighted heathens and that those who were to remain on the island had strong reason to believe that their labours would be crowned and blessed with success. In the evening I administered the Holy Sacrament on board the Active in remembrance of our Saviour's birth and what He had done and suffered for us.

Thus, Sir, I have informed you how we devoted our first Sabbath day at New Zealand. I assure you it was much more congenial to our feelings than any gratification we had previously anticipated.

On Monday morning (26th), as there was no timber at Rangheehoo fit for erecting the necessary buildings for the settlers, I determined to take the Active to the timber district, which I understood was about twenty miles distant on the opposite side of the harbour up a fresh-water river, as this would save considerable expense and supply what was wanted at once. I therefore ordered all the iron and various other articles to be landed and given in charge of Duaterra. The poultry were also sent on shore. The sawyers and smiths with young Mr. Hanson left the Active likewise. I directed them with the assistance of the natives to build a hut 60 feet long and 16 feet wide, and thatch it for the reception of the settlers and their families.

When we returned from the timber district the natives seemed very willing to assist us as much as they could. I found now I should be much distressed for axes and other articles of trade, as the presents I had made at the North Cape and along the coast had very much reduced my stock. We had also omitted to bring coals with us from Port Jackson, which was a loss I hardly knew how to remedy as nothing could be done nor provisions purchased from the natives without axes and carpenters' tools. I had no alternative but to erect a smith's shop and burn charcoal in order that the smith might get to work as soon as possible and make such axes, etc., as the natives wanted: I consequently desired that some of the natives along with the smith should be employed in burning charcoal and erecting a shop till the Active returned.

[Image of page 95]


Having given such directions as I esteemed necessary, on Tuesday (27th) we weighed anchor and made sail for the timber district, 43 taking with us all the settlers and their families. This district belonged to another chief named Terra (Tara), an old man apparently seventy years of age. Terra is the head chief on the south side and a native of considerable influence, from which I judged it prudent to wait upon him to obtain his permission to cut what timber we wanted in the first instance, in order to prevent any misunderstandings.

Accordingly, when we came opposite his village, I went accompanied by Messrs. Nicholas, Kendall, and King to visit him, and took with me a young man 44 about seventeen years of age who was a relation of the chief's and had been almost nine years from New Zealand, the latter part of which period he had lived with me in Parramatta. He had also lived several years with a Mr. Drummond at Norfolk Island who had been exceeding kind to him. When we landed I found the chief sitting upon the beach with some of his chiefs and people. He received us very cordially and wept much and particularly at the young man's return, as did many more, and some wept aloud. I presented him with an axe, an adze, and two plane-irons with several other trifles. He said he did not want any presents from me, only my company, as he had heard so often of me from his people and others. I told him I waited upon him to beg his permission to cut some timber in his district for building the houses of the Europeans at Rangheehoo. He expressed a strong desire that they would come and reside with him. I pointed out to him that they could not come at present but must settle with Duaterra, in consequence of our long acquaintance with him, but that in time some Europeans should come to live with them. He gave his consent for us to have what timber we wanted. He informed me that the wheat, which had been given to him when the Active was there before, was growing. I went to see it and found it almost ripe. As the Active had gone on and I was told we were several miles from whence she would anchor, and night was coming on, I wished to take my leave, but the old chief would not consent to that till we had taken some refreshment. He ordered his cooks to dress some sweet potatoes as soon as possible. These are esteemed by them as the choicest food. In a short time a basket of them was brought, ready roasted, and placed before us. The chief sat by us with his wives and a number of men, women, and children. He would not eat with us nor permit any of his people to do so, and when we parted with him he ordered two baskets of sweet potatoes to be put into the boat for our use. I invited him to come on board of the Active which he promised to do, and we took our leave, being much gratified with the attention of this chief and his people.

The next morning (28th) we were visited by great numbers of natives from different districts. I contracted with some of the subordinate chiefs for a cargo of timber. The Active lay about twelve miles from the fresh-water river where the pines grew, and from there not being sufficient water to bring her nearer I went up accompanied by Messrs. Nicholas and Hall to see the pines, and found a considerable

[Image of page 96]


village upon the banks of the river which they call Cowa-Cowa (Kawakawa). 45 When our arrival was known we were soon surrounded by numbers of the natives, who vied with one another in their attentions. None of us were under the smallest apprehensions of danger, any more than if amongst Europeans. In about ten days we had got our cargo and were ready to return to Rangheehoo.

During the time the natives were getting the timber, Mr. Nicholas and I visited different places for several miles round, and passed one night with an old chief who gave us an account of Captain Cook when in the Bay of Islands. He was then a young man. He showed us where they pitched their tents, washed their clothes, watered their ships, and cut their wood, and related several occurrences that happened while Captain Cook remained there.

Our cargo being completed, on Friday, 6th of January, 1815, we weighed anchor and sailed from Cowa-Cowa for Rangheehoo. When we arrived the hut which I had directed to be built was almost finished. It was my intention as soon as the settlers and their baggage were all safely landed to visit either Wangarooa or the River Thames, as the wind at the time might permit, as several of the natives of Wangarooa had visited the Active since peace was established between them and the people of the Bay of Islands. As the hut would not be ready for the reception of the settlers for four or five days, I agreed with Shunghee to visit one of his villages 46 in the interim about 35 miles from Rangheehoo. Mr. Nicholas volunteered to accompany me. Early on Monday morning, the 9th, Shunghee, Duaterra, his wife, and several chiefs came off to the Active in a war canoe in which we were to get up one of the western branches of the harbour, from whose heads we were to walk to a place called Wymattee (Waimate) where the above-mentioned village was built. After breakfast we left the Active and went on board the canoe, which was very large and commodious. Sixteen persons could row on each side. We could either sit or lie down at pleasure. These canoes go very quick through the water and afford the most pleasant conveyance for passengers. Some of them are 80 or 90 feet in length. A smaller canoe attended us with some of the common servants of Shunghee. About eleven o'clock we reached the head of the cove, which we estimated to be about thirteen miles from the Active. Here we landed in a potato ground belonging to Shunghee's brother, named Kangorooa, 47 where we were to take some refreshment before we proceeded on our journey. Duaterra and his wife had already gone to their farm. The servants were all busy, some digging potatoes, others making fires to roast them. Hearing the sound of a very heavy fall of water at a little distance, I went to examine it while the potatoes were roasting, and found a fresh-water river falling on a bed of rocks which ran from bank

[Image of page 97]


to bank. I estimated the fall to be at about 91 feet perpendicular with plenty of water for turning mills of any kind. 48 A regular bed of solid rock ran direct across the salt water cove and formed a dam similar to many of the artificial dams in England. The water seemed to be supplied from regular springs, as there were no marks on the banks of floods as in New South Wales from heavy rains. The land upon both sides of this river appeared very good.

After taking some refreshments, about one o'clock we set off for Wymattee. For the first three or four miles we passed through a rich, level country in general, the land free from timber and could be easily ploughed. It appeared to me to be good strong wheat land and was covered with fern. For the next six miles the land was of various qualities, some exceeding good, some stony, some swampy, and some of a gravelly nature. The whole of this tract of country, taken collectively, would form a good agricultural settlement. It is watered by several fine streams which seldom run through it more than a mile apart, and skirted in various places with lofty pines and other timber. When we had walked near ten miles we entered a very fine wood in which there were some of the largest pines I had seen. We measured one which was more than 30 feet in girth and probably not less than 100 feet in height, without a branch. It appeared to be nearly the same thickness at the top as at the bottom. While passing through/this wood we met with a chief's wife, who was overjoyed to see us. Her husband's name was Tarria (Taraia), a very fine, handsome man. He had been on board the Active a few days before, when he told/me that some time back a boat's crew belonging to a whaler had entered his potato grounds in the Bay of Islands to steal his potatoes, and that he had set his father and some more of his people to watch them, when the Europeans shot his father dead, likewise one man and one woman. He afterwards watched them himself and killed three Europeans. I understood that the Europeans belonged to a whaler called the New Zealander.

Shortly after meeting Tarria's wife we came to his village situated on the banks of a fine run of fresh water and much rich land about it. We enquired how many wives he had and were told ten. Tarria was from home, but his wives pressed us much to have some refreshment with them. There were a number of servants, both men and women. We consented to their wishes, and Shunghee having shot us a wild duck we had it dressed immediately, while Tarria's servants prepared abundance of potatoes for the whole party. We stopped in this village about two hours. They had a number of fine hogs, but no other animals excepting dogs. The New Zealanders are a very cheerful race; we were here entertained with a dance and song, and they were very merry all the time we were with them. We took our leave of them a little before the sun went down and proceeded on our journey, and arrived at Shunghee's village just before dark, where we were received with the loudest acclamations by his people, a part of whom wept for joy. The village contains about two hundred houses. It is situated on the summit of an almost inaccessible hill, and strongly fortified both by nature and art. Three very deep trenches have been cut round the sides of the

[Image of page 98]



Okuratope pa stands on the summit of an almost inaccessible hill whose precipitous sides are covered by tall trees and dense bush. Tall tree-ferns now spring from the very fosse and from the summit of the parapet--which is some six to eight feet high--surmounted in the days of Hongi Hika by a solid stockade. The fortifications and terraces are still well defined along with the narrow gateway described by Marsden as the entrance to the pa. The almost level summit contains many circular rua-kai or food-pits, shaped like a large bowl with a small, round opening at the top, all now filled, to a greater or less extent, with debris. A number of oblong spaces surrounded by shallow trenches mark the site of the two hundred houses mentioned by Marsden. The stage erected for Hongi on a single pillar "in the centre of the fortification" must have stood somewhere between the kauri and the rimu in the plan.--"Okuratope Pa in 1932," Leslie G. Kelly. (MS. in Hocken Library).

[Image of page 99]


hill, one above another, and each trench fenced round with whole or split trees from twelve to twenty feet high. We entered this extraordinary fortification through a narrow gateway, when Shunghee showed us how he defended his place in time of war. He had one small secret corner where he could be concealed and fire upon the enemy. Every little hut in this enclosure is fenced round. Some of the store houses for the reception of their spears or provisions are about thirty feet long and twenty feet wide and well built. The roofs are thatched, and some of the eaves extend three feet over the sides in order to carry off the water and keep the buildings dry.

In the centre of the fortification, on the very summit of the hill, a stage is erected upon a single pillar about twenty feet long and three feet broad, hewn out of a solid tree, and elevated about six feet from the ground. Upon this the chief sits either for pleasure or business, just as occasions require his consulting with his people. It commands a most extensive view of the surrounding country in all directions. Near the stage is a little hut about four feet from the ground, three feet long and two feet wide, with a small image placed upon the left side of the door which does not exceed one foot. A seat also is placed in front upon which the chief's lady sits when she eats, her provisions being deposited in this little building.

About nine o'clock we were informed our room was ready where we were to sleep; some clean mats had been spread upon the floor for us to lie on. We wrapped ourselves up in our greatcoats and laid down for the night. A number of the natives lay in different situations, some under cover and some in the open air. We had enjoyed a very pleasant day, and our long walks had prepared us for a sound sleep though not indulged with a feather bed.

Early in the morning on Tuesday, the 10th January, we arose with an intention of visiting a fresh-water lake 49 about five miles distant from the village. We set off attended by Shunghee and several chiefs with a number of servants. Our way lay through a wood composed of various kinds of timber together with the noble pine. We could not but view these wonderful productions of Nature with reverence and astonishment.

On our way to the lake we passed through some very rich land, and soon arrived at a small village where Shunghee's people were at work preparing their ground for planting potatoes. There was a very fine crop nearly ripe. The land was very dry and rich, and the potatoes mealy. I had never seen finer potatoes under the best culture. When we had walked nearly two miles further we came to the lake. It might be about twelve miles in circumference, and we were informed that it emptied itself into the head of a river 50 which runs into the sea on the west side of the island, and was about one hour's walk from the lake. The land appeared very good on the north side of it.

We amused ourselves about two hours in viewing this lake and the neighbouring grounds, and then returned to the last-mentioned village where we dined off a wild duck and potatoes, as also some provisions we had brought with us. The duck Shunghee shot at the lake. After this we

[Image of page 100]


returned to the fortification where we slept that night. Shunghee's people here appeared very industrious. They rose at the dawn of day, both men and women. Some were busy making baskets for potatoes, others dressing flax or making clothing; at least none remained unemployed.

Shunghee and his brother Kangorooa have a very large tract of country similar to one of the counties in England. It extends from the east to the west side of New Zealand and is well watered. We saw much land well adapted for cultivation. Shunghee had, near the village we were at, one field which appeared to me to contain forty acres, all fenced in with rails and upright stakes tied to them to keep out the pigs. Much of it was planted with turnips, common and sweet potatoes, which were in high cultivation. They suffer no weeds to grow but, with incredible labour and patience, root up everything likely to injure the growing crop. Their tools of agriculture are principally made of wood, some formed like a spade and others like a crowbar, with which they turn up the soil. Axes, hoes, and spades are much wanted. If these could be obtained their country would soon put on a different appearance. No labour of man without iron can clear and subdue uncultivated land to any extent. The New Zealanders seem to do as much in this respect as the strength and wisdom of man is equal in their situation.

Shunghee showed me some exceeding fine wheat, the seed of which I had sent over about seven months before. It was nearly ripe, and the ear was very full and large. He put a very high value upon it, as he appeared to know its worth from his few months' residence at Parramatta. I had also sent over a little English flax seed. This also had been sown and come to great perfection, far superior to any I had observed in New South Wales.

Shunghee treated us during this visit to his village with all the attention and hospitality his means afforded. He had slain two hogs, and we had what we wanted of them dressed after our own mode.

Early on Wednesday, the 11th, we took our leave of this extraordinary fortification and the people who resided in it, intending to breakfast at the village belonging to Tarria, about five miles distant. Shunghee directed his servants to take along with them two fine hogs for the use of the vessel. We arrived at Tarria's village a little after seven o'clock, where we were kindly received. The fires were soon lighted and preparations made for breakfast. Several natives joined us here we had not seen before. Tarria was not yet returned.

After Mr. Nicholas and I had taken breakfast I had tea made for the wives of Tarria and Shunghee, who surrounded us. They all refused to take any. Shunghee told me they were all tabooed and were prohibited from taking anything but water. 51 I pressed Shunghee to allow one of his wives, who had a little child about one month old and had followed us from the village, to take a little. He replied she could not drink any for, if she did, his child would die. I was fully convinced that their refusing to take the tea was founded upon some superstitious notions. They were all very fond of bread and sugar. I distributed what remained of these articles amongst them, and Shunghee with all the other chiefs drank the tea.

[Image of page 101]


In about two hours we proceeded towards the cove where we had left the war canoe on Monday morning. The distance we had to walk was about eight miles. Our party consisted of twenty-five persons, all natives of New Zealand except Mr. Nicholas and myself. In about three hours' time we reached the canoe; here we stopped and took dinner, and afterwards set off for the Active. When we had got within seven miles of the vessel we met Duaterra in his war canoe with a supply of provisions, particularly tea, sugar, and bread. He was apprehensive we should want these articles, as we had been absent one day longer than was intended when we left the Active. As Shunghee and Duaterra approached each other they mutually fired a piece, which is held by them as a mark of respect. These two canoes were nearly matched, and these chiefs were determined to try their strength and skill to see which could go the quickest. Shunghee commanded one and Duaterra the other. They both ran at so rapid a rate that it was not possible to tell at times which had the advantage. We were much amused with the exact order they struck their paddles, and the exercise of their skill. One man in each canoe gave the signal for every stroke, which changed every few seconds; sometimes the strokes were long and slow, at others short and quick. In a little time we reached the Active. On Monday morning, previous to leaving the vessel, I directed that the settlers, their families, and everything belonging to them should be landed as soon as the building was ready for their reception. On my return I found Mr. Kendall and his family on shore, and every preparation made for Messrs. Hall and King.

As I intended to sail either for Wangarooa or the river Thames as soon as the Active was cleared, I went on shore to make the necessary arrangements for my departure. When I landed I was informed that a chief named Werrie (Weri?, Whiri?), nephew to the late Tippahee, was very much enraged with his wife and had beat her, in consequence of finding a nail in her possession. The nail had excited Werrie's jealousy, which caused him to demand where she had got it. She told him that a man belonging to the Active had given it to her as a present. Werrie could not be persuaded that any man would give his wife so valuable a present as a nail unless her conduct had been improper. I was apprehensive that this unpleasant circumstance might be attended with serious consequences unless the chief's mind could be satisfied with respect to the chastity of his wife. I sent for Duaterra and consulted with him, when it was agreed that the man who was said to have given Mrs. Werrie the nail should be sent for, and, if any improper act could be proved against him, he should be confined to the vessel.

A public investigation therefore took place on the occasion in the presence of the chiefs and many of the inhabitants, upon the beach where they dance and exercise. Mrs. Werrie and the accused European were brought forward. She defended herself very warmly, but said she could not identify the man that had given her the nail, but that she had received it as a present. After a long examination she was acquitted by the unanimous voice of the chiefs to the satisfaction of all parties, though I could not but entertain my suspicions of the lady's chastity from her hesitation to point out the person who had given her the nail. I took this opportunity to assure them that if any person belonging to the Active either insulted or injured them they should be punished.

[Image of page 102]


After this business was settled Mr. and Mrs. Hall were landed and the remaining stores with them. On the following morning, Friday, the 13th, Mr. and Mrs. King also were landed and the vessel loaded and watered ready for sea. About three o'clock we weighed anchor and sailed down the harbour. I had Duaterra and Korokoro with twenty-five New Zealanders more as a guard on board. These were very fine young men that could be depended upon, many of them sons of the principal chiefs on both sides of the harbour. It was my intention if the wind permitted to sail for Wangarooa, as we had been invited by several of the inhabitants of that place who had come to Rangheehoo since the people were established. At the same time I thought it prudent to take with me a sufficient number of men in case any difference should happen either at Wangarooa, the river Thames, or any other part of the coast where we might touch.

When we got to sea the wind was fair for Wangarooa, towards which harbour we directed our course, but when we came near to the Cavalles the wind suddenly changed and compelled us to anchor between them and the mainland about five leagues to the southward of Wangarooa; here we remained all night.

Soon after we anchored three canoes came off from the Cavalles from different islands. Some of the people came on board and remained till after sundown. When they were gone the carpenter missed one of his chisels with which he had been at work. Duaterra was very angry, as we were convinced some of the natives had taken it. The boat was immediately manned with Duaterra's men, well armed, and proceeded to one of the islands. I requested Duaterra, if he found the thief, not to injure him, but merely take the chisel. In about one hour they returned and had not been able to find the thief, having landed upon the wrong island, and the night being dark.

The next morning, Saturday, the 14th, at break of day, a canoe came off to inform us where the thief was, and wanted assistance to take him, but I thought it more prudent to let the matter drop as it might detain the vessel, as we had then got up the anchor intending to sail to Wangarooa with a light breeze which had sprung up. However it soon became calm and obliged us to anchor again. In the afternoon the wind blew pretty fresh but directly against us, and with a prospect of its continuance in that quarter, which would prevent us from entering the harbour of Wangarooa. I therefore determined to proceed to the river Thames, for which we bore away immediately the anchor was weighed. The same evening we passed the mouth of the Bay of Islands with a gentle breeze which continued all night, and in the morning (15th) we were not far from the Poor Knights, some small islands which lie a few leagues from the mainland. About ten o'clock a canoe was observed coming from the mainland to the Active. Duaterra ordered all his men under arms, and directed them to lie down upon the deck that they might not be seen when the canoe came alongside the Active. When the canoe came up, which contained only one old chief, three men, and one woman, a rope was thrown for them to secure the canoe. The old chief immediately got upon the side of the vessel with an intention of coming upon deck. He had not observed the New Zealanders who, just as he was coming over the gangway, sprang up, and some

[Image of page 103]


presented their muskets and others their spears, which so alarmed him that he fell back into the canoe and almost upset it; and there he lay for some time before he recovered from his fright. The New Zealanders made a most dreadful noise at the same time. The old chief afterwards came on board, and was much rejoiced to see so many of his friends and laughed at the trick that had been practised upon him. After some conversation with him, and having learned who we were and what we had in view, he took his leave with much satisfaction.

We had not gone far before another canoe came off from another part of the coast with a number of very fine young men in it. They had learned where we were going as one of them had visited the Active before when she lay at Cowa-Cowa, and requested I would allow him to accompany us to the River Thames, which request was granted. By this time we were near a very high part of the coast, called Bream Head by Captain Cook. 52 The chief of this district, with his son, had visited the Active while we lay at Cowa-Cowa. I had made him a present of a few things, and amongst them a piece of red and white India print, and informed him I intended to visit the River Thames. As soon as we had passed Bream Head, the wind blowing very fresh, we observed two canoes labouring hard to reach the vessel. One of them had a signal flying. I desired the master to bear away for them. When we came up I found that the canoe with the flag contained the son of the above-mentioned chief and his colours were the piece of print I had given his father. He pressed us much to go on shore and visit his father, but I told him we could not stop then as the wind was fair but would see him on our return. The young man provided us with great abundance of bream and other fine fish which they had in their canoes. After we had received this liberal supply of fish we directed our course again towards the River Thames, and the same evening passed Point Rodney, one of the heads of the harbour, and saw Cape Colville, the other head, which is very high land and not much less than twenty leagues distant from the first.

On Monday (16th), at daylight, we found ourselves advanced pretty far up the harbour in which there were several islands both on the east and west side. About eleven o'clock we came opposite the residence of the head chief Houpa, 53 of whom we had often heard, and from these accounts were taught to believe that he was a man much esteemed as well as feared and possessed very great power. In a short time we observed a war canoe, full of men, advancing towards the vessel. We hove to; when they came near they lay upon their paddles, viewed the Active, and informed us that Houpa was in the canoe. I requested him to come on board, which he did with one of his sons. Houpa is one

[Image of page 104]


of the strongest and best made men I almost ever beheld. He was greatly surprised to see such a number of New Zealanders on board and so few Europeans.

We had one chief in the Active named Timmaranghee (Te Morenga) who was intimate with Houpa and who had lived on board the Active for some time. He informed Houpa who we were, that we had come to the river Thames, which they call Showrakee (Hauraki), to see him and his people, and also that some Europeans were settled at the Bay of Islands with a view of instructing the natives. I made him a few presents and in return he directed two fine mats to be presented to me out of his canoe. He expressed a wish for us to come to an anchor near his residence. I told him it was my intention to visit his place when we returned from the river and as the wind was now favourable we would take advantage of it and proceed. He directed us what course to steer, and told us we should get the vessel aground if we kept too much to the right hand. After holding conversation with several of the natives on board he took his leave, expecting to see us on our return. We then made sail for the mouth of the river. We were then on the west side of the harbour, about four leagues from its mouth.

We had not left Houpa an hour before the wind began to blow very hard and the water became so rough that we could not see the channel. On our coming almost to the head of the harbour it was then high water and soundings only in three fathoms, which, from the appearance of the gale not abating, induced us to put the vessel about and so got us into deeper water before the tide fell much. At this time we were on the east shore not far from land. We worked to windward for several hours, and in the evening came to anchor in four fathoms of water, where we lay all night during which it rained and blew very hard. Here the harbour is very open; there is no shelter for shipping, which makes it very dangerous.

On Tuesday (17th) about four o'clock we weighed anchor, as the gale increased, in order to work to windward, if possible, and get under the land, as the place we lay in was not safe should the vessel be driven from her anchor. The sea was so rough and the vessel had so much motion that the New Zealanders, who had never been on board of a ship before at sea, were much alarmed and imagined they would be lost. About six o'clock in the evening the gale abated, and we came to anchor again about two miles from the west shore opposite a large village. 54 Though the inhabitants had seen us all day, yet they durst not venture out in their canoes on account of the gale. After we came to anchor the boat was hoisted out and ten New Zealanders went on shore to open a communication with the natives. Shortly after the boat had reached the beach we heard a great noise; Duaterra was uneasy as the boat did not return so soon as was expected. He was afraid that some quarrel had taken place between the inhabitants and the people in the boat, and observed that if they had injured any of his people he would immediately declare war against them with all the force he could command.

In about an hour after dark, the boat returned safe and informed us that they were kindly received and that the noise we had heard was

[Image of page 105]


only their rejoicings. They told us there were plenty of fine hogs and potatoes on shore, both of which we much wanted as the Active was full of people. This information determined me to visit the village in the morning. Early next morning a chief named Pithi (Paetae), nephew to Houpa, came off to the Active. He was a very stout, handsome man and quite in the prime of life, with mild manners and countenance both pleasing and interesting. I invited him on board. The chief Timmaranghee was well known to Pithi.

After the usual salutations relative to our voyage and all affairs connected with it as far as Timmaranghee knew, I gave him some biscuit, which they are all fond of, showed him some wheat in the straw which had been grown at New Zealand by Shunghee, and informed him that the biscuit was made from wheat, and gave him a little for seed. He showed much anxiety to learn the culture of wheat, enquired how many moons it was from sowing to reaping time, and expressed his determination to try if he could grow some at his settlement. I made him a present of a few articles and, accompanied by Mr. Nicholas, went on shore taking twelve New Zealanders with us. When we landed the natives received us with every mark of friendship. The women and children were numerous, but not so the young men. We enquired the reason, and they told us they were gone to war and that few, excepting old men and those who had been taken prisoners, remained in the village. At this place we found the New Zealanders to sell their prisoners of war or to keep them to work as slaves. Several of the natives of the Bay of Islands had brought with them a little trade, some a few nails, others small pieces of iron hoops, some a few feathers, and some a few fishing hooks and a variety of articles of no value to Europeans but of much value to themselves. The village was all in motion; they crowded together like a fair from every quarter. Some of the inhabitants brought mats to sell and various other articles so that the whole day exhibited a busy scene, and many things were bought and sold in their way. When the fair was over the ladies entertained us with several dances and songs. One of them had on a fine upper garment which a chief from Rangheehoo, who had come with us, wanted to procure for his wife. He had brought a box of feathers neatly dressed, the pithy part of the quill having been all cut off and only the external part remaining, to which the feather was attached, made the feathers wave gracefully with the smallest breeze when placed in the hair. He opened it in the presence of the ladies. Many of them wanted these feathers; he, on the other hand, required the fine garment. After placing very tastefully two or three feathers in several of the ladies' hair, she that had got this fine garment, when she beheld how elegant they appeared in the heads of those who had them, became extremely impatient to possess such an ornament. He asked her to sell her garment: she stood hesitating for some time. At length he laid down a certain number at her feet. This temptation she could not resist, but instantly threw off the garment and delivered it to him for the feathers. 55 The chief, on our return, presented this precious garment to his wife.

[Image of page 106]


After this Mr. Nicholas accompanied me to Houpa's fortified village." 56 It was situated on a very high hill almost a mile from where we then were. It is, in many respects, similar to that already described belonging to Shunghee. Here we found no men--it was entirely left to the care of some women and one of Houpa's wives. They told us the men were gone to war. In this place there were some very fat hogs and fine plantations of potatoes. The women declined selling the hogs as they belonged to the men who were gone to the war. Houpa's wife said she had a very large one belonging to herself which she would make me a present of if I would stop till it could be got in. At that time it was out feeding. She sent the servants to look for the hog, accompanied by one of our people, but they returned without it. I made her a present of a little print and some other trifles. She was very anxious we should wait till the pig could be found, but we were unable conveniently to stay longer and therefore left this romantic place. This lady's face, arms, and breasts were all covered with scars which had lately been cut in consequence of the death of one of Houpa's children. She was a fine tall woman. Houpa does not reside there at present.

I observed that the pillars leading into the fortification were much carved with various figures, such as men's heads, etc., and some of them had round caps at their tops, similar to gateways in many parts of England, and were about fourteen feet high.

Shortly after we left Houpa's lady we received a message from Duaterra to inform us that he was coming on shore for us. We met the boat and Duaterra landed. Pithi, the chief, came at the same time, and wished us to go to the upper end of the village, where he resided; the distance was about two miles along the shore. We agreed to visit him, and ordered the boat to follow us. When we arrived we met with some of the finest men and women I had yet seen in New Zealand, and well dressed. 57 They received us very cordially. There were three of Houpa's nephews and their ladies who wore fine mats fancifully

[Image of page 107]


wrought, which reached from their shoulders to their feet and had a very graceful appearance. 58 I had taken a few pieces of print, some plane-irons, nails, etc., with me, of which I made the chiefs and their ladies a few presents. We had a few baskets of potatoes dressed; and several songs and dances, in which the chiefs and their ladies took an active part and exerted all their strength and voices, to amuse us.

It was now about five o'clock in the evening; we therefore took our leave and returned on board the Active to dinner. When we had sat down I was informed that two canoes were coming off with the chiefs and their ladies. I went on deck to receive them and invited them to dine with us, which they readily accepted. I told the chiefs I wanted some potatoes and hogs for the vessel, but, as the men had gone to war to whom they belonged, I could not purchase any, and therefore it was my intention to sail that evening for the Bay of Islands. They wanted me much to stay, and told me to take whatever we wanted on shore, regardless of what the people said. I told them I could not steal or take by force anything from the inhabitants; I would purchase what I could but could not take anything unless I paid for it. They urged me much to stop and get my supplies, which I would have done if I had been sensible they could be procured without giving offence to the natives; but I was convinced they could not, from what I had been told on shore, unless the proprietors had been there.

As soon as we had dined I desired the master to prepare for sea immediately. The anchor was soon weighed and the vessel put under way. The chiefs and their ladies still remaining, unwilling to leave us; they had several dances on deck. At length I got the ladies into the canoes, but the chiefs showed no inclination to part and began another dance; when the ladies once more leaped out of the canoes upon deck and joined them in the dance and song, and continued till we had sailed a considerable distance, when they were compelled either to leave us

[Image of page 108]


or go to sea. When they had got into the canoes the twenty-eight natives I had on board began to sing and dance, in their turn, to amuse the chiefs and their ladies who lay upon their paddles all the time. As soon as the dance ended on deck they began again in the canoes, and continued till we could hear them no more. They then waved their hands and returned on shore. One of these chiefs promised to visit Port Jackson and go to the Bay of Islands to see Duaterra, from whom they had received and returned presents. During our short stay here these people showed us the kindest attention, and did all they could to amuse us. I gave several of them some wheat seed, which I hope will prove advantageous to them, and told them they would be able to procure axes and other tools from the Europeans at Rangheehoo. They will give anything for axes. Duaterra, with his guard of armed men (himself being dressed in European clothing, wearing a sword by his side) when on shore commanded considerable respect from these chiefs.

I trust our visit to the River Thames will unite in friendship the leading men at Rangheehoo and this part of New Zealand, and that, if in future any European settlers should be sent to the River Thames, they will be welcomed by the natives. I felt much gratified with the conduct of the people, but sincerely regretted I could not see Houpa again. The wind was so strong against us we could not make his settlement, and were therefore compelled to stand out to sea. As my time in New Zealand was limited, I could not wait for a change of wind.

The next morning, Thursday, the 19th, we saw Point Rodney about seven leagues off. There being little wind we did not reach it till twelve o'clock, when we entered Bream Cove. 59 We sailed into the Cove and ran along shore a little distance from the land. The ground was, in general, level, and a grove of pines appeared behind the banks of the Cove.

When we had reached near Bream Head the natives told us there was a harbour at the head of the cove into which a fresh-water river ran from the interior. We sailed up to the mouth of this harbour. The master of the Active, Mr. Hanson (Hansen), said it would be a very safe place for a vessel to lie in, as the situation completely sheltered her from the sea. We enquired if any vessel had ever been in this harbour. The natives told us that the Venus, from Port Jackson, a long time ago anchored there some time. 60 They further informed us that the Venus had put in at the North Cape and took two native women from there, one from the Bay of Islands, one from a small island opposite to Bream Cove, and one from Bream Cove, and from thence she went to the river Thames where they got Houpa and one of his daughters on board with an intention to take them away also. When the Venus sailed from the river Thames, Houpa's canoe following the Venus, he watched an opportunity and leaped overboard and was taken up by his canoe, but that none of the above women have ever since returned. The Venus was a brig belonging to Messrs. Campbell and Co., of Calcutta, and was taken by some convicts who were on board of her at Port Dalrymple and made off with her. Such are the horrid crimes that Europeans who bear the Christian name commit upon the savage nations!

[Image of page 109]


We lay to all night in Bream Cove as I wished to see the chief who resided near here, and whose son supplied us with fish as we passed when bound for the river Thames. We now began to fish and in a short time got great abundance of bream and other sorts. I expected to have seen the chief, but the vessel had not been observed.

The next morning (20th) at daylight we sailed, and shortly after passing Bream Head we were seen from the shore, when a canoe put off to the Active. 61 As soon as it came alongside I observed the chief was in it whom I wished to see. He told us that he had not seen the vessel the night before as he and his men were busy at work in their potato grounds, which had prevented them. Moyhanger (Moehanga), 62 a young man who is mentioned in Mr. Savage's "Account of New Zealand" and who accompanied that gentleman to England on his return from New South Wales to Europe, was also along with this chief. Moyhanger enquired after many persons he had seen in England and who had been kind to him.

The chief wished us much to return with him for one day, and told me he had abundance of hogs and potatoes and would supply all our wants. I told him I could not detain the vessel if the wind was fair, but must proceed. I gave him a little wheat for seed, some nails, and a cat, with which they returned on shore highly pleased, regretting only that I could not stop one day for him to make me some return.

Shortly after they were gone the wind changed and continued against us all day. At 6 p.m. we were about two leagues from shore. The sea being smooth and likely for a fine night I determined to visit the chief, and had the boat immediately hoisted out. Mr. Nicholas accompanied me. We had none but New Zealanders in the boat. The sun was set before we reached the shore. The natives soon beheld the boat, and one of them stood upon a rock waving a signal, pointing out where we were to land. There is a bar running across the mouth of this harbour upon which the sea breaks with great violence. As we approached it appeared impossible to us that the boat could pass through the surf, yet two canoes came dashing through the waves, as if they bade defiance to the destructive rocks and foaming billows that rolled over them with a dreadful noise, to direct us where it would be safe for the boat to land.

On our boat reaching the shore a number of natives rushed through the surf, laid hold of it, and conducted us safe in. The chief's residence was on the east side of the harbour, but we were compelled to land on the west side on account of the surf and crossed the water again in a canoe. The whole place was surrounded with broken rocks which resembled more the ruins of old abbeys then anything else. Some formed very large arches, others deep caverns: some were like old

[Image of page 110]


steeples and others like broken, massy columns. In short, they presented the most curious group of ruins which I had ever seen formed by time, storms, or seas. 63 A numerous crowd of men, women, and children came to meet us.

The chief and Moyhanger were overjoyed at our visit. The chief who had been on board was the general officer, or one whom the New Zealanders call the fighting man. Still we found there was another higher in authority than our friend, to whom we were conducted. He was seated on the ground, and a clean mat was placed by him for me and Mr. Nicholas. The general stood all the time with a spear in his hand. The head chief was a very old man, with a long gray beard and little hair upon his head. He was an exceeding pleasant man. Korokoro had gone with us. He related to the chief all the wonders he had seen at Port Jackson, the attention paid to him, the riches of our country, and for what purpose the Active had come to New Zealand. The old chief laughed much and made many enquiries, and wanted us to stay till next day. He ordered us some pork and gave a few baskets of dried fish for the people.

We stopped till about ten o'clock when we took our leave, having enjoyed a very pleasant evening. They conducted us safely through the surf, and we made for the vessel. By this time she was out of sight, so that we could not even hear the report of the muskets which served as signals, though we observed the flash of the powder which directed us to the vessel. We got safe on board when, the breeze springing up, we made sail and the next morning (21st) discovered Cape Brett 64 in sight. As we sailed along the coast we were visited by ten canoes, which brought us plenty of fish. About three o'clock p.m. we anchored in the cove (at Rangihoua) and found all the settlement well and assuming the pleasing appearance of civilization from the buildings erecting and erected, and from the sawyers, smiths, and others at work.

[Image of page 111]


I had now completed everything relative to the establishment of the mission that appeared to me necessary as far as regarded the intercourse of the settlers with the natives, and had opened a communication nearly two hundred miles along the coast and made the chiefs in all the different districts acquainted with the object in view; they seemed all sensible of the benefits which they were likely to derive from the Europeans residing amongst them. A more promising prospect never could present itself for civilizing this quarter of the globe, only it requires to be closely followed up. Considerable expenses have already been incurred in the purchase of the Active, the outfits, naval stores, and seamen's wages; I felt it incumbent on me to do all in my power to find out some mode by which these expenses could in some measure be provided for. I determined to take all the dressed flax I could procure from the natives to Port Jackson, and to fill the vessel with timber. Whether the flax will answer as an article of commerce or no is not yet fully determined. Timber will certainly answer to a certain amount, but will not defray the whole of the expenses of the vessel. Should flax answer, it is probable they will both nearly accomplish this in time. The material difficulty I had had to contend with was the means of procuring a cargo, my trade being nearly exhausted in purchasing provisions and in presents to the natives. The New Zealanders will work if they are paid for it, but not otherwise, and to procure a cargo of timber without their assistance was impossible.

Raft-ports were cut in the vessel, and she was got ready for receiving the timber, and in little more than a week (January 30th) we sailed to Cowa-Cowa, the timber district. I had very little trade which caused some little delay, the smith not being able to make what was wanted fast enough. Several chiefs engaged to supply a given number of spars. They required me to go with them and point out such trees as I required to be cut down, which I did, and in little more than a fortnight (February 15th) we had our cargo on board. I found them all act with the strictest honesty in their dealings, and some of them trusted me till the smith made the axes for payment. We had no differences during the whole time we lay at the river, and we had no means of protecting ourselves against such numbers as are in these districts, but were wholly in the power of the natives. I put no restraint upon them, but suffered them to come at any time and in any number to the vessel, Sabbath days excepted, when we had Divine service. A number of chiefs lived constantly on board, and many of their servants also. We had only two small thefts committed while the vessel lay in the harbour. One of the chiefs detected a common man with about two pounds of iron and brought him to me. The chief was in a violent rage with him. I ordered the man to be confined in the hold till Terra, the head chief, came on board. When he arrived he was informed of what the man had done. Terra desired that the thief might be brought upon deck. Upon his approaching, he made a blow at him with a billet of wood, and would have put him to death immediately if I had not interfered to save his life by getting him out of the Active into a canoe. The chief then ordered him to quit his dominions and return no more. I afterwards lost two razors. The chiefs, on my mentioning this circumstance, were much concerned, and told me they hoped I did not suspect either of them guilty of such a

[Image of page 112]

Kahu Huruhuru.


From the Otago University Museum. Scale 1:5.)

Such feather cloaks as this, of which only a section is shown in the plate, were appropriately worn by women. The foundation is of dressed flax of the finest quality, so plaited that it will fit about the shoulders and close in somewhat on neck and waist. The scarlet feathers are the most valuable, and might be worn only by persons of high rank. They are from the wings of the kaka (Nestor meridionalis). The white feathers are probably from the breast of the wood pigeon, though the feathers of the albatross were often used. The dark blue feathers are from the tui. The border is finely worked in the taniko method and pattern.

The whole subject of Maori textiles has been dealt with exhaustively by Te Rangi Hiroa (Dr. Peter Buck, a graduate of Otago University) in his book The Evolution of Maori Clothing.

[Inserted unpaginated illustration]


[Image of page 113]


crime, as certainly no chief would steal. They observed I had been too indulgent in allowing their servants to come on board, who could not be trusted, and assured me that if ever they found out the thief at any period, however distant, he should suffer death. They also presented me with a very valuable mat, one of the finest I had seen, as a compensation for my loss, observing that while I remained in their districts I should not suffer any loss that they could remedy. They were all very much hurt at this theft, and one of them sat upon deck two days and nights and would not come into the cabin to eat, from vexation, and said he was ashamed of such conduct. Theft and adultery are crimes they punish with death.

On passing up the river Cowa-Cowa I observed on the summit of a very high hill a Roman cross, and enquired of the natives what it was for. They replied to hang thieves on, whom they first killed and then hung up their dead bodies till time destroyed them. During our stay at Cowa-Cowa I had many interesting conversations with the chiefs relative to the nature of crimes and punishments, and pointed out to them that there was no comparison between a man who would steal a potato and another who committed a murder, and yet their punishment in New Zealand was the same. They'll as soon kill a man for stealing potatoes as for murder. A chief has the power of life and death over his people. They appeared much astonished when I told them that King George had not the power to put any man to death, though a much greater king then any in New Zealand. I explained to them the nature of a British jury, told them that no man could be put to death in England unless twelve gentlemen had examined into the case of a prisoner who was accused of any crime, and if these twelve gentlemen declared him not guilty King George had no power to put him to death; but if, on the contrary, they pronounced him guilty, even then King George had the authority to pardon him if it was his royal wish. They replied these laws were very good, and one of them asked what governor we should send them. I replied we had no intention of sending them any, but wished them to govern themselves. I mentioned some crimes which we punished with death and others with banishment, and observed that punishment should be regulated at all times by the nature of the offence. I told them if a man had two wives in England, though he was a gentleman, yet he would be banished from his country.

One of the chiefs said he was of opinion that it was better to have only one wife for, where there were many, the women always quarrelled. Others said that their wives made the best overseers, and that they could not get their grounds cultivated but for the industry of their wives, and, for that reason only, they thought more wives than one was good policy. These conversations sometimes passed when the women were present, and they generally were of opinion that a man should have no more than one wife. Some of the chiefs held there were too many kings in New Zealand, and that if there were fewer they would have less wars and live more happy. I told them there was only one king in England. At the same time there were more gentlemen than in New Zealand, but none of these gentlemen dared put a man to death without forfeiting his own life for it, nor declare war one against another without King George's

[Image of page 114]


sanction. On this account there were no fighting and murdering one another in England as there were among them.

I had a young man, a native of New Zealand belonging to the vessel who had lived some years at Port Jackson, a very good interpreter, who generally attended me to explain anything which the natives could not clearly understand; and, with his assistance, I also gained any information I wished relative to the island and inhabitants of New Zealand, and was enabled to communicate to them much useful knowledge while I was amongst them. Our conversation generally touched upon religion, civil government, agriculture, and commerce. They always showed an anxiety for information relative to other parts of the globe. Shortly after our arrival at Cowa-Cowa a chief named Weerea (Whiria) 65 came on board the Active to request me to visit his settlement. I promised I would as soon as I could leave the vessel.

This village is situated on the banks of a small fresh-water river called Wycaddee (Waikati) about twelve miles from where we lay, at the head of one of the coves. The village takes its name from the river. Having now completed our cargo, I informed Weerea that I would accompany him to see his people. The next morning (February 16th) his canoe was got ready and we set off for Wycaddee, and were joined by another canoe which had in it a cock and a hen. I was surprised to see these fowls and enquired where they came from, and was told they belonged to the head chief Terra who had sent them into the country for the following reason: Terra had built a new hut for some sacred purpose which he had tabooed. He had forbidden the cock from getting upon its roof, but in vain. No means that he could devise would prevent him, and therefore he had sent them both away for polluting this consecrated building. These fowls had been given to Terra when the Active was first at New Zealand. While we lay at Cowa-Cowa, Terra and his wife had mentioned this cock and hen and informed me that the hen had a number of eggs upon which she sat some time; at length she and the cock broke the shells and destroyed them all. They told me they went every day to view the eggs while the hen was sitting, and desired to know the reason why the fowls destroyed them. I told them that the hen had tabooed the eggs and was exceeding angry with them for touching them, and on that account she and the cock in their rage destroyed the whole. They were much astonished at hearing this and had a long conversation on the subject, and made numerous enquiries relative to the rearing of fowls. I told them they were on no account, in future, to touch the eggs. If they did the hen would again destroy them when she was sitting. I have no doubt but they will rigidly attend to my advice.

Having been accidentally led by the fowls in the canoe to make this digression, I shall now go back from whence I set out. The two canoes went in company for about three miles, when we put into a small village upon the east side of the harbour to see some of Weerea's friends.

[Image of page 115]


While we were here it came on to rain very much. After stopping about two hours, during which time many baskets of potatoes were dressed, we set off for Wycaddee. The rain fell very heavy. I was soon wet through, both to my greatcoat and other clothing. The wind and tide were against us and the fresh-water river had risen in consequence of some late heavy rain so that we made little progress. When we had gone about four miles further we came to another little village on the west side of the harbour. The chief came to invite us on shore, but this I declined, as I was as wet as if I had been in the river. The chief, notwithstanding the heavy rain, waded off to our canoe as he wished to know what was going on, and Weerea had much news to tell him which he had learned on board the Active. He pressed us much to take some refreshment with him, but I was too cold and wet to leave the canoe. When taking his leave Weerea said to me, "This chief is a great king; give him a nail." I complied with this request and gave him a few nails, and he returned on shore highly delighted with his presents.

We proceeded to Wycaddee, but the higher we got up the river the stronger the stream ran against us, so that at length the men could not stem the current with their paddles but were compelled to go close in shore and get out of the canoe and drag it along, and, with all their exertions, they could not reach the village with the canoe. A little after dark, therefore, we landed in order to walk up the remaining distance, being about one mile from the village. The rain still continuing, we had to walk through some low swampy ground which was in many places flooded with water. I, however, followed my guides, sometimes up to the knees in mud and sometimes sunk in deep water holes, for, the night being dark, we could not see to pick our way. At length I discovered a light, like the twinkling of a star, appearing and disappearing at short intervals, which was a signal that the village was near. There only appeared one light which, upon enquiry, proved to be the chief's residence.

Weerea was a little behind at this time, and I was walking along with one of his officers. Before we entered the village the officer that was with me called aloud to the inhabitants and informed them I was coming. Many of these people had visited the Active. I made for where I had seen the light in order to get some shelter from the rain, and as soon as I came up to the hut I crept into it through a small door about two feet ten inches in height. I found a number of women and children and a few servants belonging to Weerea. There was about a handful of fire in the centre of the hut made of a few small sticks, round which the little children, all naked, were reposing. Sometimes the little fire blazed for a moment and then went out. The hut was more full of smoke than a chimney, as there was no vent for it to get out but through the small door already mentioned. This strange group of natives were all rejoiced to see me. I took off the whole of my clothes, being excessively cold and wet. The children ran out to collect some firewood. Weerea brought me two clean mats to wrap myself in as bed clothing and a log of wood for a pillow. The women and children were busy in recruiting the fire and drying my clothes. I found the smoke very offensive, but I thought it more prudent to put up with this

[Image of page 116]


inconvenience than undergo the risk of catching cold by sleeping in a hut where there was no fire. Weerea told me he could not remain in the hut on account of the smoke, and, as I would not leave it, he retired into another by himself and left me with my present company, who entertained me a great part of the night with talking about their chief and his concerns. The women and children were very kind and attentive, and did all they could to make my situation agreeable. When they sleep they lie upon the ground, have little covering and some of them none. A tree was laid in the centre of the hut, which ran the whole length, being about thirty feet, and the natives lay on each side of the tree with their heads reclined upon it.

At this time I had no Europeans with me, nor any others but Weerea's people. My object was to gain as clear a knowledge of the characters of these islanders as possible while I was in their country, which knowledge could not be acquired without sacrificing, for a time, the comforts and conveniences of civil life. I was under no apprehensions for my personal safety, as I had never met with the smallest insult from one of them. About midnight Weerea came to the hut and informed me one of his wives was very ill and a little child, and that he was afraid she would die, and requested I would pray with her in the morning, which I promised to do. He appeared much concerned about this woman. I had heard a person moaning very much for some time as if extremely weak and in infinite pain, and a young child cry occasionally. Early in the morning I rose and visited the poor woman. I found her lying with a little child about three days old, exposed to the open air, and a few reeds put up on the side which the rain and wind beat against, for shelter; here she had been exposed all night notwithstanding the storm. She looked very ghastly and as if death was near. I talked to her for some time. She could scarcely speak, but smiled feebly and seemed pleased with my attention to her. I kneeled down beside her, along with Weerea and some of his people, and offered up my supplications to the Father of Mercies on her behalf. She well understood the meaning of prayer though not my language, as the New Zealanders consider all their afflictions to come from some superior being whom they are much accustomed to address in time of trouble. The poor woman wanting nourishment I presented her with a piece of biscuit, but she gave me to understand that she was forbidden to eat anything but potatoes. I spoke to Weerea, who told me God would be angry if she ate the biscuit. He took it, and repeating many petitions over it placed it under her head, and told me the presence of God was now in the biscuit, but his wife must not eat it. I lamented that the poor woman had been in the open air all night, which was enough to occasion her death, and learned it was the prevailing custom amongst the New Zealanders when a person was sick to carry them out of their huts and lay them in the open air lest the huts should be denied. These people neither eat nor drink in their houses but always in the open air, for the above reason. I could not discover that the New Zealanders had any graven images or likenesses of any heathen deities as other uncivilized nations have, but they consider their God as an intelligent spirit or shadow, for, when I enquired of one of them what God was like, he told me He was an immortal shadow. Yet they suffer much in times of

[Image of page 117]


sickness from their superstitions in being compelled to lie in the open air, and to refuse, sometimes for days, either food or water, under the impression that if either is administered to the sick they will surely die. I had often, previous to my present visit to Wycaddee, been struck with the weakly and aged appearance of young women who had borne children, and attribute this now to the colds and other complaints which they catch during their confinement.

In passing through the village I saw a little naked child lying upon the grass and a number of people present. A chief informed me it was his child and was two days old. He pointed out the mother, who was walking about. She very probably would have been lying there too if she had been sick. The child appeared very well. I mention this as a proof that both women and children, at those times of danger, are exposed to sufferings unknown to civil society.

A small distance from where Weerea's sick were lying there was a little hut with a stage erected on it. Weerea took me to it and told me his father had been slain in battle, and that his body was wrapped up and placed upon that stage where it would remain till the bones mouldered away. I could not observe any part of the body as the covering had been drawn up in a round form, and not stretched out like our dead. The chiefs in New Zealand when they die are generally placed upon a stage in some sacred grove, several of which I saw. The natives do not like to visit the places of their departed friends, and have generally some frightful image erected near the spot to terrify all who approach near the repository of their dead. I was therefore much surprised that Weerea had his father so near him and in the centre of the village. This village is situated in the centre of a rich valley, the land very good and fit for cultivation. I here observed many noble pines. Weerea urged me much to send some Europeans to reside at Wycaddee. He pointed out the spot where their houses should be built, upon the richest banks of the river, and set forth the advantages they might derive from the richness of the soil for potatoes and its vicinity to the water. I told him that in time his wishes might be complied with, but that we must first see how the inhabitants of New Zealand conducted themselves towards the Europeans at Rangheehoo. If they were treated well more should be sent. He wished then to accompany me to Port Jackson. I told him the number I had already agreed to take were as many as the Active could hold, but I would give directions for a passage at a future time should he be then inclined to visit me. With this he was satisfied and said he would come. I then told him that as the vessel would leave Cowa-Cowa that day I must request him to order me a canoe that I might return. He replied he could not suffer me to depart till he had presented me with two or three hogs. He then immediately threw off the whole of his clothing, took a dog and a boy to the river, plunged into it with them, and swam across holding them above water with the one hand and swimming with the other. When he landed he ran off into the forest like a lion, the boy and dog following, and returned in a little time with three hogs, which were put into the canoe and all was got ready for my return. He made me a present of some mats at the same time, and told me he would accompany me to the vessel. When I had got into the canoe he put in one of his sons, a fine boy about nine years

[Image of page 118]


old. I asked him what he was about to do with his boy. He told me he intended to take him to Rangheehoo to live with Mr. Kendall in order that he might instruct him. I answered that Mr. Kendall's house was not ready yet or he should go, but as soon as it was, and Mrs. Kendall could accommodate him, I would speak to Mr. Kendall and was sure he would receive him. With this he was satisfied.

It may not be improper here to notice a conversation I had with the two chiefs, Tupee (Tupehi) and Timmaranghee (Te Morenga), some time after this, relative to Mr. Kendall's school. He had already begun to teach the children, and had taken into the school two fine boys, the sons of a common man at Rangheehoo. These chiefs told me it was of no use to teach the children of the common people, that they had no lands or servants, and would never rise higher in rank than their parents; but that it would be very good to instruct the sons of chiefs. From what I could learn there appears to be no middle class of people in New Zealand, but that they are all either chiefs or, in a certain degree, slaves. At the same time, the chiefs do not give their commands to the people indiscriminately as a body with that authority which masters, in civil life, exercise over their servants, nor do their dependents feel themselves bound to obey such commands. It is true they have the power over any of their people to put them to death for theft, but, as the chiefs have no means of remunerating the services of their dependents, there being reciprocal compacts between them as master and servant, they cannot command the people as a body to labour on their ground, etc. In time of war and common danger they can command the people to put themselves under their authority, which they are compelled to do, and all inferior chiefs are also obliged to attend upon their immediate superiors with their people in the field of battle. The chiefs have their domestics to dress their provisions, attend them in their canoes, cultivate their land, or do any other menial services; and these only are wholly under their authority.

I now took my leave of this people and returned to the Active, which had got under way but was obliged to anchor again, the tide running so strong she could not stem it with the light wind she had. When I arrived some of the chiefs informed me that the Jefferson whaler had come in and was anchored in the cove near Terra's village, and that there had been a serious difference between the people on board and the chief Terra, whom they had threatened to shoot. They further stated that if any injury happened to Terra the Jefferson would be cut off and her people killed, and entreated me to go down and know the cause of the quarrel. I was much concerned to hear this account, and told them I would repair on board the Jefferson, and that if any injury had befallen Terra the person who had done it should be brought on board the Active and taken to Port Jackson, where he should be punished by Governor Macquarie. I took the largest carpenter's axe we had in the vessel as a present to Terra, knowing that nothing would be more acceptable to him, and set off in a canoe for his village. I found him at home, and after presenting the axe told him what I had heard. He stated that he had been on board the Jefferson, and that a pistol had been pointed at his breast by a person who threatened to shoot him. I desired him to accompany me and point out the person who had thus insulted him.

[Image of page 119]


He ordered his canoe, and we proceeded on board accompanied by his brother and another chief. When we arrived on board he pointed out the person that threatened to shoot him and stated the cause of their difference, but as the matter was at length settled to the satisfaction of the chief and his friends it is not necessary to say more, only that it appeared to me that the Europeans were utterly to blame.

I remained on board the Jefferson all night, and in the morning, while walking the quarterdeck in company with the second mate, I saw one of the chiefs in a dreadful rage, and Tupee (Terra's brother) pointing up to the masthead, at the same time making signs to some of the natives as if he wanted them to hang some person up. I immediately went with the mate and inquired the cause of the uproar. The chief who was so angry pointed to a young man with a sword in his hand, and said he had struck his wife several times with it, and when he forbade him he made several stabs at him. I urged him to be composed, and the man should be punished if he had done wrong. I then addressed the young man with the sword, who was very insolent when I spoke to him and used extremely bad language to me and his officer. He refused to become reconciled to the chief, though neither he nor his wife had given the smallest offence. I told the chief I should represent the man's conduct to Governor Macquarie, and that Mr. Kendall, who was appointed by the Governor to hear their complaints against the Europeans, should be sent for and he would commit them to paper, and I would take them with me to Port Jackson, which was done.

They attended the examination, when the young man was brought before Mr. Kendall as a magistrate, and they were perfectly satisfied with what was done. I also enquired of Tupee what he was pointing to the masthead for at the time of the disturbance. He said he was recommending to his countrymen not to injure any person on board but the man who had struck the chief and his wife with the sword, and to hang him up at the masthead. Masters of vessels should be very particular and not place swords in the hands of young, thoughtless, wicked sailors, more especially when among savage nations. The number of natives on board and alongside the Jefferson when this affair transpired, could have taken her in one moment. The natives should either be prohibited altogether, with the exception of the chief of the district, from coming on board, or care should be taken while they are on board not to insult any of them. Previous to this period I had frequent conversations with the chiefs relative to the loss of the Boyd, and pointed out to them the injustice of putting to death the innocent with the guilty as the people of Wangarooa had done in that instance. They readily admitted that the guilty alone ought to suffer, and what pleased me more was to find that Tupee was strongly impressing upon the minds of the natives the same idea, and directing them not to injure any person on board the Jefferson but the man who had given the offence.

All differences being now settled, I waited for the Active's arriving. She soon appeared in sight and anchored not far from the Jefferson, where we intended to take in our water and then proceed to the settlement of Rangheehoo. While the Active was taking in her cargo at Cowa-Cowa a number of native women came on board every day. I

[Image of page 120]


told them I would not allow any of them to remain on board at night unless with their husbands. Accordingly every evening the vessel was searched, and if any women without husbands were found they were sent on shore, sometimes not very well pleased. During my stay on board the Jefferson I saw many of my old female acquaintances. They laughed and told me they were not on board the Active now and that the Jefferson was not tabooed, that when the evening came in that ship there was no iriauta, 66 literally meaning there was no command to be off. I replied that I was very displeased with the master and crew for suffering them to stay all night in the vessel, and that these were all very bad men. The women smiled and expressed their confidence that they would not be molested.

The next day I accompanied Mr. Kendall to Rangheehoo in the Jefferson's whaleboat, where I found Duaterra dangerously ill. This was a very distressing circumstance to me. I called to see him, but the superstition of the natives would not permit me for several days to do so. His people had fixed a guard about him and would suffer no person to approach. He was so very ill that they expected him to die in a short time. I entreated them time after time for two or three days together to admit me to see him, but they had tabooed the enclosure in which he was laid and dared not admit any person in to him. I was very much mortified, and understood that he was to have nothing to eat or drink for five days. I went again to the people that attended him. They would only speak to me through the fence and still refused me admittance. I then told them I would bring the Active near the town and would blow it down if they would not admit me in. They said if I thought proper I might, and finding I could neither persuade them by any entreaties nor intimidate them by threats I went to the chief, a nephew of Tippahee's, who possessed the greatest influence and principal authority in the place, and told him how I had been refused admittance to see Duaterra for several days, and that Duaterra had neither wine, tea, sugar, rice, or bread--all which he had been used to--and that if he did not get these nourishments he would die. I further told him that I was determined to fire the big guns belonging to the Active on the town as soon as I went on board. 67 He expressed his concern that they would not allow me to see him, and desired me to go with him and see what could be done. When he approached near the enclosure he seemed much alarmed, walked very slowly, and whispered as if he expected some divine judgment to come upon him. He made signs to some of the attendants who spoke to him through the fence, and pointed out to them what destruction these guns would make in the town, and that there was no guarding against them as they could not be seen. After several consultations between those who were with Duaterra and the messengers who came to the chief, permission was granted for my admission.

When I entered the enclosure I found Duaterra lying on his back facing the sun, which was exceeding hot, in a very high fever. His

[Image of page 121]


tongue very foul; he complained of violent pains in his bowels, and from every appearance was not likely to survive long. I found two of his wives, his father-in-law, the priest, and several attendants with him. He was much pleased I had come to see him. I asked him if he had anything to eat or drink; he replied he had not, excepting potatoes and water. I told him whatever he wanted he should have, and ordered him a supply of tea, sugar, rice, and wine, for which he expressed his gratitude. I ordered some wine and water to be got for him as soon as possible, part of which he took. He also ate some rice and took some tea, and seemed a little revived.

It was his intention to have laid out a new town with regular streets to be built after the European mode, in which ground was to be set apart for a church. I had gone to examine it before. The situation was delightful--on a rising hill in front of the harbour mouth distant about eight miles, commanding a view of all the harbour. He again mentioned his intention to me and hoped he would be better so as to have the town marked out before I sailed. I told him I should be ready to attend him and hoped to see him recover, and recommended him to take what nourishment he could. From this they gave me permission to see him at all times. I called the following day and found he spoke much better, and I entertained hopes of his recovery. The day after I called he appeared worse. He was supplied with all the necessaries he could wish for by Messrs. Kendall, Hall, and King, who willingly did all they could for him. Whatever vessels were used in conveying meat or drink to the sick chief were detained by his relations, who said if these were removed Duaterra would die. He was himself also of this opinion. So strongly rooted is superstition in the human mind when once admitted.

I had met everything in New Zealand to my full satisfaction, and nothing to give me pain till this unexpected affliction of Duaterra, which was to me very distressing as upon the wisdom, zeal, industry and influence of this serviceable man I had calculated upon many advantages to New Zealand. My hopes were now likely to be blighted as I could entertain little expectation of his restoration. I know infinite wisdom cannot err. What the Great Head of the Church ordains to be done will in the end be best, but as David mourned for Abner I shall long mourn for Duaterra should he be carried off by death; for as a great man fell in Israel when Abner died, so will a great man fall in New Zealand should Duaterra not survive his present affliction. So far as natural causes can be considered to operate, I attributed Duaterra's sickness to his exertions. He was a man of great bodily strength, with a very active, comprehensive mind, and, on his return to New Zealand, exerted himself day and night to carry the plans he had formed into execution. His grand object was agriculture; he calculated that in two years he should be able to raise sufficient wheat for all his people and to supply other chiefs with seed, and in a short time to export some to Port Jackson in exchange for iron and such other articles as he might want. With this view he had visited his different lands for nearly forty miles distant from Rangheehoo, laid out the grounds he intended to clear and cultivate, and marked out the work for his men, having first enquired of me how much ground a man broke up in a day at Port Jackson. He

[Image of page 122]


was seldom at home but constantly at his farms, excepting when he went with me to the river Thames. Under all these circumstances I fear he will be a great loss to his country. One consolation he has bequeathed to them, however, is that of having introduced agriculture and paved the way for the civilization of his countrymen. When he came to New South Wales last August in the Active he brought his half-brother with him and left him with me, desiring he might be instructed in useful knowledge. He is now about sixteen years of age and is a very fine, intelligent youth, exceeding well disposed and truly industrious. This youth is next in authority and will succeed Duaterra in his estates. I intend him to remain till he can speak the English language and gains a knowledge of agriculture. He is every day at work either as a carpenter or farmer, and I entertain hopes, in the event of Duaterra's quitting; this mortal life, that he will soon be able to fill his place. I have also a person instructing him to read a little before he returns. I trust in all these mysterious dispensations Divine goodness is preparing a way for these poor heathens to be brought into the Church of Christ, and that if one instrument fails another will be provided whereby we may always say with Abraham in the day of trouble--"God will provide Himself a lamb for a burnt offering."

On Friday, 24th of February, the Active was ready for sea, Duaterra still continuing apparently in a dying state, and, my time being limited by Governor Macquarie's orders, I could not remain to see the event of his sickness. I was happy, however, in the consideration that those I left behind would cheerfully administer to all his wants and would do everything in their power to restore him to health, as they were all very kind to him and anxious for his preservation. 68

I had given permission for ten New Zealanders to accompany me to Port Jackson, eight of whom were chiefs or sons of chiefs, and two servants. They were all embarked on Friday, and their friends assembled from every quarter to take their leave of them. Before my final departure from New Zealand I wished to obtain and secure as far

[Image of page 123]


as possible a legal settlement for the Europeans I had left upon the island. For this purpose application was made to the two nephews of the late Tippahee, who were proprietors of the ground which the Europeans at present possess and the adjoining town of Rangheehoo, to know if they would sell that piece of land upon which we had begun to build and increase the quantity at first marked out for the buildings, from our having no legal claim to it. These two chiefs readily complied with our request. They were related to Duaterra. I went along with them and the settlers to point out the boundaries of the land they were willing to dispose of, and purchased it on account of the Church Missionary Society. We could not ascertain the exact quantity for want of proper measuring instruments, but as it is situated between some natural boundaries expressed in the grant I considered that of no moment; at least I apprehended it to contain more than 200 acres--one side bounded by the harbour. The grant was made out and executed on Friday, the 24th of February, in the presence of a number of chiefs from different districts, who were assembled at Rangheehoo to take their leave of the Active, and publicly set apart for the Europeans. I took this opportunity of expressing to the assembled chiefs that as the land was now belonging to the Europeans, they were all at full liberty to come from any part of New Zealand for things they might want to purchase, or have manufactured, without interruption. I further told them the smith should make them axes, or hoes, or any other tools they might stand in need of, but that he was on no account to repair pistols or muskets or make any warlike instruments, not even for the greatest chief upon the island. Ahoodee O Gunna (Te Uri-o-Kanae), 69 one of the chiefs of whom I had purchased the land, publicly declared that the land was no longer theirs, but the sole property of the white people and was tabooed for their use. The signature of the grant or deed 70 contains all the curves and lines which are tatooed on the chief's face and their singular and curious drawings or figures.

Three days previous to this Mrs. King was delivered of a fine boy, who was brought out and publicly baptized at the same time the deed was executed upon this newly purchased land. All these circumstances at such a juncture were very interesting to us and will be long remembered by the natives. The price paid for the land was twelve axes.

The deed is in the following terms:--"Know all men to whom these presents shall come, that I, Ahoodee O Gunna, King of Rangheehoo, in the Island of New Zealand, have, in consideration of twelve axes to me in hand now paid and delivered by the

[Image of page 124]


Rev. Samuel Marsden, of Parramatta, in the territory of New South Wales, given, granted, bargained, and sold; and by this present instrument do give, grant, bargain, and sell unto the Committee of the Church Missionary Society for Africa and the East, instituted in London, in the Kingdom of Great Britain, and to their heirs and successors, all that piece and parcel of land situate in the district of Hoshee, 71 in the Island of New Zealand, bounded on the south side by the Bay of Tippoona 72 and the town of Rangheehoo, on the north side by a creek of fresh water, and on the west by a public road into the interior, together with all the rights, members, privileges, and opportunities thereunto belonging; to have and to hold, to the aforesaid Committee of the Church Missionary Society for Africa and the East, instituted in London, in the Kingdom of Great Britain, their heirs, successors, and assigns, for ever, clear and freed from all taxes, charges, impositions, and contributions whatsoever, as and for their own absolute and proper estate for ever; in testimony whereof I have, to these presents thus done and given, set my hand, at Hoshee, in the Island of New Zealand, this twenty-fourth day of February, in the year of Christ, one thousand eight hundred and fifteen.

"Signatures to the grant:


Ahoodee O Gunna (Te Uri-o-Kanae) was a very sensible man and extremely partial to the Europeans. He is the chief man in Rangheehoo, where the settlers reside. It is the largest and most populous town we met with, containing upwards of two hundred huts. Mrs. O Gunna, wife of the chief, is also a pleasant woman and had greatly improved in her appearance and cleanliness before we came away, and devoted much of her time in assisting the European women in anything she could do. Ahoodee O Gunna requested I would send him a suit of clothes to wear on the Sabbath, as he did not like to attend Divine service in his native dress, thinking it improper, which I promised to do.

Having finally arranged and settled every concern relating to the establishment of the missionary settlement at Rangheehoo, I embarked, accompanied by Mr. Nicholas, and on Saturday morning (26th) we weighed anchor and sailed. Many chiefs came on board to accompany us down the harbour which brought on much weeping and lamentation. Messrs. Kendall, Hall, and King were on board. The chiefs spoke very kindly, and

[Image of page 125]


declared if Duaterra died they would protect the Europeans and none should injure them. Many solicited to go with me to Port Jackson, whom I was obliged to refuse, partly because we had no room and partly on account of the heavy expense of maintaining them on their passage to and from New Zealand and while the vessel lay at Port Jackson. I told them I would at all times permit a few to have a passage, but that should be in turns, which satisfied them.

The head chief's wife wept much, and cut her face, arms, and breasts with shells till the blood streamed down. She told me she would neither eat nor drink anything for five days and nights but would sit down in her hut and weep, praying for us all the time. She is a very intelligent young woman; she can speak a little English, and is very partial to the Europeans. Both she and her husband, Terra, were very urgent for me to send over two or three Europeans to live with them, and it is my intention to send a married couple when the Active returns if I have favourable accounts from the settlers and can meet with suitable persons.

We sailed down the harbour near the Heads when the canoes returned with our weeping friends, but were obliged to come to anchor again till the tide turned, and while we lay there we were visited by a chief from the river Thames, who had just arrived.

About twelve o'clock we got out and bore away for the North Cape, and on Sunday, 27th, about twelve o'clock, we saw the land. I was determined to put in here and pass a day according to my promise, if the wind permitted, and desired the master to steer for it accordingly. The wind was rather unfavourable during Sunday night, and on Monday morning (28th) we were four or five leagues from the shore with the wind from the land. The vessel had passed the north-east point where I had intended to touch, but as we could not make it we endeavoured to work to windward by carrying all the sail we could, and about ten o'clock a canoe put off to the Active from a different part of the shore where the chief lived whom I wanted to see. When the natives came on board they informed me the chief had got a quantity of dressed flax for me and that Jem, the Otaheitan, was in the country about four miles off. I desired the principal native to send his canoe on shore and a messenger to Jem to inform him of my arrival, which he immediately did and continued on board himself, he requesting I would allow him a passage to Port Jackson, but for want of room I could not grant his wishes. Shortly after another canoe came off in which I went on shore accompanied by Mr. Nicholas and the chief who arrived on board. We landed at a small village near the beach; the surf was high and the place we landed at very rocky. To me it appeared full of danger but, depending on the knowledge and dexterity of the natives in the management of their canoes, we ventured through the surf and got safe on shore with only a little sprinkling of the waves. We here found some pretty little cottages and their gardens in high cultivation, neatly fenced and laid out, and the potatoes, yams, etc., all planted in separate beds with not a weed to be seen.

In passing through the village I observed a man's head stuck upon a pole in the front of a cottage. The chief stole silently from behind me and took it down, and carried it into the hut; he was not

[Image of page 126]


aware that I observed it, and by his cautious conduct I concluded he was desirous I should not. On that account I took no notice, but passed on. It was from this village the messenger had been despatched to Jem, the Otaheitan, but had not yet returned. We walked about two miles into the interior on the path where Jem was expected to pass, attended by a considerable number of natives. On our way we saw some beautiful plantations of potatoes and other vegetables. The women appeared as if they were little acquainted with Europeans, and most of them kept at a distance for some time and always fled away when we spoke to them.

At length we were hailed by some of the natives and informed Jem had taken another road and was gone down to the beach. We returned immediately and made for the sea, but in a contrary direction from that we had been walking in, being conducted by the natives on our way. We met the chief's son. He was dressed in the India print I had given to his father when on my way to the Bay of Islands. The edges of his garment were ornamented with white dog's skin with the hair on and looked very handsome; the print being red and white gave it a tasteful effect. He was an exceeding fine youth, and produced the printed orders of Governor Macquarie given by me to his father. They were wrapped up and covered with great care in order to keep them clean. He requested I would give him a passage to Port Jackson, to which I consented. He told me his father wished to see me and was waiting at the head of the bay about three miles distant. I set off to visit him, and was met by Jem, the Otaheitan, who told me the flax was ready. At this time it was nearly night and the wind still blowing fresh from the land, so that the Active could not get up. I was apprehensive she would be driven out to sea, and therefore thought it prudent to get on board as soon as we could. With this view we returned to the former village, and on our way met with two women leaning on a rock weeping and making loud lamentations. I enquired the cause and learned that their husband was the chief who had applied for a passage. I told them not to grieve; I would not take him with me as the vessel was full.

When we arrived at the village I observed to the natives I wanted a canoe to take us on board. They launched one immediately and filled her with men. At this time the sea was uncommonly rough and the Active a considerable distance from shore, and I expected we should meet with some difficulty in getting on board, but as the natives apprehended no danger I endeavoured to persuade myself that my fears were groundless, and therefore entered the canoe which soon passed over the raging surf and reached the Active in safety. Some of these canoes are eighty feet long, and it is astonishing to see with what skill they manage them in a boisterous sea. Previous to leaving the shore I informed Jem that the Active would lie to all night, if not driven off by the wind, and in the morning we should stand in for the land in order that I might see his father-in-law and get on board the flax he had prepared. The wind continuing the same all night we could not make the land, but were much in the same situation we were in the preceding evening (29th). Jem came off, however, pretty early in a canoe with a message from the chief requesting me to go on shore. I desired him

[Image of page 127]


to return and tell the chief the sea was so high and I was not accustomed to their canoes and on that account was afraid to venture, and that if he had any to send the vessel should wait till I heard from him again. At the same time I sent him a present of some edge tools which I had reserved purposely for him.

In about three hours Jem returned with a quantity of potatoes and about three hundredweight of flax and a boy whom the chief wished me to take to Port Jackson, and that Jem also would go with me and return when the Active came back to New Zealand. I was unwilling to disappoint the wishes of this chief which placed such confidence in me in sending his son, and I therefore gave my consent for them both to remain in the vessel. We then immediately made sail and bore away with a fine breeze for Port Jackson.

Jem told me the chief's eldest son whom I had seen on shore was very anxious to come, but his mother would not consent at the present time. I had now twelve native passengers on board besides the natives belonging to the Active. It was with the most heartfelt satisfaction I left New Zealand, not having met with the smallest accident, provocation or insult. I had fully accomplished the object of my voyage and satisfied myself relative to the real character and disposition of these heathens. I was fully persuaded that there was no real obstruction to their civilization nor the introduction of Christianity amongst them, and that nothing more was requisite than common prudence on the part of those who might be engaged in this humane and benevolent undertaking.

Nothing material happened on our passage till the 20th of March, when we had a very heavy storm of thunder and lightning from the south-west blowing on a very hard gale, which compelled us to lay-to for almost two days and nights. At this time we were not far from the coast of New Holland. Some of the New Zealanders were much alarmed. They expected the vessel to be dashed to pieces every moment--and particularly the chief Timmaranghee. He wept much and said he should never see his wife and children any more, and begged the captain to take all the coats from the masts, meaning the sails, for they would kill the Active. Tupee, on the other hand, was quite composed throughout the gale; he said neither thunder, lightning nor wind would destroy the vessel while I and he remained in it, and exhorted Timmaranghee not to be afraid for he was safe enough. Notwithstanding all that Tupee advanced, Timmaranghee's fears continued with the gale; neither could he rest night or day. Tupee was accustomed to pray much, and sometimes he would have a few of the natives with him. He had strong confidence in some supreme being, the God of New Zealand, he was wont to call the object of his worship. I was very sick during the gale and could seldom get out of my cot. Tupee would sit beside me and put his hands on different parts of my body. At the same time he would pray to his God. Tupee is a dignified and superior character and at all periods the same, and was very mild and even tempered. In the above gale we were driven more than two hundred miles to the northward of Port Jackson. When it abated the wind became fair and we anchored in Sydney Cove on Wednesday, 23rd March, 1815.

[Image of page 128]


I shall now conclude this narrative with observing that the New Zealand chiefs are a warlike race and very proud of their dignity and rank. They seem to be men who never forget a favour nor a wrong, but retain a grateful remembrance of those Europeans who have been kind to them and have the most sovereign contempt for any who have injured them. They appear to live in amity and peace amongst themselves when under the government of one chief. I saw no quarrelling while I was there. They are kind to their women and children. I never observed either with a mark of violence upon them nor did I ever see a woman struck. The settlers told me they had never seen any differences with the inhabitants at Rangheehoo during the time they had resided there, and I think differences are rare amongst those of the same tribe or belonging to the same village. Upon the south side of the Bay of Islands I was informed that no injury had been done to any Europeans since Captain Cook was there.

The two brother chiefs, Terra and Tupee, are exceeding well disposed men, and would never allow the least act of violence to be committed upon the Europeans. They frequently stated the injuries that they and their people had suffered from the English and that one master of a vessel not long ago had shot two of their men dead, but notwithstanding this outrage they had not retaliated upon the Europeans. They mentioned this as a proof how much they wished to cultivate our acquaintance. They told me I need not be under any apprehension for the safety of the Active while she remained with them, because she would be protected by the good-will of the people. In answer I said she should be constantly employed for their good and to enable them to improve their country, and that they might therefore consider her as belonging to New Zealand. She would not come to visit New Zealand from an expectation of receiving any advantage from them. One of the chiefs replied they were convinced of that for they had nothing to give. I recommended to them to procure and dress what flax they could against the return of the Active, which would be in three moons, and I would send such articles as they wanted to pay them for it, which they promised to do.

I am convinced that little good can be done amongst the natives of New Zealand without a vessel which would supply necessaries and secure the lives of the Europeans settled on the island, and materially conduce to the civilization of the people by offering frequent opportunities to the chiefs to visit Port Jackson, where they might see the habits and taste the comforts of civil life. They would acquire more knowledge in one month's residence in New South Wales than they could for a long time in their own country though the Europeans were with them. A single view of our houses with their furniture, our public buildings, His Majesty's stores and granaries, together with our arts and cultivation, would so much extend their views that they would never lose the impression.

When I took Tupee and Timmaranghee to view our general hospital in Sydney their astonishment was greatly excited. They immediately took its dimensions in order to be able to tell what they had seen, observing to me that their country was in an ignorant state and that no work was done there; but notwithstanding this remark of

[Image of page 129]


Tupee I believe the natives are too active and industrious a race of men to be satisfied with the mere residence of a few solitary European individuals amongst them. They will require to be frequently visited and supplied with tools of agriculture.

Iron is the only article which they at present value, firearms excepted. They are very bold and daring, and will undertake difficult enterprises with little apparent means to accomplish them. They had little means of cultivating their lands for the want of iron, and were quite destitute of every kind of grain before the Active went. They have no commerce with other nations. The only profession, therefore, these chiefs may be said to follow is war. It is no uncommon thing for the people of the North Cape to travel through the country to the East Cape, lying beyond the river Thames, a distance of nearly 300 miles, to war. This is a great undertaking when it is considered there are no regular roads--no bridges over rivers, and little means of support in an uncultivated country such as New Zealand.

Jem, the Otaheitan, told me he had been three times within the last five years at the East Cape to war in company with one thousand men. When, with all this travel and toil, they arrive in the territory of those whom they are going to plunder, it is only for a few mats or a few prisoners of war.

While the Active lay at the river Thames we observed a number of canoes upon the beach and enquired where they came from, and were informed that they belonged to some warriors who lived on the west side of New Zealand, and had brought them overland for the purpose of going to war with some of the tribes at the East Cape. 74 I felt a great desire to visit their camp and view the men who could undertake so arduous an enterprise with heavy canoes so far through a mountainous and uncleared country. Duaterra, however, recommended me not to visit their camp as it was unsafe. I took it very kind of him and followed his advice. The distance from the camp was about three miles from our anchorage.

The New Zealanders are all cannibals. They did not appear to have any idea that this was an unnatural crime. When I expressed my abhorrence at their eating one another, they said it had always been the custom to eat their enemies. I was unable to ascertain whether they ever ate human flesh as a meal, or from choice, or in cool blood; but it strikes me to be only from mental gratification and in retaliation for some great injury. As far as I can form an opinion of this horrid custom, I am inclined to believe that the New Zealanders do not consider it any more crime to eat their enemies than civilized nations do to hang an offender, although at the same time it stamps as much public disgrace upon the surviving relatives as the public execution of a criminal in Europe reflects upon the family of the sufferer.

[Image of page 130]


When I represented to them that this barbarous and inhuman custom was unknown to Europe and considered there as a foul disgrace to their nation they seemed surprised, and Shunghee, who is a man of high authority, told me that, as I had informed him it was wrong, he and his people would never be guilty of the like again, and others who stood by at the time expressed the same assurances. I took an opportunity upon all occasions that offered to impress upon their minds the horrors this practice excited in the breasts of other nations, and the dread and disgrace it attached to theirs.

It may be proper for me also to remark that, although we met with the most friendly reception throughout every part of the coast we touched at, I should recommend masters of vessels who visit New Zealand to be very cautious unless they can depend upon their crews behaving well. The New Zealanders will not be insulted with impunity and treated as men without understanding, but resent to the utmost of their power any injury heaped against them. At the Bay of Islands I consider a vessel to ride equally as safe as in the harbour of Port Jackson should ever any difference take place between the natives and the crew, but for any other part of the island I won't answer.

When I take into consideration what I saw of these islanders, and the frequent conversations I had with them during the time I was there upon various subjects, I am strongly inclined to believe that they will soon be ranked among civilized nations, and especially if their wants in iron are supplied. I am also of opinion that their own industry in collecting timber and flax, and any other articles of commerce which their country may be found hereafter to produce, will contribute in a great measure to repay the expenses; but I again assert that without iron these people can never rise above their present unpolished situation. If means are adopted to furnish them with this essential article, then, indeed, their country will soon supply them with all the necessary conveniences and comforts enjoyed in civil society, and as their comforts increase so will their wants stimulate their industry and lay a solid foundation not only for their civilization and mental improvement in the civil arts but also for the introduction of Christianity--the great final object in the contemplation of the Society, and the devout wish of all those who pray for the prosperity of Zion. 75

I trust from what I have stated the Society will form a proper judgment of the situation and character of the natives of New Zealand, and that the British nation, in particular, will continue to feel and long

[Image of page 131]


enjoy the infinite blessings derived from a preached Gospel, which renders England the glory and envy of all nations, and likewise commiserate for the miseries of these poor heathen who are literally without hope and without God. I am confident that the Society and all who aid their benevolent exertions will feel a lively interest in the temporal and eternal welfare of so great a nation as New Zealand, and have only to request you will present my respectful compliments to the Society and assure them that nothing shall be wanting on my part to second their benevolent wishes.

I have the honour to be,
Reverend and Dear Sir,
Your most obedient and humble servant,

[Image of page 132]




[Revd. Samuel Marsden to the Secretary]

PARRAMATTA, September 22nd, 1814.


I beg leave to submit a few observations to the kind consideration of the Society in connection with their maintaining a vessel in New South Wales for the sole purpose of promoting the good of the Mission intended to be established in New Zealand.

In the first place the comfort and safety of the Missionaries, will at least for some time require a vessel to visit them, entirely under the direction of the Society's agent, or some Christian friends. Secondly, nothing would contribute so much to the civilization and improvement of the New Zealanders, in all useful knowledge, as a free and open communication with Port Jackson. Thirdly, the wanton acts of oppression, robberies, and murders committed upon the persons and properties of the natives of New Zealand have completely destroyed all confidence in the Europeans. They manifest every wish to cultivate our friendship, but woeful experience has taught them not to trust too much. Nothing but a practical knowledge of the English Christian's character can remove their prejudices and jealousies. If the Society or any Christian friends had a vessel wholly under their own directions, in which the natives could freely pass from New Zealand to Port Jackson and back again to their own country, and be kindly treated while on their voyage and cordially received on their arrival, a most favourable impression would soon be made upon them, as they are naturally a very superior race of men, of very quick and comprehensive minds. If such arrangements could be made, every reasonable hope might be entertained that the greatest success, under the Divine blessing, would attend the Mission, but if no measure of this kind is adopted the Mission may still succeed. Yet according to human estimation, the prospect of success will not be so promising.

I admit the expense will be very considerable where provisions, naval stores, and seamen's wages are very high. The annual expense of the Active I estimate at £1,500 per annum, as near as I can form an idea. I have no doubt but the timber, etc., etc., which the Active would bring to Port Jackson, would make a return of £1,000 per annum, and probably more. She might clear her own expenses. After I have visited New Zealand and examined its natural productions I should be a better judge; however the object is of infinite importance. The whole inhabitants of that great and populous island are literally sitting in darkness, and in the Region and Shadow of Death. Should the natives of this island through the blessing of God be subdued by the sword of the Spirit to the obedience of Faith, all the neighbouring islands will be likely to fall under the same Almighty influence, as they are inhabited by a race of men who speak the same or a similar language.

[Image of page 133]


New Zealand must be always considered as the great emporium of the South Seas, from its local situation, its safe harbours, its navigable rivers, its fine timber for ship building, its rosin, native flax, etc., etc., specimens of which I intend sending to the Society by this conveyance. I trust the Society will not be discouraged on account of the weighty expenses that will necessarily and unavoidably attend the first establishment of the Mission. I have no doubt but the great Head of the Church will provide, "as the gold and silver are His, and the cattle upon a thousand hills." I shall feel it my duty as well as pleasure to give every support to the Mission as far as my personal exertions, my pecuniary means, and my influences in this Colony will extend. I think the owners of South Sea whalers will readily contribute to the aid of the Society in the present instance, as their ships upon the coast of New Zealand may safely put into the Bay of Islands, and obtain such refreshments as they may require, when once the Missionaries become resident there, and be under no apprehensions of their crew being cut off, whereas at present they are in considerable danger.

I need not point out to the owners of South Sea whalers how much it is in general against their interest for any of their ships to put into the harbour of Port Jackson for refreshments. Their captains and crews are almost certain to be ruined, from the dangerous connection which they form in New South Wales. I consider it would be greatly to the pecuniary advantage of all these concerned in the sperm fishery to give every support to the Mission at New Zealand. I also think His Majesty's Ministers will take the Mission into their favourable consideration from the official communication which His Excellency Governor Macquarie intends to transmit. Governor Macquarie is fully satisfied that much may be done for the improvement of the natives of that island; and has given me his full sanction to visit the island with the Missionaries, and the Chiefs, who are at present living with me. His Excellency has been kind enough to victual the chiefs and their attendants from His Majesty's stores during their stay in this settlement, which is the most favourable testimony of his approbation, and will very considerably lessen the expenses of their support. His Excellency has further manifested his goodwill by promising on the natives' return to present each of the chiefs with a new suit of clothes, their coats to be made of scarlet cloth, and each a cow from His Majesty's herds. From what has taken place and from present appearances I trust the Society will be fully satisfied that there is now a fair opening at New Zealand for the introduction of the everlasting Gospel of our Blessed Lord, and I most ardently pray that the attempt may not fail for want of pecuniary assistance, and am confident it will not.

With my most respectful compliments to the Society I beg to subscribe myself,

Reverend Sir,
Your most obedient and humble servant,

To the REV. J. PRATT,
Secretary to the Church Missionary Society.


September 22nd, 1814.

At the request of the Rev. Mr. Marsden we whose names are hereunto subscribed have been on board the brig Active lying in this Cove after a strict and careful survey and report as follows:--

That the brig Active is well adapted for the purpose of taking Missionaries from hence to New Zealand and being a strong, well built vessel will, with little occasional

[Image of page 134]


repairs, last many years to carry on the communication between this place and the purposed settlement at the Bay of Islands, and it is also our opinion that the said brig is well worth the money given in purchase for her by Mr. Marsden, say Fourteen hundred pounds.

Given under our hands at Sydney, New South Wales, this 22nd day of September, 1814.

Agent for the Underwriters at Lloyds.
Master of the Ship Seringapatam.
Master of the Ship Active.


[The Revd. Samuel Marsden to the Secretary]

PARRAMATTA, September 30th, 1814.


In a former letter I informed you that Duaterra (Ruatara) was very anxious to make a Sunday when he returned to New Zealand--he now tells me he made one for five moons or months, and then his countrymen told him they did not believe that Europeans had a Sunday. From the general conduct of the masters of vessels who had put into the Bay of Islands, they had not observed any difference between the Sabbath day and others. Only two masters of vessels, Duaterra told me, had been particular in this respect. When the Active was there, the natives went with their potatoes, etc., for sale on the Sabbath; they were then informed it was the Lord's Sabbath and a day sacred to rest, and that they could not receive any articles from them on that day. On board the Active they hoisted the English Colours on the Sabbath. Terra (Tara), a chief on the opposite side of the Bay, when he saw the colours, immediately ordered colours to be hoisted on shore where he lived. Duaterra tells me the natives inquired what was the reason the people on board the Active would not trade with them on that day. He told them the same, which he had often done before, that it was a day of rest, and that God would be angry with them for working and selling things on the Sabbath. They were much afraid and told him that they now believed that there was a Sabbath. I had given instructions to the master of the Active to be very particular in keeping the Sabbath. The first interview Duaterra had with his Excellency the Governor, he requested that His Excellency would give him either colours to hoist or a bell to ring and drum to beat, to call the people together. He is still anxious to have a Sabbath day, and I trust he will see one established there to his present and eternal happiness.

The Chiefs are all happy with us at Parramatta and their minds enlarging very fast. Beholding the various works that are going on in the smiths' and carpenters' shops, the spinning and weaving, brick-making and building houses, together with all the operations of agriculture and gardening, has a wonderful effect upon their minds; and will excite all their national powers to improve their own country. The idea of my visiting them is very gratifying to their minds. At present I spend all the time I can spare with them, in conversing with them upon all the different subjects that appear necessary for them to be acquainted with, particularly on the subject of religion, civil government, and agriculture. With respect to religion, I talk to them of the institution of the Sabbath day by God Himself, and they see it observed by us

[Image of page 135]


with particular attention. They see the prisoners mustered on Sunday morning, their names called over, and then marched to church. They also see the soldiers and officers march to church likewise, and most of the people in the town of Parramatta. As I have many complaints to settle as a magistrate, they frequently attend when I explain to them afterwards the different crimes and punishments that each has committed and what sentence is passed upon them. With respect to agriculture, they visit different farms, observe the plough at work, some men with the hoe, some threshing, etc. They tell me when they return they shall sit up whole nights telling their people what they have seen and that their men will stop their ears with their fingers. "We have heard enough," they will say, "of your incredible accounts, and we will hear no more--they are impossible to be true." I am fully convinced that the chiefs, and particularly Duaterra (Ruatara), and Shunghee (Hongi), who commands 17 districts, will apply all their strength to agriculture, if they can only obtain hoes and axes. I think no society was ever engaged in a greater work than the Church Missionary Society is in this. The ground is wholly occupied by the Prince of Darkness, and great and powerful difficulties will no doubt one way or another spring up to oppose this great work. But the Lord is King amongst the heathen, and will I have no doubt establish His Throne there.

I am, dear Sir,
Yours very sincerely,


[The Revd. Samuel Marsden to the Secretary]

PARRAMATTA, September 30th, 1814.


I must now write to you upon the subject of a pecuniary nature. I am aware that the Mission, which is a very great undertaking, will be attended with a very heavy expense. In taking the steps I have done, I do not feel altogether warranted by the Society merely on account of the sum it will require at first to make a beginning. After the Mission is once established, I do not think it will be attended with any extraordinary expense. . . . I shall be obliged to draw upon the Society for present aid, and I trust they will honour my bills should they in any way disapprove of what I have done. I shall not draw for any sum but what I shall make a provision for in this Colony should any of my bills be dishonoured. Every kind of naval stores are very dear in this settlement, from one to two or three hundred per cent, more than what they are in England, on this account the fitting out a vessel is very great. The Society will take into their kind consideration the importance of the object of this undertaking; the temporal and eternal happiness of millions of the human race. Some sacrifices of a pecuniary nature must be made. I would also just remind them that no act of violence has been committed in any part of New Zealand upon any European where any of the natives live that are acquainted with my friend Duaterra (Ruatara). Ships may now put into the Bay of Islands for refreshments with safety. This is an object of some importance even for our own people. I have had the most ardent wish for some years past to see this island receive the blessings of civilization and the Gospel, and now trust the time is come when the great work will be entered upon. Had the Active returned without obtaining the object of her voyage, it was my intention to have sold her immediately, and not have called upon the Society for any money upon her account; but as the object of the voyage has been more than answered I cannot now withdraw, but must go on as long as my means will permit

[Image of page 136]


me. When I purchased the vessel she was then bound to the Derwent on Government account, which made the voyage altogether ten weeks longer than it otherwise would have been and consequently increased the expenses. She had a larger complement of seamen the last voyage than what she will ever want again, as I did not think it prudent to send the vessel without a sufficient number of men to protect her, in case any unforeseen circumstance had taken place. She will now be navigated in a great measure with the natives of New Zealand, and her expenses will not be on that account so great. I trust the return she will make by bringing the natural productions to Port Jackson will go very far towards paying her own expenses. But this I shall know when I have visited the islands and examined the productions myself. The vessel's returns may one way and another be this voyage £300. I wish it to be clearly understood that I did not purchase the Active upon the credit of the Society, as I did not feel warranted in doing this. I am willing to take the whole responsibility of the purchase upon myself. If the Society or any friends of the Society are inclined to take her or any share in her she is at their service. I have only one object, which is the good of the heathen, and such an opportunity as the present of doing them good should not be lost for the want of money. I hope to be able to give you an account of what the annual expenses may probably be on my return from New Zealand, as I shall do all in my power to lessen the expenses; and if I can make the natural productions of the island pay the expenses of the Mission, of which I entertain some hopes, I shall be very happy.

I have the honour to be,
Reverend Sir,
Your most obedient and humble servant,


[The Revd. Samuel Marsden to the Secretary}

NEW SOUTH WALES, June 10th, 1815.


In consequence of the Church and London Missionary Societies feeling some hesitation to maintain a vessel in these seas for the accommodation and protection of those Europeans who are employed under their respective patronage, I have finally determined to take the whole responsibility of the vessel upon myself on the following conditions, viz., that the two Societies conjointly agree to allow the sum of £500 per annum towards the expenses of the vessel from November last when the establishment for New Zealand finally sailed from Port Jackson. Should the timber, etc., procured at New Zealand repay the expenses of the vessel so that no very material loss is sustained I shall charge nothing to either Society. I state the sum of £500 as the utmost that may be wanting on account of the expenses of the vessel.

I shall not draw upon England for any part of this sum at present, but request, if the above proposal is agreed to, the Societies to send me out to the amount of £500 annually as opportunity may offer, till further notice, in naval stores to the amount of £200, also iron, steel, spades, shovels, cast-iron pots of (various) sizes, and reap-hooks to the amount of £300. Iron I want for tools of agriculture for the natives, to purchase the timber with from them. Should the vessel pay her own expenses the above sum of £500 will go to the credit of the Societies towards paying their respective establishment. This measure will make the business very simple (for the) Societies, and probably remove every difficulty that has hitherto opposed the employment of a

[Image of page 137]


vessel in these seas. With this system the vessel will be wholly my own, in which case I can act with confidence and shall meet with no interruption in carrying on my plan formed with the European settlers and natives of New Zealand for promoting the safety and comfort of the former, and the civilization and improvement of the latter. Under the persuasion that the above proposition will meet the approbation of the societies, it is my intention as soon as the Active returns from her present voyage to New Zealand to send her immediately to Otaheite with orders to touch at New Zealand on her passage out, and on her return to call there for a cargo of timber, etc. From the 25th of February, 1814, to November following, when she sailed for New Zealand, I trust the Society will pay all the expenses incurred in the two outfits as well as for the necessaries purchased for the use of the settlement and account of which I shall send by this conveyance. The vessel during the above period of eight months made some small return, which will be stated in the account and placed to the credit of the outfit; should the expenses be thought heavy, the Society will take into their kind consideration the high price of labour here as well as all naval stores, iron, tools of agriculture, etc. The first time the Active went to New Zealand I was compelled to have more sailors than were absolutely necessary to work the vessel as a protection, and also to give very high wages to the master, mate, and seamen. It was not easy to procure proper persons for such an undertaking without some strong inducement, as the natives were considered such cannibals few dared to venture among them; since my return the public opinion is much changed in their favour, the number of natives I brought with me to Port Jackson, their general appearance and conduct made the most favourable impression upon the minds of the inhabitants of this Colony, I shall not therefore find in future any difficulty in getting sailors to work the vessel at less wages. It was necessary that I should lay in considerable stores for the use of the settlement as well as provisions for supporting the natives who had returned with Messrs. Kendall and Hall, and likewise for the use of the settlers, their families, and those who accompanied them. I also conceived it prudent to take various articles as presents to the chiefs, and while the vessel remained on any part of the coast to treat liberally all the chiefs who visited us, as well as to show kindness to the common people , the Active was generally crowded with the natives while I was there, and ten chiefs and sons of chiefs with two servants came with me to Port Jackson. All these people could not be maintained without considerable expenses. In forming a new settlement there are a variety of expenses that cannot be foreseen. The settlement now being formed and all matters arranged relative to it, the expenses in future will not be very great; I think the rations of the settlers and families will not exceed £200 per annum. I have not time to review all I have wrote and am compelled to get my letter copied.

I have the honour to be,
Reverend Sir,
Your obedient and humble servant,


One ton of inch square iron, five tons of flat bar iron for hoes, axes, etc., half ton of hoop iron, half ton of common steel, a few spades, a quantity of gimlets and augers of different sizes, ten gross of pit and hand files, twenty dozen of carpenters' chisels of different sizes, twenty dozen of single plane-irons, half dozen steel wheat mills, a few dozen middle-sized iron pots, ten gross fish hooks of different sizes, principally

[Image of page 138]


large, three casks containing 8, 10, and 12" nails, two boxes of tin, a few gross of common scissors, six dozen frying pans, some iron spoons and a few dozen tin pots, three sets of hackles (one fine and one set coarse for hemp), six gross of small tooth and common combs, twelve dozen of carpenter's adzes, three boxes of window glass, twenty dozen tommy hawkes, twenty dozen of sickles, eight pit and four crosscut saws (two pit saws as long as can be procured), six gross common knives and forks, six gross common knives, six brass wire flour sieves, six gross small looking glasses, one hundred cut glass beads of the best quality (red, blue, yellow, and green), three or four small anvils, three or four pair of smith's bellows, twelve gross of Jew's harps, 76 half ton common yellow soap, twelve gross of common flutes and twelve gross of fifes, twelve hand bells, one gross common pewter plate for the chiefs, twelve gross small garden hoes, a box of peacock's feathers, a few pieces of red, white, and blue bunting as colours for the canoes, a bale of red flannel shirts, one box of stationery.

For the brig Active.--Twenty rolls of canvas, cordage of different sizes and a few coils, three dozen blocks of different sizes, two barrels of tar and one of pitch, twenty or thirty sheets of copper for the use of vessel.



[The Revd. Samuel Marsden to the Secretary]

Parramatta, June 14th, 1815.


The following lines are rather of a private than a public nature. I wrote to you some time ago, and stated my opinion of Messrs. Kendall, Hall, and King. I have seen no reason to change my good opinion of Mr. Kendall--I think him a very valuable man for the situation he now is in. Mr. Hall has given me more satisfaction since he has got upon his station than I ever had before. His wife is a most excellent woman. I have seen few equals to her for patience, good nature, and industry, and she loves the best things. Mr. King is now recovered and I hope he will go on well. He was unhappy before he entered upon the work, but now he is very content. Mr. Kendall left his two daughters at Port Jackson. I fully approved of his doing this till such times as he was settled and able to judge whether or not it would be proper for his daughters to live in New Zealand. They are boarders with the matron of the Female Orphan Home.

With respect to the narrative 77 I have sent for the information of the Society, it has been written in very great haste within the last few days and in the midst of much public business. I do not think that I shall have time to look it over since it has been copied, but must send it with all its errors and mistakes. I can only say it contains facts as they took place, though simply related, and will give some idea of this noble race of men for whose welfare I have felt much concern for many years. I shall leave you and the Society to make what use you may in your joint wisdom think proper. Many pleasing circumstances occurred while I was amongst them which time will not allow me to mention. I left them fully satisfied in my own mind that much had been done in a few weeks towards laying the foundation for their improvement. When the Active returns, I shall be able then to write more fully my sentiments of any future measures which may appear to me necessary for the Society to adopt relative to the island of New Zealand. I should wish to act with great caution. The most benevolent undertakings meet with strong oppositions. The pious Israelites

[Image of page 139]


could not build the walls of Jerusalem without holding the sword in one hand and the trowel in the other. If we attempt, even in these pious days, to build the walls of Jerusalem, we must expect to meet with the same spirit of opposition. I have met with hard contests in digging the foundation and laying the first stone for the Christian Church in New Zealand, but hope the building will go on--I believe the work to be of God; it has gone on slowly yet, but progressively. I have not had the means till lately to make the attempt, though I have wished most ardently to see the work begun. If the public prejudice had not been so strong against the natives of the island, the difficulty and expenses of forming the settlement would not have been so great. This island opens a large field for the exercise of Christian benevolence and missionary labours. Had I been a few years younger and circumstances would have allowed me to follow my own inclination I should have fixed my habitation amongst these people, but this cannot be now. I intend, when the Active returns, for her to visit Otaheite where the brethren are belonging to the London Missionary Society, and see how they are situated. These missionaries have suffered many privations, and have been greatly discouraged in their work for want of being more frequently visited. I think the Active would answer for both Societies. A vessel must be employed for New Zealand for reasons stated in my public letter, but she might visit the other missionaries at the same time, and I have no doubt but the London Missionary Society would pay any reasonable expense for the comfort of their missionaries who are now labouring with much success amongst the heathen there. I cannot tell what the annual expense would be to support a vessel besides the returns she would make. I think it would not be more than five hundred pounds at first per annum and it might be less, or nothing at all. The returns of her cargo might defray the whole. I would pledge myself that the sum would not exceed £500 for both Societies. At the same time it would be prudent to insure the Active for that service. Her first cost was £1,400 sterling, and her outfit was about £500 more, as she was badly supplied with stores at the time I purchased her. Will you have the goodness to insure the Active on my account, and let me know the amount of the expense? I value her in her present state at £1,500.

I am, dear Sir,
Yours affectionately,


[The Revd. Samuel Marsden to the Secretary]

PARRAMATTA, June 15th, 1815.


Having already given you an account of the principal occurrences that took place in my voyage to New Zealand, I deem it further necessary to acquaint you for the information of the Society what arrangements I made for the present establishment of the settlement at Rangheehoo. Previous to leaving Port Jackson I had left Messrs. Kendall, Hall, and King at liberty to lay in what articles of trade and other necessary comforts they might think proper, as I was ignorant at that time of the local situation and many other circumstances connected with the intended settlement. After I had been at New Zealand some time and made my own observations I was convinced that it would be very unwise to allow any of the settlers to trade with the natives upon their own private account, as it would unavoidably lay a sure foundation for personal jealousies and differences amongst the settlers and was also likely to be productive of bad consequences amongst the natives. The settlers would be under strong

[Image of page 140]


temptation to take advantage of the ignorance of the natives in the way of trade if they were to reap the profits, and one settler would have more means as well as natural ability to enrich himself than another by commerce, which would be productive of what the Apostle calls "bitterness, envyings, and evil surmisings" amongst them.

In order to guard against these serious evils, which might defeat the views of the Society, I spoke to the settlers upon the subject and told them my opinion and that I could not allow them to have any private trade whatever, and in order that they might have no just cause of complaint that I would pay them for all the articles of trade which they had brought with them as well as for all the tea, sugar, etc., and other necessaries which they had laid in for the use of their families, and that they should be allowed a given ration of what they wanted (clothes excepted) per week, till I had submitted this matter to the consideration of the Society and had received their instructions upon it. A copy of their weekly ration I have the honour to enclose for the information of the Society, and shall be obliged by receiving their directions for my future guidance. 78

The settlers for this indulgence were to purchase from the natives whatever articles of consequence they might bring for sale on account of the general concern, the profits of which when sold would go towards defraying the expenses of the vessel or the support of the settlement. This plan some were not prepared to sanction without a little hesitation, but I found it absolutely necessary in the infant state of the settlement especially, and it was at length finally adopted. The settlers were all equal in authority--they had no head--and good men when left without a guide are not always inclined to do what is right. There are comparatively few men who are capable of thinking for themselves, and as far as my experience of human nature extends, I think that good men should always be prevented from doing wrong as well as the bad when this can be done. 79

I further told them I would allow them five per cent, upon the net proceeds of whatever cargo the Active might bring to Port Jackson. I am happy to say I left them all satisfied, and each in his proper station, and I think they will do well. The following number of persons were left at Rangheehoo:--Mr. and Mrs. Kendall, one servant and three boys, Mr. and Mrs. Hall and one boy, Mr. and Mrs. King and two boys (these belonging to the Society); one pair of sawyers and a blacksmith bound for a time; Mrs. Hanson (Hansen) and son remained on their own account (Mr. Hanson, sen., commands the Active). I have since sent over the wives of the smith and of one sawyer (the other being a single man) and two children. I also left three runaway convicts with the settlers to assist them till the Active returned, and took three away with me, having met with six at New Zealand. The total number of Europeans at Rangheehoo, including men, women, and children, are 25.

[Image of page 141]


I cannot ascertain as yet what will be the amount of supporting this establishment; as soon as the necessary buildings are erected and the settlement formed it will be reduced. The settlers will soon be able to raise grain for their own support, and animal food will not be expensive. They will want continual supplies of tea, sugar, etc., and as their privations must unavoidably be many I have no doubt but the Society will cheerfully administer every aid that may tend to lessen their weight and number. I am not much afraid of the settlers doing their duty, being now upon their station, and I feel satisfied with them all.

I have the honour to be,
Reverend Sir,
Your most obedient and humble servant,


[The Revd. Samuel Marsden to the Secretary.]

PARRAMATTA, October 26th, 1815.

Dear Sir,

I observe in Mr. Kendall's letter when speaking upon the death of Duaterra (Ruatara), that he remarks Duaterra had imbibed strong prejudices in his mind against the missionaries. These prejudices originated at Port Jackson just before I sailed with him to New Zealand, from some person or persons, with the most dark and diabolical design, telling Duaterra not to trust us, that our only object was to deprive the New Zealanders of their country and that as soon as we had gained any footing over there we should pour into New Zealand an armed force and take the country to ourselves, and to make the impression more deep they called his attention to the miserable state of the natives of New South Wales, who are going perfectly naked about our streets and from whom the English had taken their country and reduced them to their present wretchedness. This suggestion darted into his mind like a poisoned arrow, destroyed his confidence in the Europeans, and alarmed his fears and jealousy for the safety of his country, for which he had the most unbounded love. On our sailing from Port Jackson, I perceived him to be much dejected and castdown and a constant melancholy upon his countenance. I often inquired what was the cause of his grief, but he cautiously concealed the matter from me and always evaded giving me a satisfactory answer. I repeatedly pressed him to tell me, and a little before we arrived at New Zealand he informed me that he was told at Port Jackson that it was our intention to take his country from him and that the New Zealanders would be very angry with him if he should be the author of their country being taken and given to the English. I pressed him much to inform me who had told him these things, but no arguments I could use would induce him to tell me. I concluded he was bound by some solemn promise not to reveal the author of this intended mischief. I frequently endeavoured to remove his fears, but to no purpose. The poison infused into his mind was too subtle and infectious ever to be removed.

[Image of page 142]


I have thought it necessary to explain that part of Mr. Kendall's letter which I have mentioned, as it cast a cloud over the character of a very great and extraordinary man whose memory will long be precious to them who knew him.

I am, Revd. Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,


The brig Venus was seized at Port Dalrymple by her first mate, Kelly, with the assistance of some convicts, on June 17th, 1806, and put to sea with eleven persons on board, including two convict women and an infant child. The vessel reached the Bay of Islands not later than December, 1806, where the two women, with Kelly and a convict, Lancashire, were left behind. These two women are the first white women known to have lived in New Zealand. One of them, Catherine Hagerty, died soon after landing, the other, Charlotte Edgar, mother of the infant, refused to leave the island when offered a passage by Captain Bunker of the Elizabeth in the early months of 1807. Her fate is unknown. Kelly and Lancashire were quickly seized by masters of visiting vessels and taken as prisoners to England. The Venus, with no one on board who understood navigation, sailed aimlessly on the New Zealand coast, until, as was subsequently reported by the Mercury, she was taken by Maoris, who killed and ate the pirates, burning the vessel for the sake of the iron.--McNab, Tasman to Marsden, pp. 110-112. Vide infra, pp. 154-5, 172-3, and 265.

1   Historical Records of New South Wales, Vol. I, Part 2, p. 27. The Rev. Richard Johnson acted as Chief Chaplain of the Settlement until 1800, when he retired.
2   Tuke (Toki?) and Huru.--cf. S. Percy Smith, Peopling of the North (Wellington, 1898), pp. 105-6; Early History of New Zealand, edited Leys (Auckland, 1890), p. 79; and King's "Journal" in Historical Records of New Zealand, Vol. II, pp. 539-40.
3   R. McNab, From Tasman to Marsden, pp. 79, 80. The Daedalus, in reality, sailed for Port Jackson, where her captives were landed on April 15th. Two days later they were put on board the Shah Hormuzear and sailed for Norfolk Island.
Historical Records of New South Wales, Vol. II, p. 87.
4   McNab, Historical Records of New Zealand, Vol. I, p. 169, et seq., and Vol. II, p. 535, et seq.
Historical Records of New South Wales, Vol. II, p. 134, et seq.
5   Captain Townson, of the New South Wales Corps, succeeded Captain King as commandant at Norfolk Island in September, 1796. He was succeeded by Major Foveaux, who took command in July, 1800. Foveaux sailed for England in September, 1804, his successor being Captain Piper, who remained in the island till April, 1810. Captain Piper was thus the commandant who showed kindness to Te Pahi.--Historical Records of New South Wales, Vol. IV, pp. 79, 97, 392, 393, 424; Vol. V, pp. 550, 569; Vol. VI, pp. 3, 184, 204, 403; Vol. VII, p. 343.
6   Te Pahi and his sons reached Norfolk Island in the colonial brig Venus, whose captain treated the Maoris very badly.--McNab, Tasman to Marsden, pp. 104-106; Historical Records of New South Wales, Vol. VI, p. 3.
7   The Buffalo arrived at Sydney on 27th November, 1805.--Historical Records of New Zealand, Vol. I, p. 258.
8   As a compliment to Te Pahi, Governor King presented him with a silver medal inscribed: "Presented by Governor King to Tip-a-he, a Chief of New Zealand, during his visit at Port Jackson, in January, 1806"; (and on the reverse) "In the reign of George the Third, by the Grace of God, King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland." He received also many presents from Government stores and from private individuals before sailing for New Zealand on 24th February, 1806, in the Lady Nelson.--McNab, Tasman to Marsden, p. 106.
9   Rev. Josiah Pratt, B.D. (1768-1844), Vicar of St. Stephen's, Coleman Street, London; Secretary, Church Missionary Society, December, 1802-April, 1824. The Church Missionary Society was instituted on 12th April, 1799.--Rev. Josiah Pratt, A Memoir, by Rev. Josiah Pratt and Rev. John Henry Pratt (London, 1849).
10   William Hall, a shipbuilder, and John King, a flaxdresser, twine and ropemaker.
11   In the Ann, which sailed from Spithead on 25th August, 1809.
12   Tasman to Marsden, pp. 125-174.
Historical Records of New Zealand, Vol. I, p. 293, et seq.
13   The whaling trade in New Zealand waters began with the visit to Doubtless Bay of the William and Ann (captain, Eb. Bunker) in 1791. By 1802 Governor King regarded whaling off the coast of New Zealand as established.--Tasman to Marsden, pp. 95-7.
14   Peter Dillon (1785-1847), an Irish seaman. In 1827 he discovered that La Perouse, the French navigator, met his fate on Vanikoro, the most southerly of the Santa Cruz Group. For this service he was awarded a life annuity of 4,000 francs and the distinction of the Legion of Honour with the title of Count.
15   The Rev. Thomas Kendall and William Hall. They were accompanied by Tuhi.--MS. Journal of Rev. Thomas Kendall, Hocken Library, Dunedin.
16   Marsden was granted leave of absence for four months by a General Order of November 12th, 1814, which also appointed Thomas Kendall "one of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in the Bay of Islands in New Zealand and throughout the islands of New Zealand, and those immediately contiguous thereto."--cf. Sydney Gazette November 12th, 1814, and R. McNab, Historical Records of New Zealand, Vol. I, pp. 329-330.
17   A letter from Marsden to the Secretary of the Church Missionary Society, dated Parramatta, 28th October, 1815, also gives an account of Ruatara.--cf. Henry Jacobs, Dioceses of New Zealand, pp. 7-9.
18   The first sealing gang placed on the coast of New Zealand was left in 1792 at Dusky Sound by Captain Raven of the Britannia. In the early years of the nineteenth century sealing on the coasts of southern New Zealand and the outlying islands attained large dimensions until indiscriminate slaughter practically put an end to the industry.--Sir F. R. Chapman, Notes on the Depletion of the Fur Seal in the Southern Seas (1893); R. McNab, Historical Records of New Zealand, Vol. II, p. 509.
19   Thomas Kendall was engaged by the Church Missionary Society to act as teacher and catechist in New Zealand, and reached Sydney with his wife in October, 1813.
20   The Active (Captain Dillon) left Port Jackson for Tasmania on March 7th, 1814, sailed from Hobart on May 23rd, and reached the Bay of Islands on June 6th.-- MS. Journal of Rev. Thomas Kendall, Hocken Library, Dunedin.
21   Ruatara died about March 1st, 1815.
22   Maui was born about 1796 and was a relative of Tara of Kororareka.--Vide S. Percy Smith, Wars of Northern Against Southern New Zealand Tribes, pp. 26, 27.
23   In February, 1812.
24   Nicholas, in the course of his account of Maui, who was usually called Tommy Drummond by his fellow servants in Australia, gives a glimpse of his general disposition: "On our visit to his native island being resolved upon," he writes, "it was determined that he should come on board, for the purpose of waiting upon us in the cabin; but we soon found him of very little use in this way. Poor Tommy was so much taken up with the songs and tales of his countrymen, which most probably awakened in his mind some early recollections of a pleasing nature, that, during the whole voyage, he was of no service to us that signified; and we were obliged, in consequence, to wait almost entirely upon ourselves. I often used to argue with him on his inattention, and reprimanded him very sharply for it; but this had no effect, his mind being wholly occupied with joining in the mirth of the other New Zealanders. He was always ready to mingle in the dance, but his attitudes were by no means so easy and unembarrassed as those of his countrymen, and it appeared to us as if civilization had cramped his limbs, and made him quite stiff and awkward."--J. L. Nicholas, Voyage to New Zealand (London, 1817), Vol. I, p. 258.
25   The Church Missionary Register, 1817, pp. 72-79; cf. J. L. Nicholas, Voyage to New Zealand, Vol. II, pp. 260-1.
26   Nicholas ultimately returned to England and was one of those who gave evidence with regard to the state of New Zealand before the Lords' Committee in 1838.
27   Nicholas comments as follows upon the missionaries who sailed to New Zealand with Marsden:--"Mr, Kendall, before he engaged in the service of the Church Missionary Society, was the master of a respectable school in the vicinity of London, which not only afforded him the means of supporting his family in comfort, but left a handsome sum annually which he was enabled to lay by for future exigencies; so that, had he chosen to remain in his own country, he could always have lived above want, and ultimately perhaps in comparative affluence. His attendance on the ministry of the Rev. Basil Woodd, whose celebrity as a divine and excellence as a man are so generally acknowledged, was the first incentive that kindled in his mind a zeal for missionary labours and induced him to devote the remainder of his life to the service of his dark fellow creatures. He did not, however, adopt this resolution in the precipitate ardour of an inflamed imagination; but weighing coolly and deliberately the circumstances on both sides, he found a sense of duty to the many prevail over the selfishness of individual interest. As little were Mr. King and Mr. Hall influenced by pecuniary motives in becoming missionaries; the former, as I have understood, was in easy circumstances, and the latter, I know from unquestionable authority, was in the receipt of four hundred a year at New South Wales, where he resided for four years, and was acquiring that sum by his business as a builder and carpenter."--J. L. Nicholas, Voyage to New Zealand, Vol. II, pp. 204-5.
28   A Government and General Order of December 1st, 1813, required the masters of all vessels leaving Port Jackson for New Zealand or any other island in the South Pacific to enter into a bond of £1,000 penalty to refrain from misconduct with regard to the natives. This was followed by a more stringent Order dated November 9th, 1814, in which the Governor expressed his special desire "to protect the natives of New Zealand and the Bay of Islands in all their just rights and privileges as those of every other dependency of the territory of New South Wales," and declared that rigorous measures would be taken against any masters of vessels who should carry away any native of New Zealand or land any person in that country without first obtaining the written permission of Thomas Kendall, the Resident Magistrate in the Bay of Islands, or of the acting magistrate in New Zealand territory. The chiefs-- Ruatara, Hongi, and Korokoro--were also invested with power and authority to enable them to exact obedience to the provisions of the Order.--Missionary Register, 1815, p. 479; R. McNab, Historical Records of New Zealand, Vol. I, pp. 328-9.
29   Jem was living with the Aupouri tribe.--S. Percy Smith, Wars of Northern Against Southern New Zealand Tribes, p. 29.
30   The Cavalli Islands, so named by Captain Cook. "During this time several canoes came off to the ship, and two or three of them sold us some fish--cavallys as they are called--which occasioned my giving the Islands the same name."--Wharton, Captain Cook's Journal (London, 1893), p. 164.

The Cavalli or Trevally of the settlers is Caranx platessa of the zoologist. The fish "used to be a staple article of food with the Maoris, who assembled on fine calm days and drove the fish into weirs formed of branches of trees which they stretched across shallow bays."--Hutton and Hector, The Fishes of New Zealand, with Notes on the Edible Fishes by James Hector, M.D., F.R.S. (Wellington, 1872).
31   The tangi, a melancholy ditty, used, curiously enough, on certain occasions of both joy and mourning. The chaplet or branch of green leaves often waved during incantation generally consisted of the leaves of the karamu (coprosma), the waewae-koukou (lycopodium, club moss), or raurenga (trichomanes, kidney fern).
32   Te Pahi's Island, in the Kerikeri River, three miles below the old mission settlement.
33   On the shore of Matauri Bay, opposite the Cavallis--Marsden's first landing place.
34   The root idea of the word patu is "to strike." The word is applied by the Maoris to all weapons, and also, with a qualifying adjective, to pounders and beaters of flax, fern-root, etc. The early explorers, e.g. Cook, restricted the term to weapons of the mere type, and, as a generic term for this group of weapons is useful--in fact necessary--the usage, though not strictly a Maori one, has been followed by modern ethnographers.
35   Nicholas thus describes this chief:--"The public, I should suppose, are already aware from Mr. Marsden's statement, that the chief George, who is known by this name to the European sailors, some of whom in all probability first gave it to him, had been the principal agent in cutting off the Boyd, and certainly the face of this man bespoke him capable of committing so atrocious an act. His features were not unsightly, but they appeared to veil a dark and subtle malignity of intention, and the lurking treachery of a depraved heart was perfectly legible in every one of them. He had acquired, too, from his intercourse with European sailors, a coarse familiarity of manner, mingled with a degree of sneering impudence, which gave him a character completely distinct from his countrymen, and making him odious in our view, reconciled us the more easily to their unsophisticated rudeness. This chief, having served on board some of the whalers, could speak English very fluently, and on my going up to shake hands with him he thought proper to return the compliment with 'How do you do, my boy?' which he uttered in so characteristic a style of vulgar freedom, yet so totally unlike the blunt familiarity of honest friendship, that he excited at the same moment my abhorrence and disgust. It was necessary, however, to be very circumspect towards this designing chief, and I took care that he should see nothing in my conduct that could lead him to suspect he was at all obnoxious to me."--J. L. Nicholas, Voyage to New Zealand, Vol. II, pp. 136-7.
36   Kakahu--a flax mat or dress.
37   Rangihoua--on the north headland of the Bay of Islands.
38   Nicholas thus describes the scene when these animals were landed:--"On the arrival of the boats with the cattle, they appeared perfectly bewildered with amazement, not knowing what to conclude respecting such extraordinary looking animals. Cows or horses they had never seen before and, diverted now from everything else, they regarded them as stupendous prodigies. However, their astonishment was soon turned into alarm and confusion, for one of the cows that was wild and unmanageable, being impatient of restraint, rushed in among them and caused such violent terror through the whole assemblage that, imagining some preternatural monster had been let loose to destroy them, they all immediately betook themselves to flight.

"But this cause of their panic being removed, they did not hesitate to return, and Mr. Marsden, mounting the horse, rode up and down the beach, exciting their wonder in a tenfold degree. To see a man seated on the back of such an animal they thought the strangest thing in nature, and following him with staring eyes they believed at the moment that he was more than mortal. Though Duaterra, on his return from his former visit to Port Jackson, had described to his countrymen the nature and use of the horse, his account appeared to them so preposterous that it only excited their ridicule. Having no name in his language for this animal, he thought that 'corraddee,' (kararehe), * their term for a dog, would be the best designation he could adopt; but as they could not elevate their ideas of it to the same height as his description they believed not a single word he said. On telling them that he had seen large 'corraddees' carry men and women about in land canoes (meaning carriages) they would put their fingers in their ears to prevent themselves from listening to him, and desire him very indignantly not to tell so many lies. A few of them, however, more curious than the rest, to prove his veracity, would mount upon the backs of their pigs, saying they must be more fit for the purpose of riding than the 'corraddees'; and, endeavouring to gallop them about in the style of European horsemanship, they quickly tumbled into the dirt, and became quite as incredulous as their sceptical companions. This was, therefore, a day of triumph to Duaterra, as it afforded him an opportunity of convincing them by ocular demonstration of the truth of his statement. The cattle, on being landed, were all in a thriving condition, except the cow belonging to Shunghi, which appeared in a very weak state."--J. L. Nicholas, Voyage to New Zealand) Vol. I, pp. 171-173.

* Kararehe--a term for quadrupeds generally.
39   See note, p. 304.--The weapons described here were evidently the tewhatewha, long and axe-shaped, and the taiaha which was sometimes six feet in length and usually decorated with dog's hair and feathers.
40   This weapon, the hoeroa, was made almost invariably of whalebone. All specimens extant are made from the lower jaw of the sperm whale. Both ends are rounded, one end being elaborately carved; there is often, also, some carving about the middle. About five feet in length, it seems to have been used, for the most part, as a missile weapon.--Vide Elsdon Best, The Maori As He Was, p. 276 et seq.
41   Flax dyed with the berries of the hinahina (melicytus ramiflorus).
42   Nicholas describes the "dance" with which the Maoris after the service relieved their pent up feelings:--"The service ended, we left the enclosure; and as soon as we had got out of it the natives, to the number of three or four hundred, surrounding Mr. Marsden and myself, commenced their war dance, yelling and shouting in their usual style, which they did, I suppose, from the idea that this furious demonstration of their joy would be the most grateful return they could make us for the solemn spectacle they had witnessed."--J. L. Nicholas, Voyage to New Zealand, Vol. I, p. 206.
43   The Kawakawa district. The timber, kahika (kahikatea), or white pine, grew close to the present village of Taumarere on the railway line.
44   Maui. Vide supra, p. 70 et seq.
45   The Kawakawa, a tributary of the Waikare, which flows into the southern side of the Bay of Islands.
46   Okuratope, a pa long since abandoned, situated much nearer Waimate than Pukenui the now deserted pa named by S. Percy Smith in his Wars of Northern N.Z. Tribes (p. 34) as that visited by Marsden and Nicholas. The earthworks are still standing though overgrown with dense vegetation.
47   At the head of the Kerikeri River, close to where the missionary station was afterwards founded.
48   The Waianiwa (rainbow) Falls.
49   Omapere Lake. The fight with Heke at Okaihau in May, 1845, took place close to this lake.
50   The Utakura, which empties itself into the Waihou branch of the Hokianga.
51   A ceremonial fast--noho puku.
52   Captain Cook anchored in Bream Bay (Whangarei Bay) on 25th November, 1769. "We had no sooner come to an anchor," he writes, "than we caught between 90 and 100 Bream (a fish so called). This occasioned my giving this place the name of Bream Bay. The north head of the Bay, called Bream Head, is high land and remarkable on account of several peaked rocks ranged in order upon the top of it."--Wharton, Captain Cook's Journal (London, 1893), p. 162.

The Sea Bream or Warehou of the Maori is Serilella brama of the ichthyologist; a fairly abundant fish.
53   Te Haupa, of the Ngati-Paoa tribe.
54   Whaka-tiwai (Miranda) in the Hauraki Gulf, Ngati-Paoa headquarters.
55   Nicholas gives a further description of this episode:--"We had here an opportunity of observing how the natives transact the affairs of trade among each other. Gunnah's (Te Uri-o-Kanae) merchandise consisted of a number of the white feathers of the gannet, which are universally worn by both sexes in this country, but prepared exclusively in the Bay of Islands whence they are carried into the other districts and form a staple article of trade. These feathers are neatly dressed, and each of them has a small piece of wood tied round the quill end which serves to stick in the hair.
"Our humorous friend was now the magnet of attraction to all the ladies of the village in consequence of his valuable and ornamental wares, and seating himself in the midst of the gay circle he prepared to untie the box that enclosed the feathers to gratify their impatient eyes. The sight at once filled the whole group with rapture, and taking some of the feathers out of the box, in which he had laid them with as much dexterity as if they had been packed up by the most experienced man milliner in London, he stuck several of them In the heads of the surrounding ladies who, when thus decorated, congratulated each other with ecstatic transports; while they individually betrayed a ludicrous self-complacency. He then counted out twelve of the feathers and laid them down with much gallantry at the feet of the young damsel who had the mat, giving her at the same time a large bunch of the down of the gannet, which is used as an ornament for the ear. Upon receiving these she immediately gave him the mat in exchange, and Gunnah, carefully tying up his box again, walked off to supply more customers. The ladies now commenced dancing and singing, which they kept up for some time, much in the same style as we had witnessed in the Bay of Islands."--J. L. Nicholas, Voyage to New Zealand, Vol. II, p. 398.
56   Believed by S. Percy Smith to be Orere, but identified by Mr. George Graham as Tapapakanga--now Ashbys.
57   People of the Ngati-Paoa tribe.
58   Nicholas gives some further information with regard to these Maori garments:--"Some of the most beautiful mats we had yet seen were now exhibited for sale. Four of the ladies decorated with these, which were very large and richly ornamented, appeared to great advantage, being extremely handsome women, and not disfigured by any extraneous devices. On these mats they set a very high price and would take nothing for them but axes, of which we had none to barter, so that our desire to obtain them could not be gratified. I offered them tokees (tokis, adzes) and large fish-hooks, but they declined the exchange; and even our friend Gunnah's feathers were not of sufficient attraction. The common mats they parted with readily enough; but the dress ones were not to be bought, unless by articles that they considered of adequate intrinsic value."

With some difficulty Nicholas procured one of these garments:--"I bought a mat off one of them that exceeded in elegance even those displayed by the four ladies, and was a finished specimen of their taste and ingenuity. This mat, which I afterwards gave to Mrs. Marsden, was of a peculiarly fine and glossy texture; and it had a deep border of various devices and different colours worked all round it, the style of which would, even to a Parisian belle, appear chaste and fashionable. The man from whom I purchased this gay article hesitated a long time before he would take what I offered him for it, a large tokee, but at length accepted the proposal. It will not be matter of surprise that the New Zealanders set a higher value upon these mats than upon any other articles they supply when we consider the length of time that must be occupied in making one of them, and the ingenious elegance with which they are worked. Duaterra assured me that to complete a large-sized mat of this description would take at least from two to three years."--J. L. Nicholas, Voyage to New Zealand, Vol. II, pp. 403 and 406.
59   This anchorage is now known locally as Peach Cove, and is about two miles inside Bream Head.
60   In 1806. Vide infra, p. 142, " The Seizure of the Venus."
61   From the southern end of Ocean Beach where there was a Maori village in Marsden's time.
62   Moehanga. Savage calls him Moyhanger.--Vide John Savage, Some Account of New Zealand (London, 1807), p. 94 et seq.
63   The foregoing narrative cannot refer to Whangarei Harbour since according to geological evidence there has not been a bar across that harbour for many thousands of years. Marsden's first visit to Whangarei Harbour was made on November 1st, 1820, when he was accompanied by Messrs Butler, Shepherd, and Puckey, as he narrates in his third journal.

In the opinion of Mr. W. M. Fraser, Harbourmaster, Whangarei, "Marsden landed at Ngunguru, which is a fair day's sail with a head wind from Bream Head and would be the most likely place, under the circumstances, to put into for the night. At Ngunguru there is a bar across the harbour and plenty of broken rocks, both at the entrance to and inside the harbour. When describing the rocks which resembled ruins of old abbeys, steeples, columns, large arches and caverns, he was evidently referring to the very peculiar and interesting rock formation to be seen in places along the coast from Bream Head to the Bay of Islands. There are first the massive columns and castle-like rocks of Bream Head, then, as one proceeds up the coast, the most impressive view obtainable of that group of vertical rocks so famous in the Maori legend of Manaia. Further along the coast there are to be seen many caverns, and, on reaching the southern entrance to the Bay of Islands, the great archway of Piercy Island."
64   Cape Brett was so named by Captain Cook in November, 1769, in honour of Rear Admiral Sir Piercy Brett who was one of the Lords of the Admiralty when the Endeavour sailed. "At the very point of the Cape," wrote Cook, "is a high round hillock, and N.E. by N., near one mile from this is a small high island or rock with a hole pierced thro' it like the arch of a bridge and this was one reason why I gave the Cape the above name, because Piercy seemed very proper for that of the island." --Wharton, Captain Cook's Journal, p. 163.
65   Whiria (Whitoi--S. Percy Smith) was the original name of the celebrated chief Pomare, whose pa at the junction of the Waikare and Kawakawa Rivers was destroyed by the troops on April 30th, 1845. He took the second name of Pomare after hearing of King Pomare of Tahiti.--S. Percy Smith, Northern Wars, p. 56 footnote; cf. Cowan, New Zealand Wars, Vol. I, pp. 16 and 33.
66   Iriauta--Haere atu, "Be off!"
67   It must be remembered that Marsden regarded Duaterra as the mainstay of the New Zealand mission and, therefore, considered himself justified in threatening extreme measures if by so doing he could save a valuable life. It is certain that a moment's reflection would have sufficed to prevent him from carrying his threats into action.
68   Ruatara died on March 3rd, 1815. His generosity towards the Mission was the more praiseworthy since various enemies of missionary enterprise, during his stay in Sydney, had attempted to poison his mind against Marsden and his agents.-- Vide infra, p. 141; cf. H. Jacobs, The Dioceses of New Zealand, pp. 20-21, and H. T. Purchas, The English Church in New Zealand, p. 24.

"I was much concerned," Marsden wrote to the Secretary of the Church Missionary Society on October 28th, 1815, "to hear from Mr. Kendall's last communication that Duaterra died about four days after the Active sailed. . . . He was a man of clear comprehension, quick perception, and of sound judgment and a mind void of fear; at the same time he was mild, affable, and pleasing in his manners. His body was strong and robust and promised a long and useful life. At the time of his death he was in the prime and vigour of manhood, extremely active and industrious. I judge his age to be about twenty-eight years. He was seized with a bowel complaint and a stoppage in his breast attended with difficulty of breathing and a high fever, about four days before his dissolution. . . . From the whole of this little history you and the Society will be able to form some idea of the national character of these people. I do not believe that there is in any part of the world, or ever was, a native in a state of nature superior to the inhabitants of New Zealand in mental endowments and bodily strength, nor anywhere people who would in a shorter period render themselves worthy of being numbered with civilized nations, provided they were favoured with the ordinary means of instruction in these civil arts by which men are gradually refined and polished."
69   With regard to this name Mr. Nicholas writes:---"Mr. Marsden has, I should think, made a mistake with respect to Gunnah's name in calling him Ahoodee O Gunna, which appears to me to be a misnomer, the word "Turee" and not "Ahoodee" being the preceding part, which was usually omitted for the sake of brevity. That young man, who was only a rangateeda (rangitira) is styled king in this deed in anticipation of his succeeding Duaterra (Ruatara) as sovereign of the district during the minority of Tippahee's (Te Pahi) daughter, to whom it belonged. But the land sold by him and his brother to the missionaries was their own independent property and subject in no particular to the existing chief of Rangeehoo (Rangihoua) though within his territory. J, L. Nicholas, Voyage to New Zealand, Vol. II, p. 193.
70   Cf. The Church Missionary Register, August, 1816, and Voyage to New Zealand, J. L. Nicholas, Vol. II, pp. 194-5.
71   Oihi (Houhi).
72   Te Puna.
73   The deed which was forwarded by Mr. Marsden with his journal to the Church Missionary Society in London was on parchment. The native signatures are the tattoo of Te Uri-o-Kanae and part of the tattoo of another New Zealander. This most curious and interesting deed has apparently been long lost; a faithful search instituted by Dr. Hocken failed to discover it.
74   This was probably a Waikato war party, which included Te Rauangaanga (father of Te Wherowhero) then on an invasion of Hauraki; Ngati-Tipa of Manukau were also with them. The Manukau or lower Waikato people, or Ngati-Whatua, sometimes dragged their canoes overland from the head of the Kumeu Stream into the Wai-te-mata, or by way of the Waiuku or Orahuhu portages.

Nearly all the northern expeditions along the east coast were made by water; the canoes usually travelled only by day and all cooking was done on shore.

Vide S. Percy Smith, Wars of Northern Against Southern New Zealand Tribes, pp. 30, 31.
75   "I am happy to say I left all the settlers satisfied, and each in his proper station, and I think they will do well," Marsden wrote to the Secretary on June 15th, 1815. "The following number of persons were left at Rangeehoo:--Mr. and Mrs. Kendall, one servant and three boys, Mr. and Mrs. Hall and one boy, Mr. and Mrs. King and two boys (these belonging to the Society); one pair of sawyers and a blacksmith bound for a time; Mrs. Hanson (Hansen) and son remained on their own account (Mr. Hanson, sen., commands the Active). I have since sent over the wives of the smith and one sawyer (the other being a single man) and two children. I also left three runaway convicts with the settlers to assist them till the Active returned, and took three away with me, having met with six at New Zealand. The total number of Europeans at Rangeehoo, including men, women, and children, are 25. . . . I am not much afraid of the settlers doing their duty, being now upon their station, and I feel satisfied with them all."
76   "The chiefs informed me the last night when in conversation with them the Jew's harp was very fine music. It quite charmed them when they were sleepy." Marsden to the Secretary, May 16, 1818.
77   The first New Zealand journal.
78   The Rev. H. T. Purchas remarks with regard to this scheme whereby all traffic with the natives was carried on by the whole community, the profits, being used to defray the expenses of the Mission that it is interesting "as foreshadowing the communism of Selwyn and as being the earliest example of socialism in white New Zealand."--H. T. Purchas, The English Church in New Zealand (Christchurch, Melbourne, London, 1914), pp. 26, 27.
79   The fact that "the settlers were all equal in authority" and that the Mission lacked a definite head caused Marsden's scheme for its conduct to break down in a short time. Kendall, the outstanding man, intellectually, of the party, resented the jurisdiction exercised by Marsden and his own lack of superior authority. His letters to Marsden, accusing his colleagues of various offences, made it plain to his correspondent that all was not well with the New Zealand settlers, and impelled him to undertake the journey of 1819.

Previous section | Next section