1961 - Williams, H. The Early Journals of Henry Williams - [Appendices] p 479-494

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  1961 - Williams, H. The Early Journals of Henry Williams - [Appendices] p 479-494
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HENRY Williams married Marianne Coldham [1793-1879] on 20 January 1818. There were eleven children of the issue and eighty-five grandchildren. The children were:




Edward Marsh

2 Nov 1818

Jane Davis
9 Feb 1843




Christopher Pearson Davies
9 Feb 1843



17 Jan 1822

Mary Williams
30 Sept 1846





Jane Elizabeth Williams
15 Feb 1849


Thomas Coldham


18 Jly 1825

Annie Palmer Beetham
20 Oct 1858


John William


6 Apl 1827

Sarah Busby
3 May 1854



26 Feb 1829

Thomas Biddulph Hutton
26 Apl 1849



24 Feb 1831

Octavius Hadfield
19 May 1852


Caroline Elizabeth


13 Nov 1832

Samuel Blomfield Ludbrook
15 Dec 1858


Lydia Jane

2 Dec 1834

Hugh Francis Carleton
30 Nov 1859


Joseph Marsden

5 Mar 1837


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IN Henry Williams's journal, as in all the journals of the early missionaries, there are considerable variations in the spelling of Maori words. This, of course, was to be expected, since Maori was not a written language, and the missionaries had to learn it by listening to it. None of them was trained in the art of listening, and some had more natural ability than others. It would have been surprising indeed if there had been no variants as they endeavoured to set down accurately the sounds which they heard. In fact, the securing of an alphabet which gave reasonably accurate phonetic representations of the sounds heard in Maori speech was a long and slow process, and in the first years of Henry Williams's journals there is evidence of that process, e. g., in the use of the letters r and d, n and ng, and of the dipthongs ow and au.

Much work on the language prior to 1823 had solved some of the problems. Thomas Kendall made the first attempt in a book of 54 pages, published in Sydney in 1815: A Korau no New Zealand; or, the New Zealander's First Book. It was a courageous attempt, but Kendall did not have the technical knowledge to enable him to reach any real success. In 1820 he was sent to England in company with Hongi and Waikato, and with them spent two months with Professor Samuel Lee of Cambridge University, who from the material supplied to him compiled A Grammar and Vocabulary of the Language of New Zealand which was published by the Church Missionary Society in the same year. It contained a hundred pages of vocabulary, and, by means of the English alphabet, attempted with considerable success to represent the sounds of the Maori language. It laid a firm foundation for progress, and, although further study made some changes necessary, much is owed to the work of Professor Lee. The sound now represented by the letter r was given two symbols, r and d; and the sound now represented by wh was included in the symbol w. Lee's vocabulary included some forty words beginning with d, and many others where d is medial. The English alphabet can, of course, give merely a rough and ready phonetic representation of the Maori tongue, and remains a trap for the unwary. Nevertheless, it is useful and practicable.

The achievement of Professor Lee found its testing in the work of recording and understanding the Maori language after 1820. The Church Missionary Society's missionaries gave very close attention to this task, and, although most of the credit of their achievements has been given to the Rev. William Williams and to the Rev. R. Maunsell-- both scholars of the highest rank--it should not be overlooked that all

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the C. M. S. missionaries, especially in the 1820s, were involved in the task of recording and translating. William Williams and Maunsell were the undoubted scholars, but their success was largely due to the cooperation of the other missionaries and catechists.

By 1827 more, of the difficulties had been solved. The phonetic symbol d had been dropped as an initial consonant, although it was still used medially. There were indeed two sounds represented by r, but d as a symbol did not represent the difference. In Henry Williams's journal there is evidence of the development of the conviction that r was the best symbol. For example, at first he spells Kedi kedi, later it becomes Keri Kedi, and later still Keri Keri; at first he spells Waikadi, and later it becomes Waikari.

He never uses the wh symbol, but uses w in all cases, e. g., wakawa for whakawa; wakaaro for whakaaro. There was, in fact, some considerable discussion over the use of the symbol wh, and finality did not come until much later. Maunsell, in his Grammar of the New Zealand Language, published in 1842, treats wh as merely a variant of w, "which has two sounds, one simple, as that in wind, &c; wai, water, waka, a canoe, ware, a plebeian. 2. An aspirated w, as in when, where, &c.: whai, follow, whare, a house, &c. " But this does not satisfy him, for he adds a footnote: "The reader will observe that the author has deviated from the established usage, and occasionally introduced the wh into his pages. The fact is, he had not proceeded far when he found the simple w very inconvenient. There are multitudes of words in the language very diverse in meaning, spelt in the same way, and yet distinguished in speaking by the aspirated w. In some of the Polynesian islands to the northward, this sound is denoted by f, and such a practice is well worthy of attention. As for the remark that the simple w is desirable for simplicity, the author would observe, that, if by simplicity, be meant jumbling together things that are totally different, then Maori has to acknowledge its obligations to such a plan, for not only poverty, but simplicity. In a language so contracted in the range of its consonants as Maori, our object should not, the author conceives, be to abridge, but enlarge. Indeed, as the organs of speech, as well as knowledge, of the aborigines improve, there is little doubt but that an addition to our present characters will be necessary. "

It was thus becoming clear that there were two separate and distinct sounds covered by the one symbol w in Lee's phonetic scheme. The difficulty was to find a symbol which would adequately represent the second sound. Colenso favoured the symbol v; Maunsell, as noted above, inclined to f; Williams's Dictionary of the New Zealand Language in its first edition [Paihia, 1844] gave for this special sound the symbol 'w, i. e., an aspirated w, the prefixed comma presumably being copied from the symbol for the "smooth breathing" sound in the Greek alphabet. This symbol 'w was meant to signify a sound approaching that of hw in English. In the second edition of the Dictionary [1852] the wh symbol is accepted, but all the words beginning with it were listed under

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w; and in the next edition [1871] wh is listed as a separate symbol. It should be made clear that the symbol wh in Maori is not equivalent to the wh in English, nor, as is often claimed, to the English f. In forming the Maori sound there is no puckering of the lips as in the English wh, but it is created by making the lower lip approach, but never touch, the upper lip. It is thus nearer to the f than to any other sound in the English speech.

Some explanation is necessary of the use made in the journal of the high comma before the initial h; e. g. 'Hongi, 'Hokianga, &c, and occasionally before medial h; e. g., ha'hunga. This also reflects a stage in the orthography of the language. It is really a symbol of a variant of the Ngapuhi dialect, which can still be heard. It is a very similar sound to the shewa in the Hebrew language, which in English transliteration can be seen in the word qetal, where the vowel e is very, very short and the accent is on the last syllable. So the Maori sound can be represented by Whongi for the normal Hongi. Early writers on New Zealand, endeavouring to reproduce this sound, almost invariably used the symbol sh, e. g., Shukeanga, for Hokianga, Shungi for Hongi. Professor Lee's Grammar takes note of this sound: "There is one peculiarity in the pronunciation of the New Zealand language which should here be noticed, and which could not be marked in the Alphabet. When two vowels concur, the combined sound becomes that of the English sh; ex. gr. E ongi, a salute, is pronounced Shongi, and so of every combination, in which the indefinite article e precedes a vowel." The C. M. S. missionaries soon discovered that the sound was not a sibilant, and made various attempts to capture it in an adequate symbol. Hence it appears, first as, e. g., E'Okianga, later as 'Hokianga, and finally as Hokianga.

The consonantal sound now symbolised by ng caused early orthographers considerable trouble, and the sound still creates problems for English speakers learning to speak Maori. It should not do so, for the sound is used in words like singer. In Henry Williams's journal this difficulty is seen in his spelling of Napuhi for Ngapuhi, Natehine for Ngatihine, &c, although in other words he seems to experience no difficulty, e. g., ngakau, heart. It should be noted that the Maori ng is one letter only, pronounced as in singer. Europeans have two difficulties with this symbol. When it is used initially as in ngakau, they tend to pronounce it as nakau; when it is used medially, they incline to pronounce it as two separate letters, as in finger. For instance, they pronounce Kaitangata as Kai-tang-gata, whereas the correct syllabification is Kai-ta-nga-ta.

Vowel symbols also show variation in the journal, but most of these are due to an untrained ear. In the rapid speech of a Maori speaker, it is not easy for the pakeha ear to catch the difference between the short vowels e and i, or even o and u, and early attempts to catch the sound of au in the symbol ow are understandable. These and other

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variants from what are now accepted as accurate spellings are evidence of the growing-pains of the orthography of the Maori language.

In Maori orthography as in other matters, New Zealand owes a great debt to the C. M. S. missionaries from the time of Kendall on to William Williams and R. Maunsell. The thoroughness and the painstaking nature of their study of the Maori language laid foundations which have stood the test of time and much subsequent critical scholarship. From the praiseworthy achievement of Professor Lee's Grammar in 1820 to the Dictionary of William Williams in 1844 there was a remarkable advance in scholarship and in the understanding of the language. Nor did it end there. Much is owed to the work of Bishop William Williams, who published the first two editions of the justly famed Maori Dictionary, then of his son, Bishop William Leonard Williams, who published the third and fourth editions, and then of the latter's son, Bishop Herbert William Williams, who published a fifth edition. Finally, a sixth edition was published in 1957 by a committee of Maori scholars under the auspices of the Polynesian Society. Maori is still a living language, and there are learned men who continue to study its intricacies even as they appreciate its beauty of sound and expression.


Anderson, J. C. "Notes on the Maori Names", in an appendix to the Journal... of Alexander McCrae [1928]

Crawford, J. C. "The Maori Language", Trans. N. Z. Inst., 18. 46-58 [1888]

------- ------- "On the Orthography of the Maori Language", Trans. N. Z. Inst., 1. 444-5 [1868]

Kendall, Thomas A Korau on New Zealand; or, the New Zealander's First Book [1815]

Lee, Samuel, and Kendall, Thomas, A Grammar and Vocabulary of the Language of New Zealand [1820]

Maunsell, R., Grammar of the New Zealand Language [1842, 1862, 1882, 1894]

Williams, W. A Dictionary of the Maori Language and a Concise Grammar... [1844, 1852]

Williams, W. L. A Dictionary of the Maori Language... [1871, 1892] Williams, H. W. A Dictionary of the Maori Language [1917, 1921, 1932, 1957]

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SO much has been said about the land purchases of Archdeacon Henry Williams, and so much unjust criticism was made during his lifetime and afterwards, that the echoes are still heard. It is not possible in the space available here to tell anything like the whole story, which, because of the egocentric attitude of Governor Grey, 1 became very involved. In order to put the matter in its right perspective, it is necessary only to state the reasons why land was purchased, and how its purchase was confirmed by Government decision when New Zealand became a crown colony.

There were eleven reasons why Henry Williams bought land--he had eleven children, all of whom were born before there was any likelihood of New Zealand becoming a British possession, the youngest being born in March 1837. As the children grew in numbers and in age, their future became a matter of very serious concern. The salaries of the C. M. S. missionaries were very small, and prohibited the possibility of sending their children overseas for education. From his slender resources Henry Williams did manage to send his eldest son, Edward, to complete his education in England, but he suffered a nervous breakdown and had to return to New Zealand. From the very beginning of their residence in New Zealand, the education of their children was a serious problem to the missionaries, and was settled finally by establishing a school for them in the Bay of Islands. But when the schooling was over, what then?

In his financial position there was nothing that Henry Williams could do for the future of his children but to plan that they should settle on the land and earn their living as farmers. The C. M. S. was unable to make provision for adult members of the missionaries' families, but, in order to avert absolute want, contributed the sum of £10 a year with food for each child until the age of fifteen years, when a final gift of £50 for each boy and of £40 for each girl terminated the obligation. The purpose of this gift was to enable land to be purchased for the use of the children. This was in great contrast to the liberality shown in New South Wales, where the Colonial Chaplains received a free grant of 2,560 acres for each son and 1,280 acres for each daughter. The New Zealand provision was not adequate to purchase enough land to provide a subsistence for each child, and Henry Williams had to draw upon his own humble savings to purchase more.

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Even this was a risky matter. Land could be bought from the Maoris, but there was no legal security of tenure. The only security was the intention and mood of the Maoris, who had the power to take the land back by force at any time they wished; but in this case they never so wished. Moreover what was purchased was poor land, which had been intensively cultivated by its Maori owners, and their practice was to use land until it was exhausted, and then to abandon it for fresh land. There were no buildings, no fences, no roads. The nearest market for produce, save the little village of Kororareka and the shipping harboured there, was New South Wales.

What was such land worth? "Parliamentary evidence proves that they [the missionaries] paid at the rate of 3s. 4d. per acre. The Government purchases, during the administration of Willoughby Shortland, Esq., were effected at the rate of threepence per acre, and his instructions were explicit not to exceed that price." 2 The purchases of the New Zealand Company averaged about a halfpenny per acre.

When the Government began to investigate all purchases of Maori land prior to 1840, the land purchased by Henry Williams for his children was reduced from 11,000 to 7,010 acres, but later this was increased to 9,000 acres. The document making this award is as follows: 3

Reasons given by Mr Commissioner Fitzgerald to his Excellency Governor Fitzroy for extending the Commissioner's award in favour of the Rev. Henry Williams, having been authorised thereto by the Governor and Council.




No 245.

Claim for 1000

Commissioner's award 468

No 245a.

- - - - - - - - 3000

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 2292

No 245b.

- - - - - - - - 500

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 232

No 245c..

- - - - - - - - 4000

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1813

No 245d.

- - - - - - - - 500

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 420

No 245e.

- - - - - - - - 2000

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1785


- - - - - - - - 11000

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 7010

The Rev. Henry Williams makes these several claims on behalf of eleven children (many of whom are grown up and settled on their land) and himself. The deeds are drawn up in their favour as well as his, therefore they may be considered, to a certain extent, distinct and separate claims. The father appears to have paid on behalf of himself and children enough to entitle them to (22,131) twenty-two thousand one hundred and thirty-one acres, according

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to the ordinary scale; and considering the well known character and services of the father, and the qualification of the children as colonists, I respectfully recommend to the Governor, being authorised thereto by the Executive Council, that the full amount claimed in each case be granted, excepting on No 245c, from which 2,000 acres should be deducted, leaving a total of (9,000) nine thousand acres.

Land Office,
June 10, 1844

Approved and authorised, July 14, 1844.

[Note: This grant was made by Governor Fitzroy, but issued by Governor Grey]

Briefly stated the reasons for the justness and regularity of Archdeacon Williams's land purchases are: 4

1. They were made for his children as the only available means of providing for them.

2. When bought, the land had no market value except for use.

3. Only what was regarded as necessary for use was bought.

4. The price paid was very large as compared with that which was afterwards offered by the Government.

5. The family were maintained in possession by the Maori vendors during Heke's rebellion, notwithstanding efforts to persuade the Maoris that they had been wronged.

6. The regularity of his purchases, and his dealings with the Maori vendors, were beyond reproach.

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SO many errors have been made by various writers in telling the story of this little schooner of 55 tons that it seems necessary to give an accurate account of her voyages--as accurate as the diaries and letters of those who built her, used her and sailed in her can make it.

The vessel was built on the authority of the Rev. Samuel Marsden in order to distribute stores from trading vessels from New South Wales, to obtain stores from Sydney, and to enable the missionaries to sail outside the Bay of Islands for the double purpose of securing food supplies and of taking the Gospel to the various tribes along the coast to the River Thames or elsewhere. 5 She was not meant, as has sometimes been said, to be a means of communication between Sydney and New Zealand, although she was used for that purpose.

The plans were drawn unwillingly by William Hall, who considered the vessel to be an unnecessary extravagance. It was estimated that the building would take four months, but this proved to be very optimistic. The keel was laid on 31 August 1824, 6 and the vessel was not launched until 24 January 1826. 7 Trees had to be selected from the forests at Kawakawa, felled, dragged to the river, and transported by rafts to Paihia for pit-sawing, while some use was made of timber from the wrecked Brampton. The work was hindered by troubles with the Maoris, who were generally friendly, but on occasion were upset by the actions of pakeha workmen unaware of Maori customs. The Rev. Henry Williams, who had studied boat-building in England, superintended the work, which was done by European and Maori carpenters, assisted by William Hall and by Gilbert Mair, a young Scot who had recently arrived in New Zealand.

An excellent account of the building and launching of the Herald is given in Carleton, pp 43-53. Her voyages may be summarised as follows:


16 February. Left Paihia for Sydney (Port Jackson), carrying a crew of three Maori men and three boys, two English seamen, W. T. Fairburn as supercargo, William Puckey as mate, Gilbert Mair as captain, and Henry Williams. As passengers there were also on

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board Mr and Mrs Puckey and their daughter, a sick carpenter and a native chief. The purpose of the voyage was to complete her fittings and to obtain a cargo of stores 8.

7 March. Arrived at Sydney. 9

30 May. Arrived at Paihia 10.


20 June. Left Paihia on first voyage to Tauranga for pork and potatoes. Messrs. Henry Williams, C. Davis, Clarke, Shepherd, Rangituke and Te Koki on board 11.

3 July. Arrived at Paihia with full load of potatoes. 12


19 September. Left Paihia on first voyage to Hokianga, for potatoes. Returned empty, as the sea was too rough to enable them to enter Hokianga Harbour. 13


12 October. Left Paihia on second voyage to Hokianga, "under the pilotage of a person well acquainted with the harbour". 14

15 October. Arrived at Hokianga. 15

[?] 24 October. Left Hokianga for Paihia. 16


28 November. Left Paihia on second voyage to Tauranga, for potatoes. Henry Williams and R. Davis on board. Landed on White Island. 17

2 December. Arrived at Tauranga. 18

12 December. Arrived at Paihia with light cargo. 19

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28 December. Left Paihia on second voyage to Sydney, for stores. 20

17 January. Reported at Sydney. 21

15 March. Arrived at Paihia. 22


26 March. Left Paihia on third voyage to Tauranga, R. Davis and Shepherd on board for the purpose of purchasing cargo. 23

7 April. Arrived Paihia with full cargo of potatoes and some flax. 24


23 July. Left Paihia on third voyage to Sydney with R. Davis on board. Davis was given the task of enquiring about the possibility of a grant of land for a New Zealand settlement in New South Wales, and to see some portions of Scripture through the Press. 25

15 August. Arrived in Sydney. 26

20 September. Left Sydney. 27

8 October. Arrived at Paihia with cargo of stores. Davis and Stack on board. 28


19 November. Left Paihia on fourth voyage to Sydney, for stores. 29

4 December. Arrived Sydney. 30

19 January. Arrived Paihia, with Yate on board. 31


4 April. Left Paihia on fourth voyage to Bay of Plenty. Sailed secretly with a party of Rotorua natives whose lives were threatened by the

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Ngapuhi. After landing the Rotorua Maoris at Maketu, the Herald sailed on to Whakatane, from thence to Ohiwa and Opotiki, and on her return called in at Tauranga. 32

18 April. Arrived at Paihia. 33


3 May. Left Paihia on third voyage to Hokianga. 34

6 May. Wrecked at Hokianga Heads. 35

On all her voyages, except the second to Hokianga. Gilbert Mair was the captain, but Henry Williams, when on board, reserved to himself the privilege "to have her conducted as I wish". 36

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THE following extract from the minutes of the Committee of the Church Missionary Society, 27 September 1939, speaks for itself:

In view of the forthcoming Centenary of the signing of the historic Treaty of Waitangi on 6 February 1840, by which New Zealand, with the free consent of the Maori chiefs, became a British Colony, the Committee of the Church Missionary Society desire to place on record their deep appreciation of the life and service of their pioneer emissary, Archdeacon Henry Williams.

They gratefully recall the example of this intrepid missionary, who with tireless energy laboured for forty-four years among the Maoris of the North Island without once returning to England. They recall his courage and resourcefulness in making peace among hostile warring tribes, his fearless stand for truth and fair play between a stronger and a weaker race, as well as his gifts both as a pioneer and builder of the young Maori Church. Particularly at this historic moment in the life of New Zealand, they recollect the noble contribution which his great influence with the Maori people enabled him to make in persuading the Chiefs to sign the Treaty--the Magna Charta of their people which has ever since remained the basis of citizenship for British and Maori alike. They rejoice that he was thus able to fulfil a great mission both as a founder of the Maori Church, and of the Colony of New Zealand.

With deep regret they note that historical records show how an unfortunate controversy arose between the Society at home and its chief representative in New Zealand, on the question of purchases of land by the missionaries as a means of providing for their children. While allowing for such difficulties as were involved in the fact of distance--in those days letters took a year to travel--and in a misrepresentation of the facts which misled the Society as to the real state of affairs, the Committee, in the light of present-day knowledge, recognize that the Society was mistaken in its judgment, and that the charges made against Archdeacon Williams were without foundation. They affirm their complete confidence in his integrity and sterling character, and deeply regret that any unfounded mistrust of his motives should have clouded a period of his long and devoted work

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among the Maori people. They wish to place on record their conviction that New Zealand owes more to him than to any other individual missionary, and that his life and service call for the gratitude of the whole Church, as well as of the Church Missionary Society, in whose annals his name will always have an honoured place.

General Secretary

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ahere, snare for birds.

haeremai, welcome.

hahunga, the ceremony of disintering the bones of the dead and preparing them for their last resting place.

haka, a dance, accompanied by song. There are many different kinds of haka, and a war haka can be a very fearsome thing.

hakari, a feast.

hangi, an oven consisting of a circular hole in the ground in which food was cooked on heated stones.

harakeke, N. Z. flax. [Phormium tenax]

he, the indefinite article--a, some.

he hui, an assembly, a group.

he iwi tutu, a quarrelsome people.

he tohu mate, a sign of death.

hei turanga ngarahu, for the purpose of a war-dance.

hoha, bored, wearied.

hohou i te rongo, to make peace.

hui, to assemble.

i turia te ngarahu, were assembled to haka.

ka puta! It appears!

ka puta te taua! The war party is in sight!

kahawai, a fish. [Arripis trutta].

kahikatea, white pine. [Podocarpus excelsum].

kanga, curse.

kao, dried kumara

karakia, worship, incantations.

kauhoa, a form of palanquin.

kaumatua, adult, elder.

kauri, a large forest tree. [Agathis australis].

kete, basket made of strips of flax, &c.

kia turia te ngarahu, assemble for hakas and speeches.

kokiro, to set free from tapu.

[?] koreao, probably korari, the flower stem of Phormium tenax.

kowhai, a tree. [Sophora tetraptera, and S. microphylla]

kutu, louse.

kumara, sweet potato. [Ipomoea batatas]

makutu, to bewitch.

mamae, pain.

matakitaki, to view, to gaze.

mate, death.

mere, a short, flat greenstone weapon used for hand to hand fighting.

muru, to plunder.

nakahi, transliteration of the Hebrew word for serpent in Gen. 3.

namu, sandfly. [Austrosimulium spp]

ngakau, heart.

ngarahu, war dance.

nikau, New Zealand palm [Rhopalostylis sapida], the leaves of which were widely used for the walls and roofs of houses, &c. Such buildings were warm and weatherproof, but dangerously inflammable.

pa, fortified place, stockade.

pakeha-maori, the name given to Europeans who made their homes with the Maori people, and adopted Maori customs as their own. Note: in Maori, the adjective follows the noun.

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parata, the Maori transliteration of "brother".

parekura, battle, people slain in battle, massacre.

patu, a weapon.

paura, powder, i. e., gun-powder.

paura mamae, gun-powder tapud for use to commemorate an occasion when the owner was wounded, or hurt.

pihe, dirge.

pikopo, the old Maori name for Roman Catholics. It is a transliteration of "bishop".

pi pi, cockle. [In particular, Chione stutchburyi and Amphidesma australe]

Po, the place of departed spirits.

pohutukawa, a scarlet blossomed tree. [Metrosideros excelsa]

poko noa, something without authority or justification.

pouri, dark, sorrowful.

pouri rawa toku ngakau, my heart is very sad. puta, to appear.

rahui, to set apart, to make sacred. [See Best: J. P. S. vol XIII, p 83]

Ra tapu, holy day, Sunday.

rawa, very.

rua, pit.

ruatara, tuatara, a small lizard-like reptile [Sphenodon Punctatus]

[?] tacopa, perhaps taiepa, which is a name sometimes given to lance wood, which is used for fencing purposes.

tanekaha, a tree. [Phyllocladus trichomanoides]

taniwha, mythical reptilian monsters.

tangata, man.

tangi, to weep, to bewail. The ceremony of mourning for the dead.

tangata wakapono, tangata whakapono, believer.

teretere, company of visitors from a distant tribe.

tira, company of travellers.

toetoe, a grass, sedge, &c, of various species, in particular Arundo kakao [conspicua] known as toetoe kakao; a superior variety used for thatching being toetoe rakau. The word was also used to mean a thatch of rushes and came also to mean "shingles".

tohe, persistent.

tohu, sign.

tohunga, a skilled person, a priest.

toku, my.

tupakihi, a shrub. [Coraria arborea]

tupapaku, corpse.

tupeka, tobacco.

turanga ngarahu, war-dance.

turi rawa, very obstinate.

tutu, violent, vexatious, bad.

uira, lightning.

uira tangata, an outstanding man.

utu, payment.

wahi tapu, sacred place: an area, such as a burial ground, set aside as tapu.

wainga, i. e. waenga, dividing line, boundary.

waka, canoe.

waka mamae, a canoe dedicated for a sacred purpose, e. g. to carry a dead person to his last resting place.

ware, mean, low in social position.

wata, a high stand for food.

warekura, wharekura, schoolhouse.

ware 'ha'hunga, whare hahunga, house for the hahunga.

whakaaro, thought.

whakawa, to investigate, adjudicate.

whare karakia, house of worship.

1   Carleton, vol II, p 159ff; W. W., "Letter to the Right Hon. the Earl of Chichester."; Carleton, A Page from the History of New Zealand; McLintock, Crown Colony Government in New Zealand, p 199ff.
2   Chamerovzow, The New Zealand Question, p 266.
3   See also Parliamentary Papers of 1845, p 100.
4   Carleton, vol. II, p 23.
5   H. W. to C. M. S., 9 July 1824.
6   Marsden's Lieutenants, p 234.
7   Carleton, vol. I, p 44.
8   Carleton, vol. I, p 52.
9   W. W. to C. M. S., 1 April 1826.
10   W. W., Journal, 31 May 1826.
11   W. W., Journal, 20 June 1826.
12   W. W., Journal, 3 July 1826; H. W. to Marsden, 4 July 1826.
13   W. W., Journal, 24 September, 12 October 1826; H. W. to Marsden, 16 October 1826.
14   W. W., Journal, 12 October 1826.
15   W. W., Journal, 16 October 1826.
16   W. W., Journal, 24 October 1826.
17   W. W., Journal, 28 November 1826: H. W. to C. M. S., 13 December 1826.
18   H. W. to C. M. S., 13 December 1826.
19   H. W. to C. M. S., 13 December 1826.
20   H. W., Journal, 28 December 1826.
21   H. W. to C. M. S., 17 January 1827.
22   H. W., Journal, 15 March 1827.
23   H. W., Journal, 26 March 1827; 7 April 1827.
24   H. W., Journal, 26 March 1827; 7 April 1827.
25   H. W., Journal, 23 July 1827; W. W., Journal, 11 July 1827.
26   Memoir of Richard Davis, p 95.
27   The Australian.
28   H. W., Journal, 9 October 1827.
29   H. W., Journal, 19 November 1827.
30   The Australian.
31   H. W., Journal, 19 January 1828.
32   H. W., Journal, 4 April 1828, et seq.
33   H. W., Journal, 4 April 1828, et seq.
34   Mrs H. W., Journal, 11 May 1828; H. W., Journal, 8 May 1828.
35   Mrs H. W., Journal, 11 May 1828; H. W., Journal, 8 May 1828.
36   Carleton, p 52.

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