1908 - McNab, R. Historical Records of New Zealand, Volume I - [Pages 1-49, 1770-1786]

       
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  1908 - McNab, R. Historical Records of New Zealand, Volume I - [Pages 1-49, 1770-1786]
 
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[Pages 1-49, 1770-1786]

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HISTORICAL RECORDS

OF

NEW ZEALAND.

LIEUTENANT COOK TO SECRETARY STEPHENS.

1770 Oct. 23.

Departure from Rio.

Arrive at Tahiti.

The natives well-disposed.

Endeavour, bark, at Onrust, -- near Batavia, 23 October, 1770.

SIR,

Please to acquaint my Lords Commiss'rs of the Admiralty that I left Rio de Janeiro the 8th of December, 1768, and on the 16th of Jan'y following arrived in Success Bay, in Straits La Maire, 1 where we recruited our wood and water. On the 21st of the same month we quitted Straits La Maire, and arrived at George's Island 2 on the 13th of April. In our passage to this island I made a far more westerly track than any ship has ever done before, yet it was attended with no discovery until we arrived within the tropick, where we discover'd several islands. We met with as friendly a reception by the natives of George's

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1770 Oct. 23.

The transit of Venus.

Society Islands.

New Zealand.

New Holland.

The Endeavour on the rocks.

Island as I could wish, and I took care to secure ourselves in such a manner as to put it out of the power of the whole island to drive us off. 3

Some days preceding the 3rd of June I sent Lieutenant Hicks to the eastern part of this island, and Lieut. Gore 4 to York Island, with others of the officers (Mr. Green having furnished them with instruments), to observe the transit of Venus, that we may have the better chance of succeeding should the day prove unfavourable. But in this we were so fortunate that the observations were everywhere attended with every favourable circumstance. 5

It was the 13th of July before I was ready to quitt this island, after which I spent near a month in exploring some other islands which lay to the westward, 6 before we steer'd to the southward. On the 14th of August we discover'd a small island lying in the lat'de of 22° 27' So., long'de 150° 47' W't. 7 After quitting this island, I steer'd to the So., inclining a little to the east until we arrived in the lat'de 40° 12' So. without seeing the least signs of land. After this I steer'd to the westward, between the lat'de of 30° and 40°, until the 6th of October, on which day we discover'd the east coast of New Zealand, which I found to consist of two large islands, extending from 34° to 48° of south lat'de, both of which I circumnavigated.

On the first of April, 1770, I quitted New Zealand, and steer'd to the westward, until I fell in with the coast of New Holland, in the latitude of 30° So. I coasted the shore of this country to the No., putting in at such places as I saw convenient, until we arrived in the latitude of 15° 45' So., where, on the night of the 10th of June, we struck upon a reef of rocks, where we lay 23 hours, and received some very considerable damage. This proved a fatal stroke to the remainder of the voyage, as we were obliged to take shelter in the first port we met with, were we were detain'd

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AT BATAVIA.

1770 Oct. 23.

Endeavour Straits.

Batavia.

Cook's journal.

Results of the voyage compared with others.

repairing the damage we had sustain'd until the 4th of August, and, after all, put to sea with a leaky ship, and afterwards coasted the shore to the northward thro' the [most] dangerous navigation that, perhaps, ever ship was in, until the 22nd of same month, when, being in the latitude of 10° 30' So., we found a passage into the Indian Sea, between the northern extremity of New Holland and New Guinea. After getting through this passage I stood over for the coast of New Guinea, which we made in the 29th; but as we found it absolutely necessary to heave the ship down to stop her leaks before we proceeded home, I made no stay here, but quitted this coast on the 3rd of Sept'r, and made the best of my way to Batavia, where we arrived on the 10th instant, and soon after obtained leave of the Governor and Council to be hove down at Onrust, where we have but just got alongside of the wharf, in order to take out our stores, &c.

I send herewith a copy of my journal, 8 containing the proceedings of the whole voyage, together with such charts as I have had time to copy, which I judge will be sufficient for the present to illustrate said journal. In this journal I have, with undisguised truth and without loss, inserted the whole transactions of the voyage, and made such remarks and given such discriptions of things as I thought was necessary, in the best manner I was capable off. Altho' the discoverys made in this voyage are not great, yet I flatter myself they are such as may merit the attention of their Lordships, and altho' I have failed in discover'g the so much talked of southern continent 9 (which perhaps do not exist, and which I myself had much at heart), yet I am confident no part of the failure of such discovery can be laid to my charge. Had we been so fortunate not to have run ashore, much more would have been done in the latter part of the

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1770 Oct. 23.

The astronomer.

Banks and Solander.

A willing crew.

Hastening home.

voyage than what was, but as it is I presume this voyage will be found as compleat as any before made to the So. seas on the same acc't.

The plans I have drawn of the places I have been at were made with all the care and accuracy that time and circumstances would admit of. Thus far I am certain that the latitude and longitude of few parts of the world are better settled than these. In this I was very much assisted by Mr. Green, who let slip no one opportunity for making of observations for settling the long'de during the whole course of the voyage, and the many valuable discoveries made by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander in natural history and other things useful to the learned world, cannot fail of contributing very much to the success of the voyage. In justice to the officers and the whole of crew, I must say they have gone through the fatigues and dangers of the whole voyage with that cheerfulness and alertness that will always do honor to British seamen, and I have the satisfaction to say that I have not lost one man by sickness during the whole voyage. 10

I hope the repairs wanting to the ship will not be so great as to detain us any length of time. You may be assured that I shall make no unnecessary delay, either here or at any other place, but shall make the best of my way home.

I have, &c,

JAMES COOK.


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THE CREW OF THE ENDEAVOUR.

CREW OF LIEUTENANT COOK'S SHIP ENDEAVOUR, 1770. 11

Giving names of those not leaving before 1770.

Original list.

Endeavour bark's complement, 70 men, began wages 25 May, 1768.

CREW OF LIEUTENANT COOK'S SHIP ENDEAVOUR, 1770.

† Isaac Smith, a relative of Cook's wife. He accompanied Cook in his second voyage. He was afterwards raised to the rank of Admiral.

‡ Bennett, in his History of Discovery and Colonisation, p. 74, gives publicity to a rumour to the effect that Sutherland--after whom Point Sutherland, in Botany Bay, was named---died from wounds received from the natives, although further reference will show that he died of consumption.

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1770

N. B. --The ship sailed from Plymouth Sound 17 August, 1768, and from the Madeira 14 Sept., 1768.

List of Marines on the Endeavour.

John Edgcombe, serg't; Jno. Trusslove, corp'l; Tho's Rositer, drum; W'm Judge, private; H'y Paul, private; Mich'l Bremer, private, D, 19 Aug., 1768; Dan'l Preston, private; W'm Wiltshire, private; W'm Greenslade, private; Sam'l Gibson, private; Tho's Dunster, private; Clement Webb, private; John Bowles, private.

JAMES COOK.
ROB'T MOLINEUX.
JOHN GUTHREY.


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MEDICAL REPORTS.

Surgeon Perry 12 to Lieutenant Cook. 1771

A specific for scurvy.

A fine distinction.

Preventives. Bathing.

Dr. McBride. His specific given a fair trial.

SIR, - 13

The sanguine and well-grounded expectations of the certain efficacy the wort possesses to cure the sea scurvy, and the very great probability of that distemper raging at some time or other in the course of a long voyage, induced, I apprehend, the Rt. Honour'ble the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to send out a quantity of malt in the Endeavour, as well to determine and fix its character in that respect as through an humane and tender care for the preservation of the crew. It may at first sight appear strange that I reckon this last motive secondary to the first, but a recollection of the ample and various assistance the same provident minds had afforded for that purpose will remove this seeming absurdity.

Sour krout, mustard, vinegar, wheat, inspissated orange and lemon juices, saloup, portable soup, sugar, melasses, vegetables (at all times when they could possibly be got), were some in constant, others in occasional use. These were of such infinite service to the people in preserving them from a scorbutic taint that the use of the malt was, with respect to necessity, almost entirely precluded. Again, cold bathing was encouraged and enforced by example. The allowance of salt beef and pork was abridged from nearly the beginning of the voyage, and the sailors' usual custom of mixing the salt beef fat with their flour, &c, strictly forbad. Upon our leaving England, too, a stop was put to issuing butter and cheese, and throughout the voyage raisins were serv'd with the flour instead of pickled suet.

I have enumerated all the above preventives lest Mr. McBride, 14 who, in page 175, reflects on sea surgeons perhaps not with the utmost candour, should suppose there must have happen'd more dangerous cases to have proved the virtues of his medicine upon than really have, and that some motives like those he has given still prevent a compliance with allowing it a fair trial. What opportunities have occurr'd of using it have constantly been embraced; that more have not happen'd is, if a fault, the fault of the humanity of the Lords of the Admiralty and of the care of the captain of the ship. But I am aware that Mr. McBride may object to my assertion of its having been allow'd a fair tryal, its being used by way of preservation (see page 192). If he is dissatisfied at this, it don't, however, affect me, and Mr. Monk-

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1771

The dose

or invalids

The case of Richard Hutchins.

Wm. Wiltshire.

Saml. Jones.

house's death doubtless prevented sufficient reasons being given for his conduct in that particular.

Upon our leaving Madeira the capt. gave every man a quantity of onions. In crossing the OEquator a bilious disorder affected the ship's company; it was general, but very slight. To prevent scorbutic complaints next making their appearance, which is frequently the case after a colliquation of the juices by prior illnesses, the wort was first prepared, as directed, October the 23rd, 1768. A quart a day was given to each of the convalescents; the valetudinarians, too, had the same quantity, which was also given to each of the cooks, who were supposed more obnoxious to scurvy from their duty ab't the fire. Here, then, it was used by way of prevention, and the consequence was our arrival at Rio Janeiro without a scorbutic symptom amongst us.

On our passage from this place to Le Maire's Straits the wort was continued to our invalids, of whom we had three, one through age and two of broken constitutions from debaucheries. At Terra del Fuego we collected wild celery, and every morning our breakfast was made of this herb and ground wheat and portable soup. January, 1769, we pass'd Cape Horn, all our men as free from scurvy as on our sailing from Plymouth.

Case 1st, March 14. --Richd. Hutchins, age 28, of an active, lively disposition and florid complexion, complained of his gums being sore, and of several small fungous ulcerations in one leg. His gums were swell'd and painful upon pressure, but still adhering to the teeth. The sores in the leg were seated abt. the ankle, were somewhat oedematous and of a livid circumference; his body was sufficiently open; did not find his appetite impair'd nor felt the usual lassitude. He took a pint of wort pr. day, had portable soup, and was order'd to use flour in lieu of salt meat. The wort gave him a stool more in the twenty-four hours without griping or uneasiness. After the first ten days the gums were perfectly sound and the ulcers in the leg assuming a kindly aspect; promised a speedy cure, wch. was accordingly perfected in another week. The wort was continued to April 8.

Case 2nd, March 24. --Wm. Wiltshire, marine, aged 27, complain'd of sore and bleeding gums; his teeth were loosen'd; he had no other scorbutic symptoms. This man had a pint of wort, which quantity was repeated regularly every day till the 12th of April. His complaint gradually mended, and after twelve days taking the med'cine were entirely removed. The effects of the wort gently solutive only.

Case 3rd, April 2. --Saml. Jones, seaman, aged 26, naturally brisk and active, complain'd of having for some days been troubled

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THE SCURVY.

1771

The Doctor ill.

His symptoms.

The first alarm.

Rob of lemons.

The best medicine.

with a dull heavy pain in his limbs; a lowness of spts. accompanied it, and a general weariness oppress'd the frame. His stools were regular as in health, no rigidity in the tendons, nor was his appetite impair'd. The next day he took a quart of the wort; this gave him three stools in the twenty-four hours, plentyful, loose, and offensive; his body was thus kept constantly open. The discharge became less putrid, his pains went gradually off, and on the 12th (which was the last day of his taking the wort) not a man in the ship was more in spts. and lively than him.

Case 4, April 3. --I took a quart of the wort for some days before an unusual langour and lazyness had infested me; no posture was so easy as lying down, and a swelling of a phlegmonoid type had appeared on my left leg. The part had been bruis'd many years before, and an induration had remained. The integuments were discolour'd from the calf downward, the apex of the tumour painful to the touch, but the rest hardly at all. To this I applied a discutient plaister, and kept from lying down as much as possible. The wort at first griped me, but not violently. On the 6th I first observ'd an amendment in the aspect of the tumour, the discolouration more circumscribed and the apex falling. My spts. were indisputably more alert. From this day I mended fast, and on the 12th left off the wort, being within sight of our port at Otaheite. Where the tumour had been there was now a circle of a deep blue, and round that a light tinge of yellow.

When Hutchins complain'd, which was the first alarm, the wort was also order'd for our invalids, older people, cooks as before, and others of the men who were suspected of lax solids and more dissolv'd state of the blood. These continued it till the 12th of April without any shadow of scurvy.

From this time while at sea the wort became a part of our diet, so that, excepting five cases, three happening in port at New Holland and two while on the coast of New Zealand, not a man more suffer'd any inconvenience from this distemper. In the cases I have mention'd a trial was made of the robs, and attended with success.

It is impossible for me to say what was most conducive to our preservation from scurvy, so many being the preventives used; but from what I have seen the wort perform, from its mode of operation, from Mr. McBride's reasoning, I shall not hesitate a moment to declare my opinion, viz., that the malt is the best medicine I know, the inspissated orange and lemon juices not even excepted.

WILLIAM PERRY.


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STATE and Condition of his Majesty's bark Endeavour, Lieutenant James Cook, commander, in the Downs, the 12th July, 1771.

1771

State and condition of the ship.

STATE and Condition of his Majesty's bark Endeavour, Lieutenant James Cook, commander, in the Downs, the 12th July, 1771.

NEWSPAPER EXTRACT.

July 27.

An anonymous letter.

The Endeavour slow boat.

Madeira.

General Evening Post, July, 27, 1771. --"An authentic account of the natives of Otahitee, or George's Island, together with some of the particulars of the three years' voyage lately made by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander in the years 1768, 1769, and 1770; being the copy of an original letter from on board the Endeavour, to his friend in the country:--

"SIR, --

"We left Woolwich upon the 20th of July, 1768, and returned to the same place upon the same day in 1771. Our passage to Madeira was eighteen days. We left England on the 29th of August. The Endeavour, tho' well contrived for stowage and a heavy sea, was, without exception, a very dull sailing vessel; to corroborate which you will not find eight knots an hour upon our log-book in the whole voyage. Upon this island Mr. Banks, by his great assiduity, discovered many rare and valuable plants, uncultivated, and even unknown to the Portugueze, particularly the mango. Being well supplied with wine, we steered for Cape Horne after a stay of five days, with no material occurrence but the death of a mate, who was drowned in heaving a kedge anchor out of the boat, by getting entangled

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NEWSPAPER EXTRACT.

1771 July 27.

Lose two men.

Falkland Islands.

The Horn.

Doubled in two tacks.

Banks and Solander.

Fears for their safety.

A perilous journey.

Otaheite.

in the coyle of the buoy rope. We had also a seaman killed, who fell into the hold and fractured his skull. Though we sailors do not look upon these calamities any more than common accidents, yet they wore an unfavourable aspect at our departure. When we had reached the length of Falkland Isles, we had a gale of wind which brought us under our mainsail, but not continuing very long, we soon came to crowd more sail, and stretched away for the Cape, where we expected very bad weather from the accounts of all the navigators who had been that voyage. However, we coasted along till we came to the pitch of Terra del Fuego, having the winds variable from W. N. W. to E. N. E., and when we had reached the point of that prodigious southern promontory with a fresh breeze, and one reef in our topsails, we stood to the southward into the latitude of 5 deg. 9 min. S., where, after a calm for a few hours, a breeze sprung up at S. S. W., and we doubled the Cape at two tacks; after which, to boast of such success, we even set topgallant steering-sails. We anchored at Terra del Fuego some time, and found the greatest hospitality from the natives, who by many things amongst them discovered plainly that they had an intercourse with Spanish America. Here we were prodigiously alarmed for Messrs. Banks and Solander, who, attended by two negroes and some of the ship's crew, undertook to climb to the summit of a prodigious mountain upon this isle, leaving the ship about ten in the morning and promising to be back by dinner; but they did not return till the following morning, which made us have a thousand doubts for their welfare, concluding that they must be either cut off by the natives or devoured by the wild beasts. However, the following morning relieved us from all dismal apprehensions by their appearance. They informed us that they had been so prodigiously wearied by the ascent of the mountain, that the two negroes were dead of the fatigue, and that it was with the utmost difficulty they had saved Dr. Solander; for when they had attained about halfway of the ascent it was too far to retreat, and a wood above them promising some shelter they gained it with difficulty, and made a bower for Dr. Solander, who, after having some sleep, recovered his spirits to descend to the vallies. We did not continue long upon the island of Terra del Fuego before we pursued our voyage to Otahitee, which lies in about 17 deg. south latitude; for Fuego produced little more than fish. Upon our arrival the natives received us with much hospitality and joy, being now convinced from Captain Wallace's 15 conduct we really meant to befriend them; in consequence of which we exchanged presents, and set up our residence with them for three months. We found a most intelligent man amongst

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1771 July 27.

Tupia.

Bougainville's ruse.

Products of the Islands.

Weapons of the natives.

Their religion.

Disposal of their dead.

them, who, upon all occasions, was our friend and interpreter, for we, by much application on our parts joined to his, became mutually tolerable judges of the two languages. This man, who was named Tobia (a kind of a savage priest), surprised us with the information of a large ship having been lately there, but she was departed westward, which, before his recital, we had some suspicion of, upon our discovering a number of European goods amongst them, particularly knives and other iron implements. To discover these adventurers we displayed all the European flags to Tobia, who immediately pitched upon the Spanish colours.

"This convinced us of a prior visiter, which was afterwards confirmed to us upon our arrival at Batavia. It was a French ship that had made this voyage upon observation or jealousy of our repeated visits to these seas, and, to disguise their scheme, had always appeared under Spanish colours. But to return to George's Island. This island is about 30 leagues in circumference, of a circular form, situated amidst a number of other isles, some famed for turtle, fruits, or fish, but no other animals but hogs and dogs, which we devoured with great appetite, and found nothing equal to dog's flesh but young lamb. The islanders are very expert in fishing, which they pursue for their daily sustenance, and cocoanuts, palm wines, plantains, the bread-tree, and some wild herbs is the only produce of this spot. The earth is sandy, and capable of producing corn, but amongst the variety of seeds and grains which we had carried out we could get nothing to grow but mustard and cresses, the seeds being certainly damaged by the length of time and the dryness of the air, or not properly packed up for so long an expedition. Their implements of war and agriculture are composed of wood and stone. A hatchet is made by tying a sharp flint stone upon a piece of wood, which cuts with uncommon sharpness; their fish-hooks are composed of mother of pearl, and their lines of women's hair, which is strong, black, and long. They use bows and arrows, and javelins of wood, which they throw with uncommon dexterity, and will strike birds in the air or fishes in the sea with them.

"Their religion acknowledges one Supreme Being, whom they conceive to be too great to attend to the prayers of man. They, therefore, invoke him through mediators, who, they believe, are in general their great men departed. They don't kneel to an image; they only offer up a sacrifice of everything they mean to partake of--saying, 'Sure the Deity has a right to an offering of what he gave.' Their burials are more singular than any other custom: when a man dies, he is placed upon a bier, and a shed is erected over him, made of leaves of trees; this mausoleum is placed very often near their houses, and

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NEWSPAPER EXTRACT.

1771 July 27.

Their theology.

The women.

Dances.

Tupia.

Scarcity of food.

though the body is in a disagreeable putrid state, they never seem to take any notice of the offensiveness; the corpse remains in this condition till the flesh is entirely consumed, and then the skeleton is interred in the burying-ground--which is done round with stones in the form of our country churchyards.

"The Origin of Man they believe to be from a chosen pair made by the great God, and that we are all descendants of them--that the Deity formed the earth of continents and isles-- and that the Europeans who visit them are of the great land-- but when that he had formed the sea, he towed the great earth by a string upon it, which going so quick, made many parts to break off, and those composed islands. Their women are of a copper colour, well made and well featured, with jet-black hair, which they always wear braided up with false hair. They wear a kind of cloth over their bodies, made from the cloth-tree, which is very thin, and not strong; but when they want it for warmth, they make many folds of it, and stick it together by gums; they have another kind, which they call mourning-cloth, stained with yellow on one side and brown on the other. They marry at nine and ten; they bear many children, and at twenty-two are old and ugly. A virgin is to be purchased here, with the unanimous consent of the parents, for three nails and a knife. I own I was a buyer of such commodities, and after some little time married one of my nut-brown sultanas, and then became so habituated to their manners and a hut that I even left my lady and the island with reluctance. They have but one fashion amongst them, which is of a singular outree nature--and that is, of painting their posteriors of a jet black, which no woman is suffered to neglect. They are not very decent in their amours, having little regard to either place or person; this is not general amongst them, though it is often done and seen.

"Upon occasions of festivity the women dance in the most indecent manner, performing a thousand obscene gesticulations, like the Indostan dancing girls. The only instruments of music to divert them at these times are large drums, and flutes made of reeds, in the form of our common flute, which is played upon by the wind of the nose instead of the mouth.

"We passed more than three months with these people, and upon our departure two of them voluntarily solicited us to come to England. Tobia was one of these--a sober, discreet, intelligent man; from him we learnt the language, and an account of above forty more islands, which were contiguous to George's Island. When we sailed from this isle we were in tolerable good health, but it was near three months before we reached New Zealand, in which passage we were at times greatly distressed for provisions. We sailed round New Zealand, where we found

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1771 July 27.

Warlike natives.

The Maoris.

Steer for Batavia.

An error. Sickness.

An earthly paradise.

a clear coast and deep water, good bays and good rivers. Navigators before us have believed this to be a continent, but it is no more than seventy miles round, having another island to the southward, between which there is a good passage. Here we were worse treated than ever, the natives being so brave and so jealous of their rights that they would not suffer us to land, continually attacking our boats with stones and arrows whenever we attempted to approach the shore, which obliged us to fire often amongst them to convince them of our great superiority, by which many fell, and that created a general consternation amongst them. By these means we got conversations with them (they perfectly understanding the tongue of Tobia), and persuading them at least to accept of presents from us, and by bringing off a few and treating them well, it was with the utmost difficulty afterwards that we could get rid of them; two in particular, when we left the island, swam after the ship to sea, declaring they would be murdered by their countrymen upon their return for shewing such a partial attachment to us.

"These are a brave, warlike people, and tho' we staid fourteen days at one part of the isle, yet, whenever we attempted to land at another, they always attacked us with great fury. They have one weapon of a strange construction, which, by turning it round very quick, produces a great smoak. This they always made use of; but we could not discover that anything issued out of it, or that it made any explosion.

"From hence we steered towards Batavia, and stopped at a small Dutch settlement in our passage, which had but one Dutchman upon it; but the island had a great number of Indians, over whom he stiled himself the King of Kings. After we had properly gratified his mercenary disposition, the Indians brought us down buffaloes, fowls, vegetables, and fish in abundance. From thence we pursued our course, but upon a reef of rocks five leagues from the land of New Holland we struck, and lay seven hours on shore; but at last we happily got her off, and arrived safe at Batavia, where we repaired and refitted her.

"We were all afflicted at this place with a violent flux and fever, which swept off six of our people in a morning. It was here we lost the ingenious Mr. Green, the faithful Tobia, and his comrade. But no sooner had we quitted this unwholesome shore, but those who came away sick recovered at sea, and the fruits and vegetables of the Cape of Good Hope restored us to health and spirits. We left this earthly paradise for St. Helena, and sailed from thence with the Portland; but we lost her company, and arrived in England with the loss of 45 people out of a complement of 90, in a voyage of three years. Before I conclude I must not omit how highly we have been indebted

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NEWSPAPER EXTRACT.

1771 July 27.

A valuable goat.

The officers' journals.

to a milch goat. She was three years in the West Indies, and was once round the world before in the Dolphin, and never went dry the whole time. We mean to reward her services in a good English pasture for life.

"I have herein, sir, related the heads of this long voyage from memory, our books of remarks being all taken from us at Batavia, which were the only satisfactory rewards for our toils. But juniors must give way to superiors. I don't know, in this long epistolary narrative, that I have exaggerated a circumstance. If it gives any entertainment to you, it will well reward

"Your friend, &c."


LIEUTENANT COOK TO SECRETARY STEPHENS.

Aug. 13.

Curiosities

SIR,-- Mile End, 13 August, 1771.

Herewith you will receive the bulk of the curiositys I have collected in the course of the voyage, as under mentioned, which you will please to dispose of as you think proper.

I am, &c,
James Cook.

1 chest of So. Sea Islands cloth, breast-plates, and New Zeland clothes; 1 long box, or So. Sea Island chest, of sundry small articles; 1 cask'qt, a small carved box from New Zeland, full of several small articles from the same place; 1 drum, 1 wooden tray, 5 pillows, 2 scoops, 2 stone and 2 wooden axes, 2 cloth-beaters, 1 fish-hook, 3 carved images, and 8 paste-beaters, all from the So. Sea Islands; 5 wooden, 3 bone, and 4 stone patta pattows, and 5 buga bugaes, from New Zeland; 1 bundle of New Zeland weapons; 1 bundle of So. Sea Islands weapons; 1 bundle of New Holland fish gigs; 1 bundle of a head ornament worn at the Heivas at Ulietea.


CAPTAIN COOK TO CAPTAIN FURNEAUX.

1772 July 15.

Furneaux's orders.

In case of separation,

By Captain James Cook, commander of his Majesty's sloop Resolution.

After having waited at the Cape of Good Hope the time limeted by the rendezvous, viz., six weeks, you are hereby required and directed to put to sea with the sloop you command, and carry into execution, as far as in you lay, the enclosed instructions, which are an exact copy of those I have from their Lordships.

On all such land as you may discover in your rout to the southward, and can land thereon, you are to erect on the most conspicuous parts of the coast posts or marks, at the feet of which

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1772 July 15.

to rendezvous in New Zealand.

Minerals.

leave letters in bottles, given an account of your proceedings, time you departed from thence, the rout you intend to take, and such other informations as you think necessary; and also, during your stay in any port or place, to hoist a St. George's ensign in the day, and make fires in the night and fire guns, or take such other method as your situation will admit, to point out to me the place were you are in case I should happen to be upon the coast at that time; but if you should fail of discovering land in your rout to the southward or westward, or the land you discover should be in so high a latitude that you cannot winter upon it--in either of these cases you are, as soon as the season of the year may render it unsafe for you to continue in high latitudes, to make the best of your way to Queen Charlotte's Sound, in New Zealand, where you are to remain untill the next season approaches for returning to the southward, taking care before you depart to leave directions in the manner above mentioned near the watering-place in Ship Cove; and if you should put into any port on the southern parts of New Zealand, either before you arrive at the above-mentioned Sound or after you depart from it, you will also make use of the fore-mentioned methods to point out the place where you are. It is recommended to you that while you are upon the southern parts of New Zealand to endeavour to procure speciments of the different stones you may find in the country, as an opinion has lately been started that some of them contain minerals or metal. If, after all, your endeavours to join me before you leave New Zealand should prove ineffectual, you will, nevertheless, continue to put in practise the same methods towards filiciating [sic] a meeting as you had done before, all of which I myself will put in execution in case I shall happen to be before you.

Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution, at sea, this 15th of July, 1772.

J. COOK.


CAPTAIN COOK TO CAPTAIN FURNEAUX.

1773 March 28.

Precautions against scurvy.

Vegetable diet.

By Capt. James Cook, &c.

Whereas scurvey grass, sellery, and other vegitables are to be found in most uncultivated countrys, especially in New Zealand, and when boil'd with wheat or oatmeal, with a proper quantity of portable broth, makes a very wholesome and nourishing diet, and has been found to be of great use against all scorbutick complaints, which the crews of his Majesty's sloops Resolution and Adventure must in some degree have contracted after so long a continuance at sea, you are therefore hereby required and directed, whenever vegitables are to be got, to cause a

[Image of page 17]

PRECAUTIONS AGAINST SCURVY.

1773 March 28.

sufficient quantity to be boil'd with the usual allowance of wheat or oatmeal and portable broth every morning for breakfast for the company of his Majesty's sloop under your command, as well on meat days as on banyan days, and to continue the same so long as vegitables are to be got, or untill further order. Afterwards you are to continue to boil wheat or oatmeal for breakfast on Mondays, as directed by my order of the 6th of December last, but you are to discontinue to serve the additional half-allowance of spirit or wine mentioned in the said order.

Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution, in Dusky Bay, this 28th day of March, 1773. 16

J. COOK.


CAPTAIN COOK TO CAPTAIN FURNEAUX.

June 4.

Cook's programme.

The unknown sea to the east and south.

Rendezvous at Otaheite.

Further orders.

By Capt. James Cook, &c.

Whereas several months must elapse before his Majesty's sloops Resolution and Adventure can proceed on discoverys to the south, my intention therefore is to employ that time in exploring the unknown parts of the sea to the east and north, by first proceeding to the east, between the latitude of 41° and 45° south, untill I arrive in the longitude of 140° or 135 west of Greenwich. If in this rout I discover no land, then to proceed directly to the Island of Otahiete, where I intend to take in water and wood, refreshments as are to be got, afterwards to return back to this place by the shortest rout, and after taking in wood and water to proceed to the south, in order to explore the unknown parts of the sea between the meridian of New Zealand and Cape Horn. You are therefore hereby required and directed to put to sea, and proceed with me with his Majesty's sloop under your command; and in case of seperation by any unavoidable accident before we reach Otahiete, you are first to look for me in the same place you last saw me, and not meeting me in three days you are to proceed to Matavai Bay, in the Island of Otahiete, where you are to waite untill the 20th of August; if I do not arrive before that time then to put to sea, and make the best of your way back to this place, where you are to waite untill the 20th of November. Not being join'd by me by that time, you are to put to sea and carry into execution there Lordships' instructions.

Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution, in Queen Charlotte's Sound, New Zealand, the 4th day of June, 1773.

J. COOK.


[Image of page 18]

CAPTAIN COOK TO CAPTAIN FURNEAUX.

1773 July 17.

The ration.

By Capt. James Cook, &c.

You are hereby required and directed to discontinue to serve to the company of his Majesty's sloop under your command the additional allowance of wheat or oatmeal on Mondays, as directed by my order of the 6th of December and 28th of March last.

Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's said sloop Resolution, at sea, this 17th of July, 1773.

J. COOK.


CAPTAIN FURNEAUX TO SECRETARY STEPHENS.

1774 April 5.

Furneaux at the Cape.

The ships part company.

Adventure, sloop, Cape Good Hope, -- 5 April, 1774.

SIR,

I avail myself of the opportunity by the Valantine, East Indiaman, of acquainting you, for their Lordships' information, that I arrived here the 18th of last month, with his Majesty's sloop under my command, and intends sailing for England as soon as the people are perfectly recovered, many of whom are in so weak and ematiated a state that I have been obliged to send them on shore for their more speedy recovery. I am sorry to acquaint their Lordships that I parted company with the Resolution 17 in the night of the 29th of October last, off Cape Pallisser, on the coast of New Zealand, in a hard gale of wind, where we were baffled with strong northerly winds upwards of a fortnight, during which time the sails and rigging suffered so much, and the wind still continuing to blow hard in that quarter, I was obliged to bear away on the 6th of November for Tolaga Bay, on the North Island, to repair and refit them, and recruit the water; and on the 30th, after beating most of the way back, I at length gained Queen Charlotte's Sound, where

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FURNEAUX'S RETURN.

1774

April 5.

Massacre of a boat's crew.

The victims.

(by a memorandum sealed up in a bottle) 18 I found Captain Cook had been and sailed from the 24th.

By the 18th of December I got the ship ready for sea, and in the morning of that day sent the cutter up the Sound to gather a quantity of vegetables to carry to sea, with particular orders to the officer not to exceed three o'clock in his return to the ship. Not returning that evening, I suspected their safety, and next morning sent the launch, mann'd and armed, in search of them. At night the launch returned with some remains of the cutter's cew, who were all murdered by the Indians, and the greatest part eaten. I here insert a list of the names of the unhappy sufferers. For further particulars relative to the voyage I beg leave to defer acquainting their Lordships till our arrival in England. My proceedings therein I hope will meet with their Lordships' approbation.

I have, &c,
TOB'S FURNEAUX.

A list of the men killed by the Indians:--John Rowe, master's mate; Tho's Woodhouse, midshipman; Francis Muphy, q'r-master; Ja's Tob's Swilley, Ab.; Wm. Milton, Ab.; Wm. Facey, Ab.; Mich. Bell, Ab.; Ja's Jones, Ab.; Jn'o Cavanagh, Ab.; Tho's Hill, Ab.


CAPTAIN FURNEAUX TO SECRETARY STEPHENS.

1775 March 18.

Condemned stores.

SIR, -- London, 18 March, 1775.

On account of the extraordinary voyage I was sent on in his Majesty's sloop Adventure, I am under the necessity of troubling you to intercede in obtaining for me their Lordships' order for my being allow'd the provisions condemn'd on board her by surveys taken on ye same (after the customary time allow'd for surveys), particularly a quantity of bread which could not be got at in time, it being put into tight butts and stow'd in ye hold in the second teer on the coals for its more particular preservation till the latter part of the voyage; the ground teer being stow'd with water, flesh, and other stores. In consequence of which the bread rec'ed at Plymouth and the Cape of Good Hope, in June, July, and November, 1772, was

[Image of page 20]

1775 March 18.

Damaged bread.

immediately expend'd, more especially as the last being rusk would not keep above three months.

On my return to New Zealand, the hold was broke up to get at the bread, which was found much damaged, and in order to preserve as much of it as possible it was pick'd and rebak'd, and what was condemn'd could not possibly be made fit for men to eat.

The bread rece'd on my return at the Cape of Good Hope was made use of for recovery and preservation of the health of my ship's company, as the English bread there remaining was exceeding bad, and in our passages thro' a warm climate made it unserviceable, tho' we used all possible means to preserve it.

The bread rece'd at Portsmouth was for the reasons aforesaid also expended.

And I humbly hope, for the several reasons aforesaid, their Lordships will be pleas'd to indulge me with their orders accordingly, which will greatly oblige,

Yours, &c,
TOB'S FURNEAUX.


CAPTAIN COOK TO SECRETARY STEPHENS.

March 22.

Cook reports progress.

The Antarctic Circle.

Ultima Thule.

Resolution, in Table Bay, Cape of Good Hope, 22 March, 1775.

SIR, --

As Captain Furneaux must have inform'd you of my proceedings prior to our final separation, I shall confine this letter to my transactions afterwards. The Adventure not arriving in Queen Charlotte's Sound before the 26th of November, 19 I put to sea, and after spending two days looking for her on the coast, I stood away to the south, inclining to the east. I met with little interruption from ice till we got into the latitude of 66°, where the sea was so covered with it that we could proceed no farther; we then steered to the east, inclining to the south, over a sea strewed with mountains of ice, and crossed the Antarctic Circle in the meridian of 146° west. After this I found it necessary to haul to the north, not only to get clear of the ice islands, which were very numerous, but to explore a large space of sea we had left nearly in the middle of the ocean in that direction. After getting to the latitude of 48°, I edged away to the east, and then again to the south, till we arrived in the latitude of 71° 10', longitude 106 1/2° west; farther it was not possible to go, all the sea to the south being wholly covered with a solid sheet of ice, in which were ice mountains whose lofty summits were lost in the clouds. Hetherto we had not

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COOK'S LETTER FROM THE CAPE.

1775 March 22.

No signs of land.

Fernandez land.

South Sea Isles

The New Hebrides.

New Caledonia.

New Zealand.

seen the least signs of land, or any one thing to encourage our researches; nevertheless, I did not think the Pacific Ocean sufficiently explored, and as I found we were in a condition to remain in it another year, I resolved to do it, and accordingly stood away to the north, and searched in vain for Juan Fernandes land. 20 I was more successful with Easter Island, where I made a short stay, and next visited the Marquesas; from the Marquesas I proceeded to Otaheite and the Society Islands, where we were received with a hospitality altogether unknown among more civilized nations; these good people supplyed all our wants with a liberal and full hand, and I found it necessary to spend six weeks with them. I left these isles on the 4th of June, proceeded to the west, touched at Rotterdam, stayed two or three days, and then continued our rout for Terra del Espiritu Santo of Quiros, which we made the 16th of July. I found this land to be composed of a large group of isles (many of them never seen by any European before) lying between the latitude of 14° and 20°, and nearly under the meridian of 168° east. The exploring these isles finished all I had intended to do within the tropic, accordingly I hauled to the south, intending to touch at New Zealand, but on the 4th of September, in the latitude of 20°, I fell in with a large country, which I called New Caledonia. I coasted the N. E. coast of this country, and partly determined the extent of the S. W. I found the whole so incompass'd with shoals that the risk we ran in exploring it was very great. We were at last blown off the coast, and as it was now time for us to return to the south, I was obliged to leave it unfinished, and to continue our route to Queen Charlotte's Sound, where we arrived on the 6th of October. I remain'd here renting the sloop and refreshing my people till the 9th of November, when I put to sea, and proceeded directly for Terra del Fuego, but over such parts of the sea as I had not visited before. I choose

[Image of page 22]

1775 March 22.

Tierra del Fuego.

South Georgia.

Sandwich Land.

Cape Circumcision.

Steer for the Cape.

Gilbert's charts.

Hodges's paintings.

to make the west entrance of the Straits of Magalhanes that I might have it in my power to explore the S. W. and south coast of Terra del Fuego, which was accordingly done, as well as that of Staten Land. This last coast I left on the 3rd of January last, and on the 14th, in the latitude of 54°, longitude 38° west, we discovered a coast, which from the imense quantity of snow upon it, and the vast height of its mountains, we judged to belong to a great continent; but we found it to be an isle of no more than 70 or 80 leagues in circuit. 21 After leaving this land I steered to S. E., and in 59° discovered another exceeding high and mountainous, and so buried in everlasting snow that it was necessary to be pretty near the shore to be satisfied that the foundation was not of the same composition. I coasted this land to the north, and found it to terminate in isles in that direction. These isles carried us insencibly from the coast, which we could not afterwards regain, so that I was obliged to leave it without being able to determine whether it belonged to a continent extending to the south, or was only a group of isles. Our thus meeting with land gave me reason to believe there was such a land as Cape Circumcision, so that I quited the horrid southern coast with less regret. But our second search for Cape Circumcision was attended with no better success than the first, and served only to assure us that no such land existed. At length, after having made the circuit of the globe, and nothing more remained to be done, the season of the year, and other circumstances, unnecessary, I presume, to mention, determined me to steer for the Cape of Good Hope, where I arrived on the date hereof, and found the Ceres, Captain Newte, bound directly for England, by whom I transmit this, together with an account of the proceedings of the whole voyage, and such surveys, views, and other drawings as have been made in it. The charts are partly constructed from my observations, and partly from Mr. Gilbert, my master, whose judgement and asseduity, in this as well as every other branch of his profession, is exceeded by none. The views are all by Mr. Hodges, and are so judiciously chosen and executed in so masterly a manner as will not only shew the judgement and skill of the artist, but will of themselves express their various designs; but these are not all the works of that indefaticable gentleman; there are several other views, portraits, and some valuable designs in oyl colours, which, for want of proper colours, time, and conveniences, cannot be finished till after our arrival in England. The other gentlemen whom Go-

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COOK'S LETTER FROM THE CAPE.

1775 March 22.

Mr. Wales.

The officers and crew.

The southern continent.

A thorough search.

vernment thought proper to send out have each contributed his share to the success of the voyage. I have received every assistance I could require from Mr. Wales, the astronomer. Mr. Kendal's watch has exceeded the expectations of its most jealous advocates, and by being now and then corrected by lunar observations has been our faithfull guide through all the vicissitudes of climates.

In justice to my officers and crew, I must say they have gone through the dangers and fatigues of the voyage with the utmost constancy and cheerfullness; this, together with the great skill, care, and attention of Mr. Patten, the surgeon, has not a little contributed to that uninterrupted good state of health we have all along enjoyed, for it cannot be said that we have lost one man by sickness sence we left England. If I have failed in discovering a continent, it is because it does not exist in a navigable sea, and not for want of looking after. Insurmountable difficulties were the bounds to my researches to the south.

Whoever has resolution and perseverence to find one beyond where I have been, I shall not envy him the honour of the discovery; but I will be bold to say that the world will not be benefited by it. My researches has not been confined to a continent alone, but to the isles and every other object that could contribute to finish the exploring the southern hemisphere. How far I may have succeeded I submit to their Lordships' better judgement, and am, &c,

JAM'S COOK.


CAPTAIN COOK TO MR. BANKS 22 (Banks Papers).

1776 May 24.

New Zealand spruce.

Cook's portrait.

Mile End, Friday, 24 May [1776].

CAPT. Cook presents his compliments to Mr. Banks, thanks him for his kind congratulations, and for the drawing of the New Zealand spruce. He will speak to Lord Sandwich to have it engraved, and, if his Lordship consents, will be obliged to Mr. Banks for a description.

Cap. Cook intends to be at the west end of the Town to-morrow morning, and thinks he could spare a few hours before dinner to sit for Mr. Dance, and will call upon him for that purpose about 11 or 12 o'clock. The stove which was in the Resolution was bought of Mr. Stephens, in or near the Poultry, on the side of the street next the river. It was supplyed by the Navy Office, and when the cabbin was reduced at Sheerness it was returned into the store there, where probably it is now.


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CAPTAIN COOK'S SECRET INSTRUCTIONS. 23

1776 July 6.

A northern passage.

Confidence in Cook.

To refresh at the Cape.

Kerguelen Island.

Refresh at Otaheite.

By the Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland, &c.

Secret instructions for Captain James Cook, commander of his Majesty's sloop Resolution.

WHEREAS the Earl of Sandwich has signified to us his Majesty's pleasure that an attempt should be made to find out a northern passage by sea from the Pacific to the Atlantic Oceans, and whereas we have in pursuance thereof caused his Majesty's sloops Resolution and Discovery to be fitted in all respects proper to proceed upon a voyage for the purpose above mentioned, and, from the experience we have had of your abilities and good conduct in your late voyages, have thought fit to entrust you with the conduct of the present, intended voyage, and with that view appointed you to command the first-mentioned sloop, and directed Captain Clerke, who commands the other, to follow your orders for his further proceedings: You are hereby required and directed to proceed with the said two sloops directly to the Cape of Good Hope, unless you shall judge it necessary to stop at Madeira, the Cape de Verd, or Canary Islands, to take in wine for the use of their companies; in which case you are at liberty to do so, taking care to remain there no longer than may be necessary for that purpose.

On your arrival at the Cape of Good Hope you are to refresh the ships' companies, and to cause the sloops to be supplied with as much provisions and water as they can conveniently stow.

You are, if possible, to leave the Cape of Good Hope by the end of October or the beginning of November next, and proceed to the southward in search of some island said to have been lately seen by the French in the latitude of 48° 00' south, and about the meridian of Mauritius. In case you find those islands, you are to examine them thoroughly for a good harbour, and upon discovering one make the necessary observations to facilitate the finding it again, as a good port in that situation may hereafter prove very useful, altho' it should afford little or nothing more than shelter, wood, and water. You are not, however, to spend too much time in looking out for those islands, or in the examination of them if found, but proceed to Otaheite or the Society Isles (touching at New Zealand in your way thither if you should judge it necessary and convenient), and taking care to arrive there time enough to admit of your giving the sloops' companies the refreshment they may stand in need of before you prosecute the farther object of these instructions.

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COOK'S SECRET INSTRUCTIONS.

1776 July 6.

New Albion.

Upon your arrival at Otaheite, or the Society Isles, you are to land Omiah 24 at such of them as he may chuse, and to leave him there.

You are to distribute among the chiefs of those islands such part of the presents with which you have been supplied as you shall judge proper, reserving the remainder to distribute among the natives of the countries you may discover in the Northern Hemisphere; and having refreshed the people belonging to the sloops under your command, and taken on board such wood and water as they may respectively stand in need of, you are to leave those islands in the beginning of February, or sooner if you should judge it necessary, and then proceed in as direct a course as you can to the coast of New Albion, 25 endeavouring to fall in with it in the latitude of 45° 00' north, and taking care in your way thither not to lose any time in search of new lands, or stop at any you may fall in with, unless you find it necessary to recruit your wood and water.

[Image of page 26]

1776 July 6.

Foreign Powers.

A northern passage.

Discretionary powers.

You are also, in your way thither, strictly enjoined not to touch upon any part of the Spanish dominions on the western continent of America, unless driven thither by some unavoidable accident, in which case you are to stay no longer there than shall be absolutely necessary, and to be very careful not to give any umbrage or offence to any of the inhabitants or subjects of his Catholic Majesty. And if, in your farther progress to the northward, as hereafter directed, you find any subjects of any European prince or State upon any part of the coast you may think proper to visit, you are not to disturb them or give them any just cause of offence, but, on the contrary, to treat them with civility and friendship.

Upon your arrival on the coast of New Albion you are to put into the first convenient port to recruit your wood and water and procure refreshments, and then to proceed northward along the coast as far as the latitude of 65°, or further if you are not obstructed by lands or ice, taking care not to lose any time in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon any other account, until you get into the before-mentioned latitude of 65°, where we could wish you to arrive in the month of June next. When you get that length you are very carefully to search for and to explore such rivers or inlets as may appear to be of a considerable extent and pointing towards Hudson's or Baffin's Bay; and if from your own observations, or from any information you may receive from the natives (who there is reason to believe are the same race of people and speak the same language, of which you are furnished with a vocabulary, as the Esquimaux), there shall appear to be a certainty, or even a probability, of a water passage into the afore-mentioned bays, or either of them, you are in such case to use your utmost endeavours to pass through one or both of the sloops, unless you shall be of opinion that the passage may be effected with more certainty or with greater probability by smaller vessels, in which case you are to set up the frames of one or both the small vessels with which you are provided; and when they are put together, and are properly fitted, stored, and victualled, you are to dispatch one or both of them under the care of proper officers, with a sufficient number of petty officers, men, and boats, in order to attempt the said passage, with such instructions for their rejoining you if they should fail, or for their farther proceedings if they should succeed in the attempt, as you shall judge most proper. But, nevertheless, should you find it more eligible to pursue other measures than those above pointed out in order to make a discovery of the before-mentioned passage (if any such there be), you are at liberty, and we leave it to your own discretion, to pursue such measures accordingly.

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COOK'S SECRET INSTRUCTIONS.

1776 July 6.

An alternative.

Observations to be made.

Magnetic variation, tides, and currents.

Natural products.

Minerals.

Ethnology.

In case you shall he satisfied that there is no passage through to the above-mentioned bays sufficient for the purposes of navigation, you are at the proper season of the year to repair to the port of St. Peter and St. Paul, 26 in Kamtschatka, or where-ever else you shall judge more proper, in further search of a northeast or north-west passage from the Pacific Ocean into the Atlantic Ocean or the North Sea; and if, from your own observation or any information which you may receive, there shall appear to be a probability of such a passage, you are to proceed as above directed; and having discovered such passage, or failed in the attempt, make the best of your way back to England by such routes as you may think best for the improvement of geography and navigation, repairing to Spithead with both sloops, where they are to remain till further order.

At whatever places you may touch in the course of your voyage, where accurate observations of the nature hereafter mentioned have not already been made, you are, as far as your time will allow, very carefully to observe the true situation of such places, both in latitude and longitude; the variation of the needle; bearing of headlands; height, direction, and course of the tydes and currents; depths and soundings of the sea; shoals, rocks, &c.; and also to survey, make charts, and take views of such bays, harbours, and different parts of the coast, and to make such notations thereon as may be useful either to navigation or commerce. You are also carefully to observe the nature of the soil and the produce thereof; the animals and fowls that inhabit or frequent it; the fishes that are to be found in the rivers or upon the coast, and in what plenty; and in case there are any peculiar to such places to describe them as minutely and to make as accurate drawings of them as you can; and if you find any metals, minerals, or valuable stones, or any extraneous fossils, you are to bring home specimens of each; and also of the seeds of such trees, shrubs, plants, fruits, and grains peculiar to those places as you may be able to collect, and to transmit them to our Secretary, that proper examination and experiments may be made of them. You are likewise to observe the genius, temper, disposition, and number of the natives and inhabitants where you find any--making them presents of such trinkets as you may have on board and they may like best--inviting them to traffick, and showing them every kind of civility and regard, but taking care, nevertheless, not to suffer yourself to be surprized by them, but to be always on your guard against any accidents.

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1776 July 6.

Annexation.

Discretionary powers.

To report progress.

Officers' journals.

How to act in case of accident.

You are also, with the consent of the natives, to take possession in the name of the King of Great Britain, of convenient situations in such countries as you may discover, that have not already been discovered or visited by any other European Power, and to distribute among the inhabitants such things as will remain as traces and testimonies of your having been there; but if you find the countries so discovered are uninhabited, you are to take possession of them for his Majesty by setting up proper marks and inscriptions as first discoverers and possessors.

But for as much as in undertakings of this nature several emergencies may arise not to be foreseen, and, therefore, not particularly to be provided for by instructions beforehand, you are in all such cases to proceed as you shall judge most advantageous to the service on which you are employed.

You are by all opportunities to send to our Secretary, for our information, accounts of your proceedings, and copies of the surveys and drawings you shall have made; and upon your arrival in England you are immediately to repair to this office in order to lay before us a full account of your proceedings in the whole course of your voyage, taking care before you leave the sloops to demand from the officers and petty officers the logbooks and journals they may have kept, and to send them up for our inspection, and enjoining them and the whole crew not to devulge where they have been until they shall have permission so to do. And you are to direct Capt'n Clerke to do the same with respect to the officers and petty officers and crew of the Discovery.

If any accident should happen to the Resolution in the course of the voyage so as to disable her from proceeding any further, you are, in such case, to remove yourself and her crew into the Discovery, and to prosecute your Voyage in her, her commander being hereby strictly required to receive you on board, and to obey your orders the same in every respect as when you were actually on board the Resolution; and in case of your inability by sickness or otherwise to carry these instructions into execution, you are to be careful to leave them with the next officer in command, who is hereby required to execute them in the best manner he can.

Given under our hands, the 6th day of July, 1776.
SANDWICH.
By command of their Lordships,
Spencer.
H. Palliser.


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COOK'S JOURNAL.

1776 July 10.

Botanical descriptions.

Cook's publications.

The flax-plant.

Omai.

Cook's modesty.

CAPTAIN COOK TO MR. BANKS 27 (Banks Papers).

DEAR SIR -- Plymouth Sound, 10 July, 1776.

As you was so obliging as to say you would give a description of the New Zealand spruce tree, or any other plant, the drawing of which might accompany my journal, I desired Mr. Strahan and Mr. Stuart, who have the charge of the publication, to give you extracts out of the manuscript of such descriptions as I had given (if any), for you to correct or describe yourself, as may be most agreeable. I know not what Plates Mr. Forster may have got engraved of natural history that will come into my books; nor do I know of any that will be of use to it but the spruce tree and tea plant and scurvey grass, and I know not if this last is engraved. The flax-plant is engraved, but whether the publishing of this in my journal will be of any use to seamen I shall not determin. In short, whatever plates of this kind falls to my share I shall hope for your kind assistance in giving some short account of them. On my arrival here I gave Omai three guineas, which sent him on shore in high spirits; indeed, he could hardly be otherwise, for he is very much carressed here by every person of note, and upon the whole I think he rejoices at the prospect of going home.

I now only wait for a wind to put to sea. Unless C. Clerke makes good haste down he will have to follow me. S'r Jno. Pringle writes me that the Council of the Royal Society have decreed me the prize medal of this year. I am obliged to you and my other good friends for this unmerited honor.

Omai joins his best respects to you and Dr. Solander with

Your, &c,
Jam's Cook.


1778 Oct. 20.

Obliging Russians.

CAPTAIN COOK TO SECRETARY STEPHENS.

SIR, -- 20 October, 1778.

Having accidentally met with some Russians, 28 who have promised to put this in a way of being sent to Petersburgh, and as I neither have nor intend to visit Kamtschatka as yet, I

[Image of page 30]

1778 Oct. 20.

Cook's movements.

Kerguelen Island.

Van Diemen's Land and New Zealand. Otaheite.

Live stock.

The Friendly Isles.

Omai.

Sandwich Islands.

Nootka Sound.

take this opportunity to give their Lordships a short account of my proceedings from leaving the Cape of Good Hope to this time.

After leaving the Cape, I, pursuant to their Lordships' instructions, visited the island lately seen by the French, 29 situated between the latitude of 48° 40' and 50° south, and in the longitude of 69 1/2° E't. These islands abounds with good harbours and fresh water, but produceth neither tree nor shrub, and but very little of any other kind of vegetation. After spending five days on the coast thereof, I quitted it on the 30th of December; just touched at Van Diemen's Land; arrived at Queen Charlotte's Sound, in New Zealand, the 13th February, 1777; left it again on the 25th, and pushed for Otaheite. I found that the Spaniards from Callao had been twice at this island from the time of my leaving it in 1774. The first time they came they left behind them, designedly, four Spaniards, who remained upon the island about ten months; but were all gone some time before my arrival. They had also brought to and left on the island, goats, hogs, and dogs, one bull and a ram, but never a female of either of these species, so that those I carried and put on shore there were highly acceptable. These consisted of a bull and three cows, a ram and five ewes, besides poultry of four sorts, and a horse and mare, with Omai. At the Friendly Isles I left a bull and cow. a horse and mare, and some sheep, in which I flatter myself that the laudable intentions of the King and their Lordships have been fully answered.

I left Omai at Huaheine; quitted the Society Isles the 9th of December; proceeded to the north, and in the latitude of 22° No., longitude 200° east, fell in with a group of islands, inhabited by the same nation as Otaheite, and abounding with hogs and roots. 30 After a short stay at these islands, continued our rout for the coast of America, which we made on the 7th of last March, 31 and on the 29th. after enduring several storms, got into a port in the latitude of 49 1/2° north. 32 At this place, besides taking in

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SEARCHING FOR A NORTHERN PASSAGE.

1778 Oct. 20.

A storm at sea.

Behring Strait.

Baffled by the ice.

Frost and snow.

Steer southwards.

Winter at the islands.

The summer campaign.

wood and water, the Resolution was supplied with a new mizen-mast, fore-topmast, and her foremast got out and repaired.

I put to sea again the 26th of April, and was no sooner out of port than we were attacked by a violent storm, which was the occasion of so much of the coast being passed unseen. In this gale the Resolution sprung a leak, which obliged me to put into a port in the latitude of 61°, longitude 213° east. In a few days I was again at sea, and soon found we were on a coast where every step was to be considered, where no information could be had from maps, either modern or ancient; confiding too much in the former, we were frequently misled, to our no small hinderence.

On an extensive coast altogether unknown, it may be thought needless to say that we met with many obstacles before we got through the narrow strait that divides Asia from America, where the coast of the latter takes a N. E. direction. I followed it, flattered with the hopes of having at last overcome all difficulties, when, on the 17th of August, in the latitude 70° 45', longitude 198° east, we were stopped by an impenertrable body of ice, and had so far advanced between it and the land before we discovered it that little was wanting to force us on shore.

Finding I could no longer proceed along the coast, I tryed what could be done farther out, but the same obstacle everywhere presented itself quite over to the coast of Asia, which we made on the 29th of the same month, in the latitude of 68° 55', longitude 180 1/2° east. As frost and snow, the forerunners of winter, began to set in, it was thought too late in the season to make a farther attempt for a passage this year in any direction; I therefore steered to the S. E., along the coast of Asia, passed the strait above mentioned, and then stood over for the America coast, to clear some doubts, and to search, but in vain, for a harbour to compleat our wood and water. Wood is a very scarce article in all these northern parts, except in one place there is none upon the sea-coast but what is thrown ashore by the sea, some of which we got on board, and then proceeded to this place, where we had been before to take in water. From hence I intend to proceed to Sandwich Islands, 33 that is those discovered in 22° north latitude; after refreshing there, returned to the north by the way of Kamtschatka, and the ensuing summer make another and final attempt to find a northern passage, but I must confess I have little hopes of succeeding--ice, though an obstacle not easily surmounted, is perhaps not the only one in the way. The coasts of the two continents is flat for some distance off, and even in the middle between the two the depth of water is inconsider-

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1778 Oct. 20.

A polar continent.

Dearth of harbours.

An active spirit.

A healthy crew.

Stores and provisions.

able; this and some other circumstances all tending to prove that there is more land in the frozen sea than as yet we know of where the ice has its source, and that the polar part is far from being an open sea.

There is another discouraging circumstance attending the navigating these northern parts, and that is the want of harbours where a ship can occasionally retire to secure herself from the ice, or repair any damage she may have sustained. For a more particular description of the America coast I beg leave to refer to the enclosed chart, which is hastily copied from an original of the same scale.

The reason of my not going to the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul, in Kamtschatka, to spend the winter, is the great dislike I have to lay inactive for six or eight months, while so large a part of the Northern Pacific Ocean remains unexplored, and the state and condition of the ships will allow me to be moving. Sickness has been little felt in the ships, and scurvy not at all. I have, however, had the misfortune to lose Mr. Anderson, my surgeon, who died of a lingering consumption two months ago, and one man some time before of the dropsey, and Captain Clerke had one drowned by accident, which are all we have lost since we left the Cape of Good Hope.

Stores and provisions we have enough for twelve months, and longer without a supply of both will hardly be possible for us to remain in these seas, but whatever time we do remain shall be spent in the improvement of geography and navigation by

Yours, &c,
JAMES COOK.


1779 Dec. 15-26.

Report of Cook's death.

MR. PALLAS 34 TO MR. PENNANT 35 (Banks Papers).

DEAR SIR, -- S. Petersburg, 15-26 Dec, 1779.

In a letter sent by last post I desired Mr. Banks to let you know of the unhappy fate of Capt'n Cook, the circumstances of which I related to him from a French extract I had then read. Since that time S'r James Harris did me the favour to let me

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REPORTS FROM RUSSIA.

1779 Dec. 15-26.

Kerguelen Island.

Otaheite.

Omai

Sandwich Islands.

Nootka Sound.

Behring Straits.

look over the original letters of Capt'n Cook and Capt'n Clarke, his second in command, which have been delivered to him last week, and from these I can now give you a more faultless and circumstantial account.

C't. Cook after having left the Cape of G. H., went to look after the new islands lately discovered, to the south of the Cape, by; the French under Kesguelim. 36 He found them low, uninhabited, and destitute of either tree or shrub; a poor vegetation and some turtle is all it affords. From thence he past by Van Diemen's Land and New Zealand, and pushed for Otaheitee. He found at his arrival there in August that since his last voyage the Spaniards had been there twice from Callao, and some of those that came first had stay'd on purpose on the island, but had been gone with the second comers some time before the Captain's arrival. The Spaniards had left a bull, a ram, and some poultry, but all males; thus Cap'n Cook's leaving several heads of domestic animals there proved very acceptable. Omiah was left at Oahine in good health, and several heads of cattle with him. Some more were distributed among the Friendly and Society Islands. About the end of the year C. Cook sailed to the northward. He discovered in longitude 200° from your Merid. of Greenwich, a little to the north of the Tropik, an island, which he called I. Sandwich, and near which more others seemed to lye scattered to the eastward. 37 He made the coast of America in March, and having much suffered in masts and rigging by the heavy storms he met in the northern hemisphere, he entered a harbour which he found a little to the north of that spot where in maps you will find the entry of Aguilas. 38 Having renewed the masts of the Resolution he stood out to sea, but met again with such continual squalls as made it impossible to observe any part of the coast till he came to anchor in a bay which by its longit. and latitude coincides with Cape Elias, where Capt'n Bering had a sight of America, and lay some hours at anchor. After some repairs in that bay, Cook steered along the coast of America, of which he made a close survey and found many mistakes of former maps, which all the way had frequently misled him. He arrived at last to the streight which divides the two continents, but his letter gives neither latitude nor longit. Having past it he found the coast of America stretching to the N. E., so he followed it as

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1779 Dec. 15-26.

A wall of ice.

Siberia.

Cook's letter.

Winter at the Islands.

Discovers more islands.

Treatment fit for a god.

close as possible, not doubting but that he had found the wished-for passage. But being arrived (it was in August) in latit. 70° 41', longit. 198°, he was so suddenly beset by the ice that he ran risk of being hemmed in and forced to shore by it. However, with some trouble he got clear, and finding all round to the north the sea walled up by the ice, and many reasons to convince him of the existence of some continent lying towards the Pole, which furnishes and fixes the ice, he went on to the west to try what chance he could have on the side of Siberia, the coast of which he made in lat. 68° 55', longit. 180 1/2° from Greenwich. Finding there no more passage than the other way he returned to the streights, remarking by the way that both continents present these quarters a low and bare country, and that the sea between them and north of the streight is not deep. On his return, C. Cook lay at the harbour of Unalashka, which island he places in 53° 55' lat. and 192° 30' longit., thus more southerly and westerly than any Russian map of account. There he delivered the letter which has been received from Ct. Cook's hand to a Russian crew which he met on the same island. It is dated in October, 1778. He mentions at the close of it that he lost during his whole absence only the surgeon of the Resolution and two men, one belonging to the Discovery having been drowned, the other died of a dropsy. He also exposes his intention of returning during winter to Sandwich Island, not to remain unactive during a long wintering in Kamtshatka, and his proposed return to the north for another tryal next year.

Thus far the celebrated Capt'n Cook's letter. Another letter from Capt'n Clarke came along with it from Kamtshatka and continues the account. Capt'n Cook found his supposition of more islands lying to the east of Sandwich I. to be true. He discovered several more, the names and number I cannot recollect, but all very luxuriant and populous, and the inhabitants of the same nation w't the people of Otaheitee. In one of these islands called by the inhabitants 0-why-he anchored in a bay and stay'd two months in that harbour, which bears the name of Cara-ca-cossa. 39 The people received him very sociably, and used to pay him a kind of worship more fit for a Divinity than man. His crew was plentifully supplied with hogs, yams, plantains, and other refreshments. He had just left the harbour when a heavy gale worsted his foremast, and obliged him to return to it again to repair. He had the carpenter and his observatory landed, and thought no harm. But the islanders now grew more thievish than they had ever been before, and at last the cutter belonging

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REPORTS FROM RUSSIA.

1779 Dec. 15-26.

The natives insolent.

Cook killed in the fray.

Clerke in command.

Steers for the north.

Major Behm.

A final attempt.

to the Discovery was stole from the buoy on which it was moored. Capt'n Cook next day went on shore with his lieutenant 40 and nine guarde-marines to the place where the chief of the isle, Tere-oboo, resided. He was received by the people with their usual veneration, but found a great mob assembled about the chief. During his compliments some of the bystanders grew insolent, and one fellow at last became it to such a degree that C. Cook fired at him with small shot, and tho' the fellow received no hurt thro' the mat he had thrown about him, yet a murmuring pervaded the whole mob, and as some hostilities began from their side the lieutenant fired and killed a man, on which, instead of flight, the attack became general, and tho' the guarde-marines fired with effect no time was given them to reload their pieces. In this fray Capt. Cook was unfortunately killed at the first onset, with four of his people. The lieutenant, with the remainder, mostly wounded, retired with difficulty, whilst the firing from the pinnace and long-boat, which lay near shore, kept the enemy at some distance. Capt. Clerke, to whom the command devolved, saw no means of revenging, without considerable loss, the death of his brave countryman, the islanders being a numerous and it seemed a warlike set of people, and having stone walls for their defence on the hills. Thus he kept on the defensive and got all things on board, where he continued repairing, whilst the islanders most heartily sued for peace. In the middle of March he left this unlucky island, O-why-he, and stood to the north, where he met with very heavy gales, and brought the Resolution, which had sprung a leak and received other damage with the gale, into the harbour of Awatcha or S. Peter and S. Paul. At the end of April this year, having damages to repair, and winter still continuing in these quarters, Capt. Clarke made his arrival known to the commander of Kamtshatka, Major Behm, who came himself down to Avatsha, supplied him with cattle and all other kind of provisions that was in his power, and shewed all possible benevolence to serve him. The 4th June, when his letter was dated, Capt. Clerke was ready for sea, intended to make another tryal to the northward to survey the islands, then to call again if necessary at Kamtshatka, and lastly to return home any way. As Major Behm is expected here this winter, and carries with him the Resolution's log-book and a chart sent by Capt. Cook, you may expect some more account respecting America and the streights, if I should be favoured with a sight of these.


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1783 Aug. 23.

Loss of America.

New fields of colonisation.

Cook's account of New South Wales.

Climate and soil.

Tropical products.

Flax.

JAMES MARIA MATRA'S PROPOSAL.

A PROPOSAL FOR ESTABLISHING A SETTLEMENT IN NEW SOUTH WALES.

I AM going to offer an object to the consideration of our Government what [that] may in time atone for the loss of our American colonies.

By the discoveries and enterprise of our officers, many new countries have been found which know no sovereign, and that hold out the most enticing allurements to European adventurers. None are more inviting than New South Wales.

Capt. Cook first coasted and surveyed the eastern side of that fine country, from the 38th degree of south latitude down to the 10th, where he found everything to induce him to give the most favourable account of it. In this immense tract of more than 2,000 miles there was every variety of soil, and great parts of it were extremely fertile, peopled only by a few black inhabitants, who, in the rudest state of society, knew no other arts than such as were necessary to their mere animal existence, and which was almost entirely sustained by catching fish.

The climate and soil are so happily adapted to produce every various and valuable production of Europe, and of both the Indies, that with good management, and a few settlers, in twenty or thirty years they might cause a revolution in the whole system of European commerce, and secure to England a monopoly of some part of it, and a very large share in the whole.

Part of it lies in a climate parallel to the Spice Islands, and is fitted for the production of that valuable commodity, as well as the sugar-cane, tea, coffee, silk, cotton, indigo, tobacco, and the other articles of commerce that have been so advantageous to the maritime powers of Europe.

I must not omit the mention of a very important article, which may be obtained in any quantity, if this settlement be made the proper use of, which would be of very considerable consequence, both among the necessaries and conveniences of life. I mean the New Zealand hemp or flax plant, an object equally of curiosity and utility. By proper operations it would serve the various purposes of hemp, flax, and silk, and it is more easily manufactured than any one of them. In naval equipments it would be of the greatest importance; a cable of the circumference of ten inches would be equal in strength to one of eighteen inches made of European hemp. Our manufacturers are of opinion that canvas

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J. M. MATRA'S PROPOSAL.

1783 Aug. 23.

Its capabilities for manufacture.

The American loyalists.

Send a ship to investigate.

Or two ships with marines and artificers.

Live-stock and plants.

One ship to return.

The other to be sent to the islands.

made of it would be superior in strength and beauty to any canvas of our own country. The threads or filaments of this plant are formed by nature with the most exquisite delicacy, and they may be so minutely divided as to be small enough to make the finest cambrick; in color and gloss it resembles silk. After my true, though imperfect description of this plant I need not enlarge on it, as a very singular acquisition, both to the arts of convenience and luxury.

This country may afford an asylum to those unfortunate American loyalists to whom Great Britain is bound by every tie of honour and gratitude to protect and support, where they may repair their broken fortunes, and again enjoy their former domestic felicity.

That the Government may run no risque nor be left to act in a business of this kind without sufficient information, it is proposed that one ship of the peace establishment (to incur the least possible expence) be directly sent to that country, for the discovery and allotment of a proper district, for the intended settlement; that one or two gentlemen of capacity and knowledge, as well in soil and situation, as in every other requisite, be sent in her, that there may be no imposition on the Government, nor upon the Americans, who, with their families, shall adventure there.

If the Government be disposed to extend this plan, two vessels may be sent with two companies of marines, selected from among such of that corps as best understand husbandry, or manufacturies, and about twenty artificers, who are all the emigration required from the parent State; these last to be chiefly such as are taken on board ships of war for carpenters' and armourers' crews, with a few potters and gardeners.

These twenty men and the marines, under a proper person, to be left at the new settlement, with materials and provisions, to prepare for the reception of the intended settlers, that their wants may be as few as possible on their arrival.

As the ship, or ships, stop at the Cape of Good Hope, a sufficient stock to begin with of cows, sheep, goats, hogs, poultry, and seeds may be obtained there. A supply of the like articles, as well as cotton seeds, plantains, grapes, grain, &c, &c, may be had in any quantity at Savu or any of the Moluccas, which are very near New South Wales.

When the landing is effected the smaller vessel may be dispatched home with the intelligence; and while the party designed to be left are superintending the gardens and increase of live stock, the other ship may, if thought proper, be despatched to New Caledonia, Otahite, and the neighbouring islands to procure a few families there, and as many women as may serve for the men left

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1783 Aug. 23.

Banks recommends Chinese.

Probable expense.

Scheme approved of by the Americans, and by Banks.

Trade with China.

Trade with China and the islands.

behind. There is every reason to believe they may be obtained without difficulty. If but one vessel goes, the party with their stock may be left without apprehension of danger from the natives.

Sir Joseph Banks is of opinion that we may draw any number of useful inhabitants from China, agreeably to an invariable custom of the Dutch in forming or recruiting their Eastern settlements.

As it is intended not to involve the Government in either a great or a useless expence (for the settlement is designed to increase the wealth of the parent country, as well as for the emolument of the adventurers), a sum not exceeding £3,000 will be more than adequate to the whole expence of Government. Most of the tools, saws, axes, &c, &c., for the use of the party left may be drawn from the ordnance and other public stores, where at present they are useless; and the vessels also, being part of the peace establishment, neither can, nor ought to be, fairly reckoned in the expenditure.

That the Ministry may be convinced that this is not a vain, idle scheme, taken up without due attention and consideration, they may be assured that the matter has been seriously considered by some of the most intelligent and candid Americans, who all agree that, under the patronage and protection of Government, it offers the most favourable prospects that have yet occurred to better the fortunes and to promote the happiness of their fellow-sufferers and countrymen.

Sir Joseph Banks highly approves of the settlement, and is very ready to give his opinion of it, either to his Majesty's Ministry or others, whenever they may please to require it.

Should this settlement be made, we may enter into a commerce that would render our trade to China, hitherto extremely against us, very favourable. The Aleutian and Foxes islands, situated between Asia and America, which abound with the choicest furs, lie nearly north of New South Wales. It is from these islands the Russians get the most and best of their furs, with which they carry on a very lucrative trade by land with the Chinese. Our ships that sailed under the command of Captain Cook and Clerke stopped at some of them, and the skins which they procured then sold in China at 400 hard dollars each, though for the few they brought home, of the same quality, they only received about ten pounds each. As our situation in New South Wales would enable us to carry on this trade with the utmost facility, we should be no longer under the necessity of sending such immense quantities of silver for the different articles we import from the Chinese Empire.

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J. M. MATRA'S PROPOSAL.

1783 Aug. 23.

Woollen trade with Japan and Korea.

New Zealand timber for shipping.

The trade in spices.

Spices may be cultivated.

Emigration policy.

There is also a prospect of considerably extending our woollen trade. We know that large quantities of woollen cloth are smuggled to Japan by the Russians, which, as it is taken by land carriage from St. Petersburg to Kamschatka, and then to the islands by a very precarious navigation in boats, must be extremely dear. The Japanese, however, go in their junks to the islands and purchase great quantities of it.

The peninsula of Korea, a kingdom tributary to the Chinese, and unvisited by Europeans, has its supply at second-hand chiefly from the Japanese. No ship has ever attempted this commerce, excepting once or twice that the Spaniards ventured thither from their American dominions; but as the inhabitants of New Spain are but indifferent navigators for the high, cold latitudes, they could not oftener repeat the enterprise.

It may be seen by Captain Cook's voyage that New Zealand is covered with timber of size and every quality that indicates long duration; it grows close to the water's edge, and may be easily obtained. Would it not be worth while for such as may be dispatched to New South Wales to take in some of this timber on their return, for the use of the King's yards? As the two countries are within a fortnight's run of each other, and as we might be of the utmost service to the New Zealanders, I think it highly probable that this plan might become eminently useful to us as a naval power, especially as we might thus procure masts, a single tree of which would be large enough for a first-rate ship, and planks superior to any that Europe possesses.

By the preliminary articles of peace with Holland we are entitled to a free navigation in the Molucca Seas. Without a settlement in the neighbourhood, the concession is useless; for the Dutch have an agent almost on every island in those seas. If we have a settlement, it is unnecessary; for as spices are the only articles we could expect by it, it is probable we should stand in no need of their indulgence, for as part of New South Wales lies in the same latitude with the Moluccas, and is even very close to them, there is every reason to suppose that what nature has so bountifully bestowed on the small islands may also be found on the larger. But if, contrary to analogy, it should not be so, the defect is easily supplyed, for, as the seeds are procured without difficulty, any quantity may speedily be cultivated.

To those who are alarmed at the idea of weakening the mother country by opening a channel for emigration, I must answer that it is more profitable that a part of our countrymen should go to a new abode, where they may be useful to us, than to the American States. If we cannot keep our subjects at home, it is sound policy to point out a road by following of which they may add to the national strength.

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1783 Aug. 23.

Value of a naval station.

Banks's opinion entitled to attention.

Colonisation.

Depopulation theory.

Love of country.

Poverty the source of emigration and crime.

The place which New South Wales holds on our globe might give it a very commanding influence in the policy of Europe. If a colony from Britain was established in that large tract of country, and if we were at war with Holland or Spain, we might very powerfully annoy either State from our new settlement. We might, with a safe and expeditious voyage, make naval incursions on Java and the other Dutch settlements; and we might with equal facility invade the coast of Spanish. America, and intercept the Manilla ships, laden with the treasures of the west. This check which New South Wales would be in time of war on both those powers makes it a very important object when we view it in the chart of the world with a political eye.

Sir Joseph Banks' high approbation of the scheme which I have here proposed deserves the most respectful attention of every sensible, liberal, and spirited individual amongst his countrymen. The language of encomium, applied to this gentleman, would surely be inequitably censured as the language of adulation. To spurn the alluring pleasures which fortune procures in a frivolous and luxurious age, and to encounter extreme difficulties and dangers in pursuit of discoveries, which are of great benefit to mankind, is a complicated and illustrious event, as useful as it is rare, and which calls for the warmest publick gratitude and esteem.

I shall take this opportunity to make a remark on colonization which has not occurred to me in any author, and which I flatter myself will contain some important civil and political truth.

Too great a diminution of inhabitants of the mother country is commonly apprehended from voluntary emigration--an apprehension which seems to me not to be the result of mature reflexion. That we almost universally have a strong affection for our native soil is an observation as true as it is old. It is founded on the affections of human nature. Not only a Swiss, but even an Icelander, when he is abroad, sickens and languishes in his absence from his native country; therefore, few of any country will ever think of settling in any foreign part of the world, from a restless mind and from romantic views. A man's affairs are generally in a very distressed, in a desperate situation when he resolves to take a long adieu of his native soil, and of connections which must be always dear to him. Hence a body of emigrants, nay a numerous body of emigrants, may in a commercial view be of great and permanent service to their parent community in some remote part of the world, who, if they continue at home, will probably live to see their own ruin, and will be very prejudicial to society. The politician of an expanded mind reasons from the almost invariable actions of human nature. The doc-

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J. M. MATRA'S PROPOSAL.

1783 Aug. 23.

trine of the petty statesman is hardly applicable to a larger extent than that of his own closet. When our circumstances are adverse in the extreme they very often produce illegal and rapacious conduct. If a poor man of broken fortunes and of any pretensions be timid in his nature, he most probably becomes a useless, if he has an ardent spirit, he becomes a bad and a criminal, citizen. There are indeed some epochs in a State when emigrations from it may be too numerous; but when from some calamitous and urgent publick cause it must be unworthy of inhabitants.

JAMES M. MATRA.
August 23rd, 1783.


Sydney's opinion.

Report on gaols.

Colonisation recommended.

Convicts should be sent out to form colonies.

Transportation to Africa.

Expense of settlement in Africa.

When I conversed with Lord Sydney on this subject it was observed that New South Wales would be a very proper region for the reception of criminals condemned to transportation. I believe that it will be found that in this idea good policy and humanity are united.

It will here be very pertinent to my purpose to give an extract from the report of the committee appointed to consider the several returns relative to goals [gaols]. 41

1st Resolution:-- "That the plan of establishing a colony or colonies in some distant part of the globe, and in new discovered countries, where the climate is healthy, and where the means of support are attainable, is equally agreeable to the dictates of humanity and sound policy, and might prove in the result advantageous to navigation and commerce."

2d. Resolution:-- "That it is the opinion of this committee that it might be of publick utility if the laws which now direct and authorize the transportation of certain convicts to his Majesty's colonies and plantations in N. America were made to authorize the same to any part of the globe that may be found expedient."

The following facts will particularly corroborate the second resolution:--

Seven hundred and forty-six convicts were sent to Africa from the year 1775 to 1776. The concise account of them given into the committee exhibits an alarming expenditure of human life. 334 died, 271 deserted to no one knows where, and of the remainder no account could be given. Governor O'Hara, who had resided in Africa many years, was of opinion that British convicts could not for any time exist in that climate.

The estimate of the expence, given in by Mr. Roberts, necessary to establish a settlement there, to receive them, amounted

[Image of page 42]

1783 Aug. 23.

Cost of convicts at home.

Two plans for utilising convicts.

Another plan--free grants of land.

Reformation of offenders.

Treat them like men.

Economy and humanity.

to £9,865. Afterwards the annual charge to the publick for each convict would be about £15 14s. Government pays annually to the contractor for each convict who is employed in the hulks £26 15s. 10d. The annual work of each man is valued at a third of the expence.

I am informed that in some years more than 1,000 felons are convicted, many of whom are under 18 years of age. The charge to the publick for these convicts has been increasing for the last seven or eight years; and, I believe, now amounts to more than £20,000 per annum.

When the convicts were sent to America they were sold for a servitude of seven years. A proposal has been made for the alteration of this mode, respecting those sent to Africa, by condemning them to some publick work there. They were to be released from servitude, and some ground was to be given them to cultivate in proportion as a reformation was observed in their conduct.

Neither of those plans can I approve.

Give them a few acres of ground as soon as they arrive in New South Wales, in absolute property, with what assistance they may want to till them. Let it be here remarked that they cannot fly from the country, that they have no temptation to theft, and that they must work or starve. I likewise suppose that they are not, by any means, to be reproached for their former conduct. If these premises be granted me, I may reasonably conclude that it is highly probable they will be useful; that it is very possible they will be moral subjects of society.

Do you wish, either by private prudence, or by civil policy, to reclaim offenders? Show by your treatment of them that you think their reformation extremely practicable, and do not hold out every moment before their eyes the hideous and mortifying deformity of their own vices and crimes. A man's intimate and hourly acquaintance with his guilt, of the frowns and severities of the world, tend more powerfully, even than the immediate effects of his bad habits, to make him a determined and incorrigible villain.

By the plan which I have now proposed a necessity to continue in the place of his destination and to be industrious is imposed on the criminal. The expence to the nation is absolutely imperceptible, comparatively, with what criminals have hitherto cost Government; and thus two objects of most desirable and beautiful union will be permanently blended--economy to the publick, and humanity to the individual.

JAMES M. MATRA.


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J. M. MATRA'S PROPOSAL.

1784 Oct. 1.

De Lancey's proposal to send out American loyalists.

J. M. MATRA TO UNDER SECRETARY NEPEAN. 42

Marston House, Frome, Somersetshire, 1st October [November], '84.

Dear SIR, --

Of the many letters that I have long been pestered with on the subject of New South Wales, the enclosed is the only one that I am now desirous of answering, for which reason I take the liberty of sending it to you. I know that Mr. De Lancey, who is very sanguine on the business, has been active in procuring the consent of many people to go; and as a settlement somewhere is essentially necessary to them, I wish to be authorized to give him a decisive answer, which, whatever my private opinion may be, I think, would be improper till I hear from you. You will, therefore, do me a particular pleasure, if to the great trouble you have already taken in pushing forward this business for me you would be so obliging as to tell me if the Ministry have come to a decided resolution to reject the plan, or if there be any chance of its being entered on in the spring season. I shall go next Thursday for a few days to Ld. Craven's, Benham Place, Berks., where your letter to me, under Ld. Cork's cover, will safely reach me. My company, to be sure, is not politically orthodox, but when I assure you that I am not contaminated by their heresies, you will excuse the direction. I shall always be extremely cautious of obtruding on your time; and, were you to see but a list of the fiftieth part of the letters I am perplexed with about the S. Seas, I know you would pardon this instance.

I am, &c,
JAMES W. MATRA.


South Sea scheme.

The China route.

Thursday morning.

The Attorney-General, I believe by his own desire, has had communicated to him an observation on the passage of our China ships that I imagine will remove the only difficulty that I can think of in the way of the South Sea scheme.

It is a better rout and shorter for the ships bound to China to pass by the coast of New South Wales--now that it is so well known--than that which they at present pursue. Sir George Young has spoken to several of them on this subject, and it appears that the Government may send out convicts at about £15 a head, and as Mr. Pitt's Commutation Bill will considerably

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1784 Oct. 1.

Officers willing to serve.

increase the number of China ships, twenty being taken out by each yearly, will rid you of as many as are on hand. As perhaps the Attorney-General may not receive this in time, you will oblige me by communicating it to Ld. Sydney before he goes to the Cabinet Council.

As there are officers of some consideration in the service who are willing to go on this duty, and as the number of convicts taken out at the beginning are few, and chosen, I think the impropriety of employing King's ships in the first instance sufficiently removed.


Oct. 12.

A decision desired.

The loyalists.

Superior emigrants.

[Enclosure.]

JAMES DE LANCEY TO J. M. MATRA. 43

Dear SIR, -- Southampton, October the 12th, 1784.

I should have answered yours of the 31st of August sooner, but waited in expectation of another letter from you, which would have contained something decisive in regard to New South Wales.

My brother will deliver this to you. He wishes much to have this business determined one way or the other, in order that, if the plan of making a settlement in the Southern Hemisphere should be given up, he may think of some other way of rendering himself usefull, as he has an active mind, and does not chuse to remain idle.

The season for a voyage to that country will soon be elapsed, and unless the equipment is speedily sett on foot, another year will be lost, and my prospect of procuring settlers from the loyalists in Nova Scotia rendered less favourable, for by next year I should suppose most of them who have gone there will have procured some kind of habitation for themselves, and will not chuse to quit them for an uncertain settlement in N. S. Wales, and I would like to have among the emigrants some of the better sort, and should not chuse to have the colony composed only of such persons who would not get their living anywhere else.

I find that the Treasury Board have met, and therefore hope that now the Ministers have returned to town some final determination will be had on this business, and natter myself that a measure which appears to meet with general approbation will not be abandoned.

I am, &c,
JAMES DE LANCEY.


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SIR GEORGE YOUNG'S PLAN.

1784 Dec. 26.

Matra's plan.

Unfavourable opinion.

LORD HOWE 44 TO LORD SYDNEY.

Admiralty, 26th Dec, 1784.

I return, my dear Lord, the papers 45 you left with, me to-day, which are copies only of the former sent to me on the same subject on Friday evening.

Should it be thought advisable to increase the number of our settlements on the plan Mr. Matra has suggested, I imagine it would be necessary to employ ships of a different construction. Frigates are ill adapted for such services. I conceive that ships of burthen to contain the various stores, provisions, implements, &c, wanted for the first colonists meant to be established there, and composing the chief part of the company of the ship, should be provided for the purpose, tho' an armed vessel of suitable dimensions might be previously appointed to inspect and fix on the preferable station for forming the intended establishment. The length of the navigation, subject to all the retardments of an India voyage, do not, I must confess, encourage me to hope for a return of the many advantages in commerce or war which Mr. M. Matra has in contemplation.

I am, &c,
HOWE.


1785

Jan. 13.

Sir George Young's plan.

A likely proposal.

SIR GEORGE YOUNG'S PLAN. 46

The Attorney-General to Lord Sydney.

Lincoln's Inn Fields, Jan'ry 13th, 1785.

MY LORD --

Inclosed you receive a scheme of Sir George Young, of the Navy, for settling New South Wales, which he has desired me to transmit to your Lordship for your consideration, to which I take the liberty of recommending it. Lord Mansfield mentioned the subject to me, and desired Sir George Young would call upon me and explain his ideas. I profess myself totally ignorant of the probability of the success of such a scheme, but it appears to me, upon a cursory view of the subject, to be the most likely

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1785 Jan. 13

method of effectually disposing of convicts, the number of which requires the immediate interference of Government. As your Lordship and Sir George Yonge were desirous that the Lord Chancellor should be consulted respecting the removal of the soldiers from Hastings, and as I understood your Lordship was to see the Chancellor to-day, I shall be obliged to you if you, as soon as it is determined whether an application shall be made for their removal, inform me, and I will give immediate orders for the proper steps to be taken for that purpose.

I have, &c,
R. P. ARDEN.


Geographical position.

Trade with South America.

Commercial position.

Variety of climate and productions.

[Enclosure.]

THE "PLAN."

The following is a rough outline of the many advantages that may result to this nation from a settlement made on the coast of New South Wales:--

ITS great extent and relative situation with respect to the eastern and southern parts of the globe is a material consideration. Botany Bay, or its vicinity, the part that is proposed to be first settled, is not more than sixteen hundred leagues from Lima and Baldivia [Valdivia], with a fair open navigation, and there is no doubt but that a lucrative trade would soon be opened with the Creole Spaniards for English manufactures. Or suppose we were again involved in a war with Spain, here are ports of shelter and refreshment for our ships, should it be necessary to send any into the South Sea.

From the coast of China it lies not more than about a thousand leagues, and nearly the same distance from the East Indies, from the Spice Islands about seven hundred leagues, and near a month's run from the Cape of Good Hope.

The variety of climates included between the forty-fourth and tenth degrees of latitude give us an opportunity of uniting in one territory almost all the productions of the known world. To explain this more fully I will point out some of the countries which are situated within the same extent of latitude, on either side of the Equator. They are China, Japan, Siam, India, Persia, Arabia-felix, Egypt, Greece, all Turkey, the Mediterranean Sea, Italy, Spain, South of France, and Portugal, with Mexico, Lima, Baldivia [Valdivia], and the greatest part of the Pacific Ocean, to which may be added the Cape of Good Hope, &c, &c.

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SIR GEORGE YOUNG'S PLAN.

1785 Jan. 13.

Facilities for trade.

Tropical products.

Flax.

Commercial centre.

Metals of every kind.

Settlers from the islands and China.

The American loyalists.

Felons.

Expense.

From this review it will, I think, be acknowledged that a territory so happily situated must be superior to all others for establishing a very extensive commerce, and of consequence greatly increase our shipping and number of seamen. Nor is it mere presumption to say the country is everywhere capable of producing all kinds of spices, likewise the fine Oriental cotton, indigo, coffee, tobacco, with every species of the sugar-cane, also tea, silk, and madder. That very remarkable plant known by the name of the New Zealand flax-plant may be cultivated in every part, and in any quantity, as our demands may require. Its uses are more extensive than any vegetable hitherto known, for in its gross state it far exceeds anything of the kind for cordage and canvas, and may be obtained at a much cheaper rate than those materials we at present get from Russia, who may perhaps at some future period think it her interest to prohibit our trade for such articles, and the difficulties that must arise in such a case are too obvious to mention, but are everywhere provided against in this proposal.

With but a trifling expence and a little industry we may in the course of a few years establish a commercial mart on one island comprehending all the articles of trade in itself and every necessary for shipping, not to mention the great probability of finding in such an immense country metals of every kind.

At a time when men are alarmed at every idea of emigration I wish not to add to their fears by any attempt to depopulate the parent state. The settlers of New South Wales are principally to be collected from the Friendly Islands and China. All the people required from England are only a few that are possessed of the useful arts and those comprized among the crews of the ships sent on that service.

The American loyalists would here find a fertile, healthy soil, far preferable to their own, and well worthy their industry, where, with a very small part of the expence the Crown must necessarily be at for their support, they may be established now comfortably, and with a greater prospect of success than in any other place hitherto pointed out for them.

The very heavy expence Government is annually put to for transporting and otherwise punishing the felons, together with the facility of their return, are evils long and much lamented. Here is an asylum open that will considerably reduce the first, and for ever prevent the latter.

Upon the most liberal calculation the expence of this plan cannot exceed £3,000, for it must be allowed that ships of war are as cheaply fed and paid in the South Seas as in the British Channel.

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1785 Jan. 13.

Ships required.

Guard-ship.

Exploring-ship,.

Route for the China ships.

Cheap transportation.

Implements.

Had I the command of this expedition, I should require a ship of war--say, the old Rainbow, now at Woolwich, formerly a ship of forty guns--as the best constructed for the purpose of any in the Navy, with only half her lower-deck guns and 250 men, one hundred of which should be marines; a store-ship, likewise, of about 600 tons burthen, with forty seamen and ten marines, and a small vessel of about 100 tons, of the brig or schooner kind, with twenty men, both fitted as ships of war and commanded by proper officers.

The large ship is necessary for receiving fifty of the felons, provisions, and stores, with a variety of live-stock and plants from England and the Cape of Good Hope. She is more particularly wanted as a guard-ship, to remain in the country at least two years after her arrival, or longer, as may be found necessary, to protect the settlers, &c. The store-ship is required for taking an additional quantity of provisions, to serve until we are about to raise some for ourselves. The brig or schooner is principally wanted to explore the coast on our arrival, for notwithstanding a convenient place is already mentioned for the purpose, nature and experience inform me a navigable river may be found on such an extensive coast, which, when discovered, she may be then dispatched to England with an account of our proceedings. In the meantime, the store-ship may be sent to the Friendly Islands for inhabitants and useful plants.

The settlement being thus established, any difficulties that may arise from the great distance of New South Wales are obviated in the manner following:-- The China ships belonging to the East India Company, after leaving the Cape of Good Hope, and keeping more to the southerd than usual, may land the felons on the coast, and then proceed to the northerd, round New Ireland, &c, or through Saint George's Channel, and so on to the island Formosa for Canton. With a little geographical investigation, this passage will be found more short, easy, and a safer navigation than the general route of the China ships--from Madrass through the Streights of Malacca.

Perhaps the number of the felons, after the present are disposed of, may not require more than two ships in the coarse of a year. The expence thereof attending the transporting of them by this method must certainly be much less than by any other whatever, without even the most distant probability of their return. Every ship may take any number of felons not exceeding seventy.

Necessary Implements:--

Iron in bars
Forges and anvills
Spades and shovels
Mattocks
Spikes and nails
Pitchforks
Axes of sorts
Iron crows and wedges

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TRANSPORTATION TO BOTANY BAY.

1785 Jan. 13.

Saws of sorts
Large hammers
Mills
Grindstones
Cutlery
Cooking utensils
Iron pots of sorts
Shoes and leather
Linnen and woollen cloth
Tinware
Thread, needles, &c.
Stockings
Soap
Hatts and caps
Wheels of barrows
Seeds and plants
Articles of trade with natives of the islands, &c.
Window glass
Grain of sorts
Fishing tackle
Gardening tools
Carpenters' do.
Smiths' tools
Shoemakers' do.
Bricklayers' do.
Masons' do.
Coals as ballast
Some leaden pumps, &c.
Scythes
Pewter and earthenware.


1786 Aug. 18.

Gaols overcrowded.

Convicts to be transported

to Botany Bay.

LORD SYDNEY TO THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.

MY LORDS -- Whitehall, 18th August, 1786.

The several gaols and places for the confinement of felons in this kingdom being in so crowded a state that the greatest danger is to be apprehended, not only from their escape, but from infectious distempers, which may hourly be expected to break out amongst them, his Majesty, desirous of preventing by every possible means the ill consequences which might happen from either of these causes, has been pleased to signify to me his royal commands that measures should immediately be pursued for sending out of this kingdom such of the convicts as are under sentence or order of transportation.

The Nautilus, sloop, which, upon the recommendation of a committee of the House of Commons, had been sent to explore the southern coast of Africa, in order to find out an eligible situation for the reception of the said convicts, where from their industry they might soon be likely to obtain means of subsistence, having lately returned, and it appearing by the report of her officers that the several parts of the coast which they examined between the latitudes 15° 50' south and the latitude of 33° 6O' are sandy and barren, and from other causes unfit for a settlement of that description, his Majesty has thought it advisable to fix upon Botany Bay, situated on the coast of New South Wales, in the latitude of about 33 degrees south, which, according to the accounts given by the late Captain Cook, as well as the representations of persons who accompanied him during his last voyage, and who have been consulted upon the subject, is looked upon as a place likely to answer the above purposes.

1   These straits separate Staten Island from the mainland of Tierra del Fuego.
2   This island, now known as Tahiti, was discovered by Captain Wallis, in June, 1767, and by him named King George the Third's Island. De Bougainville landed there in April, 1768, without any knowledge of Wallis's discovery. He adopted the native name, and called it Taiti. Cook, landing in April, 1769, retained the native name, but added the vowel prefix, used by the Islanders in conversation, and for many years it was known as Otaheite. Dalrymple surmised that Otaheite was identical with the island Quiros named La Sagittaria. He accounts for Quiros finding neither a harbour nor refreshments at the island, by the fact that he attempted to land on the isthmus, i. e., the south-east part, whereas Wallis, Bougainville, and Cook landed at Matavai Bay, on the northern part. There can now be little doubt but that Dalrymple was right; and that the islands Quiros named La Encarnacion, St. Juan Baptista, St. Elmo, Los Coronades, and La Conversion de St. Pablo, belonged to the large group now known as the Paumotu or Low Archipelago; the island he called La Dezena being identical with that called by Cook (and still known as) Maitea; and which Wallis called Osnaburg, and Bougainville, Le Boudoir.
3   Hawkesworth, vol. ii, p. 107.
4   John Gore, third lieutenant. He accompanied Wallis, in the Dolphin, during the voyage round the world, 1766-8, "as one of the mates."-- (Hawkesworth, vol. i, p. 470. ) He also sailed with Cook as first lieutenant of the Resolution during the voyage in search of a north-west passage in 1776-80. On the death of Captain Cook he succeeded Captain Clerke as captain of the Discovery; and when the latter died, Gore, being next in command, took his place as captain of the Resolution and commander of the expedition.
5   Hawkesworth, vol. ii, p. 140.
6   These islands (six in number) Cook called the Society Islands.
7   Ohetiroa Island, one of the group now known as the Austral Islands. The island itself is now called Rurutua.
8   It is, unfortunately, impossible to say what has become of this copy. It would probably be in the handwriting of Cook's clerk, by whom this letter was written.
9   This is the first mention the Records contain of the "so much talked of southern continent." Singularly enough, no allusion is made thereto in the correspondence which passed between the Admiralty and Navy Boards in the spring of 1768, when the expedition was first projected. The Endeavour, so far as the official letters indicate, was merely intended to convey "to the southward such persons as shall be thought proper for making observations on the passage of the planet Venus over the sun's disk." The letter from the Admiralty to Cook informing him of his appointment contains no allusion to the objects of the voyage; nor does Cook himself mention the matter in any of his earlier letters. Care must be taken not to confound the land known to geographers of Cook's time as the Terra Australia incognita, or the "Great Southern Continent," with New Holland. They were not in any way identical. New Holland was not a terra incognita. Its western, northern, and part of its southern shores had been known to geographers for very many years. But it was thought that, in addition, a large continent stretched across the South Pacific from Tierra del Fuego to New Zealand. This was the Terra Australis incognita of the early voyagers. In Cook's time, the eminent hydrographer Alexander Dalrymple was the most prominent champion of this theory. Even after Cook's return, Dalrymple still believed in the existence of a great southern continent. He proclaimed it to be the "greatest passion of his life" to discover it. He estimated its extent as "equal to all the civilised parts of Asia from Turkey to China inclusive," and located it as reaching from the South Pole to 30° S. latitude. --(Historical Collection of Voyages and Discoveries, pp. xxiii, xxiv, and xxv.) From a comparison of the proportion of land to water in the northern hemisphere, it was held that a continent was wanting in the southern hemisphere "to counterpoize the land in the north, and to maintain the equilibrium necessary for the earth's motion." The second voyage of Cook, i. e., the one of 1772-5, effectually disposed of this visionary continent. In the Introduction to his Voyage towards the South Pole, Cook alludes to Quiros as being the first who had any idea of the existence of a southern continent. It is evident that he intended to dismiss as pure fiction the reports of the discovery of a southern continent by Juan Fernandez, nearly half a century before Quiros.
10   This is not quite correct; a seaman named Sutherland died of consumption at Botany Bay. But, doubtless, Cook, by "sickness," meant the terrible scourge of scurvy, which wrought such havoc with the crews of previous circumnavigators. His next letter told a very different tale.
11   The list is printed as it appears in the books of the Admiralty. The letters D. and DD. stand respectively for "discharged" and "died." The list does not include the name of Mr. Weir, master's mate, who was drowned at Madeira, on 12th September, 1768; nor that of John Bootie, midshipman, who died at sea, apparently in the early part of the year 1771.
12   William Perry, surgeon, promoted from surgeon's mate on the death of Surgeon Monkhouse, 5 November, 1770, at Batavia.
13   No date; evidently June or July, 1771.
14   David McBride, M. D.
15   Captain Wallis, of the Dolphin.
16   At the time this letter was written the Adventure was lying in Queen Charlotte's Sound. The ships had separated in a fog on the 8th February, 1773, near Kerguelen Island, and it was not until the 18th May, 1773, that they joined company again.
17   This was the second time the ships had parted company. The first occasion was on the 8th February, 1773, in a fog near Kerguelen Island. They did not meet until 18th May of the same year, at the winter quarters-- Queen Charlotte's Sound, New Zealand. The second time, as stated here, they were separated in a gale, when near the southern entrance of Cook Strait. Furneaux's account of his movements after the separation of the ships, containing a detailed description of the circumstances attending the massacre of the boat's crew, will be found in Cook's Voyage towards the South Pole, vol. ii, pp. 251-64. Cook had not fixed upon any rendezvous, consequently, Furneaux had practically no chance of falling in with the Resolution. This, and the fact that his vessel was not in the most seaworthy condition, while his provisions were much damaged and a quantity completely spoilt, induced him to shape his course for the Cape of Good Hope, and then make the best of his way to England. Cook, however, continued his search for a southern continent during that and the following summer, and it was not until February, 1775, that he bore up for the Cape of Good Hope.
18   In his narrative of their proceedings in the Adventure, Furneaux thus describes this incident:-- "On going ashore we discerned the place where she [the Resolution] had erected her tents; and on an old stump of a tree in the garden observed these words cut out, 'Look underneath.' There we dug, and soon found a bottle corked and waxed down, with a letter in it from Captain Cook, signifying their arrival on the 3rd instant [November, 1773], and departure on the 24th, and that they intended spending a few days in the entrance of the straits looking for us."
19   Cook put to sea on the 24th November, 1773.
20   Juan Fernandez, a Spanish pilot, was reported to have discovered, about the year 1576, a large continent (gran tierra firme), after a month's sail from the coast of Chile, "upon courses W. and S. W." The land was described as fertile and pleasant; the natives as white people, clothed in woven fabrics: while "on the coast were seen the mouths of very large rivers."--(Burney's History of Discoveries in the South Seas, vol. i, p. 300.) It was in the expectation of striking the coast of this terra nondum cognita that Cook, after penetrating over 30 miles within the Antarctic Circle, turned northwards to explore the South Pacific Ocean between the meridians of 110° and 90° west longitude, as far north as the latitude of 30° S. We now know that no such land exists, but in Cook's time this was not so; its existence was generally accepted, and it was regarded by Dalrymple-- the most learned geographer of the day--as the western extremity of an extensive continent reaching eastward to Tasmania. Cook did not return from this voyage before he had set the vexed question of a southern continent for ever at rest.
21   Called by Cook, South Georgia. This island had (apparently unknown to Cook) been discovered by a Frenchman named Anthony de la Roche, in May, 1675. It had also been seen by another Frenchman, Guyot, in 1756.
22   The original of this letter is in the possession of the Government.
23   These instructions, although published in the Introduction to Cook's Voyage to the Pacific Ocean in 1776-80, are reprinted here.
24   Omiah, or Omai, as Captain Cook spelt the name, was a native of the island which Cook called Ulietea, but which is now known as Raiatea. It is one of the Society Group, and lies in latitude 16° 50' S., and longitude 151° 24' W. When Cook visited these islands in September, 1773, Captain Furneaux--who was in charge of the Adventure--allowed Omai, then a young man who had been despoiled of his property by neighbouring islanders, to remain on board his vessel. He was taken to England; and there, it is reported (Cook's Voyage towards the South Pole, vol i, p. 170), he "was caressed by many of the principal nobility," but "did nothing to forfeit the esteem of any one of them."

In the Memoirs of the Colman Family, vol. i, p. 358, et seq., will be found a lively account from the pen of George Colman, the younger, of an expedition into the northern parts of England, with a party which included Sir Joseph Banks and Omai. The latter is described as being "dressed, while in England, in a reddish-brown coat and breeches, with a white waistcoat made in English manner, and in which he appeared perfectly easy."

In October, 1777--i. e., after four years' absence--Omai was landed at the island of Huaheine by Captain Cook, and an agreement made with the principal men of the island for a grant of land for his use. --(Cook's Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, vol. ii, p. 91, et seq.) The transport Lady Penrhyn touched at the island in 1788. Omai was then dead; and Captain Cook's fears, that the islanders would dispute his possession of the novelties he brought from England, proved to be too well-founded.
25   New Albion (now California). Sir Francis Drake landed on this part of the western coast of North America in June, 1579, to refit, and took possession of it in the name of his Royal Mistress, Queen Elizabeth of England, "not without ardent wishes that this acquisition might be of use to his native country." The territory appears to have been first visited by Cortez, in 1537.

The name New Albion was discarded by the Franciscan Friars, who settled there in 1767, in favour of California, compounded from the Spanish words Caliente farnella ["hot furnace"]--a name suggested by the climate.
26   Petropaulovski.
27   The original of this letter is in the possession of the Government.
28   According to Cook's published account, "Mr. Ismyloff," a Russian, described as the principal person amongst his countrymen in Oonalashka and the neighbouring islands, agreed to take charge of this letter, together with certain charts, and to send them to Kamtschatka or to Okotsk the ensuing spring, stating at the same time that he would be at St. Petersburg in the following winter. --(A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, vol. ii, p. 506.) He is apparently identical with the Captain Ishmyloff appointed to succeed Major Behm.
29   Kerguelen Island.
30   The Sandwich Islands, so named by Cook in honour of the Earl of Sandwich, First Lord of the Admiralty. They were discovered at daybreak on the morning of the 18th January, 1778. It is an open question whether these islands had not been visited by Europeans at a very early period; but there can be no doubt but that, even if such was the case, all knowledge of their existence, certainly of their locality, had been long since lost; consequently, whichever view is taken of the matter, the credit accruing to Cook remains the same. The whole question is discussed at length in Jarves's History of the Hawaiian Islands.
31   The coast of America was made in latitude 44° 33' N.
32   This port Cook called King George's Sound. He, however, mentions that the native name was Nootka, by which it has since been generally known. It is situated on the western coast of Vancouver Island.
33   Cook proceeded to the Sandwich Islands, and it was while there that he was massacred.
34   Pallas, Peter Simon. A celebrated German scientist attached to the Russian Court. Professor of Natural History in the Imperial Academy of Sciences at St. Petersburg, and author of several standard scientific works.
35   Pennant. Thomas. An English Naturalist and Antiquary. The friend of Linnaeus and Buffon, and a most voluminous writer. From the frequent acknowledgments he makes in his published works, of the obligations he was under to Pallas, it is evident that they were regular correspondents. The above letter was no doubt communicated by Pennant to Sir Joseph Banks, to whom, as a fellow-voyager of Cook, and President of the Royal Society, it would be doubly interesting.
36   M. De Kerguelen.
37   The credit of discovering these islands has been denied Cook by many writers. See The History of the Hawaiian Islands, Jarves, p. 98, where the whole question is discussed.
38   The harbour referred to is Nootka Sound, on the west coast of Vancouver's Island. Cook called it King George's Sound, but the native name "Nootka" is almost universally used.
39   Cook spelt this Karakakooa.
40   The lieutenant of marines, Mr. Molesworth Philips.
41   Committee of the House of Commons, appointed in 1777.
42   Evan Nepean, Under Secretary of the Home Department, which was charged with the administration of Colonial affairs. He was created a baronet in 1802. Mr. Matra's letter and enclosure refer to a proposal to send American loyalists as emigrants to New South Wales. The American loyalists were the colonists who remained loyal to Great Britain in the War of Independence, and were punished by being driven from their homes. Mr. De Lancey's suggestions did not meet with the approval of the British Government.
43   This letter was addressed to James Maria Matra, Esq., No. 4, Duke-street, Grosvenor Square. No further correspondence on the subject has been found amongst the Records.
44   Admiral Howe, First Lord of the Admiralty.
45   Matra's proposal.
46   The names Young and Yonge, which both occur in the Attorney-General's letter, must not be confounded. Sir George Young, who proposed a plan for settling convicts on the New South Wales coast, was a naval officer of distinction (Admiral of the White). Sir George Yonge was Secretary at War.

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