1817 - Nicholas, J. L. Narrative of a Voyage to New Zealand [Vol.II] - APPENDIX

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APPENDIX.

No. I.

HOODOO-COCOTY TOWAMAHOWEY is about twenty-four years of age, five feet eight inches high, of an athletic make, his features like those of an European, and very interesting. He is of the district of Teerawittee, which, by the chart of Toogee, the other New Zealander, is a district of the same name, but does not lie so far to the southward as the part of Eaheinomauwe called Teerawittee by Captain Cook; for we are certain that Toogee's residence is about the Bay of Islands, and they both agree that the distance between their dwellings is only two days' journey by land, and one day by water. That part called by Captain Cook Teerawittee is at a very considerable distance from the Bay of Islands.

Hoodoo is nearly related to Povoreek, who is the

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principal chief of Teerawittee. He had two wives and one child, about whose safety he seemed very apprehensive; and almost every evening, at the close of the day, he, as well as Toogee, lamented their separation, in a sort of half crying and half singing, expressive of grief, and which was at times very affecting.

Toogee Teterrenue Warripedo is of the same age as Hoodoo, but about three inches shorter; he is stout and well made, and, like Hoodoo, of an olive complexion, with strong black hair. Both are tattooed on the hips. Toogee's features are rather handsome and interesting: his nose is aquiline, and he has good teeth. He is a native of the district of Hododoe, which is in Doubtless Bay; of which district Toogee's father is the etangaroah, or chief priest, and to that office the son succeeds on his father's death. Beside his father, who is a very old man, he has left a wife and child, about all of whom he is very anxious and uneasy, as well as about the chief, (Moodewy,) whom he represents as a very worthy character. Toogee has a decided preference to Hoodoo, both in disposition and manners; although the latter is not wanting in a certain degree of good-nature, but he can at times be very much of the savage. Hoodoo, like a true patriot, thinks there is no country, people, nor customs, equal to his own; on which account he is much less curious, as to what he sees about him, than his companion Toogee, who has the happy art of insinuating himself into every person's esteem. Except at times, when he is lamenting the absence of his family and friends, he is cheerful, often facetious, and very intelligent; and were it not for the different disposition of Hoodoo, the most favourable opinion might be formed

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of the New Zealanders in general. It is not, however, meant to be said, that if Toogee were not present, an indifferent opinion would have been formed of Hoodoo; on the contrary, the manners and disposition of the latter are far more pleasing than could have been expected to be found in a native of that country.

At the time they were taken from New Zealand, Toogee was on a visit to Hoodoo; and the mode of their capture was thus related by them. The Daedalus appeared in sight of Hoodoo's habitation in the afternoon, and was seen the next morning, but at a great distance from the main land. Although she was near two islands which are inhabited, and which Toogee in his chart calls Komootu-Kowa and Opanake, curiosity, and the hopes of getting some iron, induced Povoreek the chief, Toogee and Hoodoo, with his brother, one of his wives, and the priest, to launch their canoes. They went first to the largest of the two islands, where they were joined by Teeahworrak, the chief of the island, by Komootookowa, who is Hoodoo's father-in-law, and by the son of that chief, who governs the smaller island called Opanake. They were some time about the ship, before the canoe, in which were Toogee and Hoodoo, ventured alongside, when a number of iron tools and other articles were given into the canoe. The agent, Lieutenant Hanson, (of whose kindness they speak in the highest terms,) invited and pressed them to go on board, with which Toogee and Hoodoo were anxious to comply immediately, but were prevented by the persuasion of their countrymen. At length they went on board; and, according to their own expression, they were blinded by the curious things they saw. Lieute-

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nant Hanson prevailed on them to go below, where they ate some meat. At this time the ship made sail, One of them saw the canoes astern; and when they perceived that the ship was leaving them, they both became frantic with grief; and broke the cabin windows, with an intention of leaping overboard, but were prevented. While those in the canoes remained within hearing, they advised Povoreek to make the best of his way home, for fear that he also should be taken.

For some time after their arrival at Norfolk Island, they were very sullen; and as anxiously avoided giving any information respecting the flax, as our people were desirous of obtaining it. The apprehension of being obliged to work at it, was afterwards found to have been a principal reason for their not complying so readily as was expected. By kind treatment, however, and indulgence in their own inclinations, they soon began to be more sociable. They were then given to understand the situation and short distance of New Zealand from Norfolk Island; and were assured that as soon as they had taught our women "emoukaeurakake," i. e. to work the flax, they should be sent home again. On this promise they readily consented to give all the information they possessed, and which turned out to be very little. This operation was found to be, among them, the peculiar province of the women; and as Hoodoo was a warrior, and Toogee a priest, they gave the Governor to understand, that dressing of flax never made any part of their studies.

When they began to understand each other, Toogee was not only very inquisitive respecting England, &c. (the situation of which, as well as that of New Zea-

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land, Norfolk Island and Port Jackson, he well knew how to find by means of a coloured general chart,) but was also very communicative respecting his own country. Perceiving he was not thoroughly understood, he delineated a sketch of New Zealand with chalk on the floor of a room set apart for that purpose. From a comparison which Governor King made with Captain Cook's plan of those islands, a sufficient similitude to the form of the Northern Island was discoverable to render this attempt an object of curiosity; and Toogee was persuaded to describe his delineation on paper. This being done with a pencil, corrections and additions were occasionally made by him in the course of different conversations; and the names of districts and other remarks, were written from his information, during the six months he remained there. According to Toogee's chart and information, Eaheinomauwe, the place of his residence, and the northern island of New Zealand, is divided into eight districts, governed by their respective chiefs, and others who are subordinate to them. The largest of those districts is I'Sonduckey, the inhabitants of which are in a constant state of warfare with the other tribes, in which they are sometimes joined by the people of Moodoo-Whenua, Tettua Whoodoo, and Wangeroa; but these tribes are oftener united with those of Chokehanga, Teerawittee and Hododoe, against I'Sonduckey, the bounds of which district Governor King inclines to think is from about Captain Cook's Mount Egmont to Cape Runaway. They are not, however, without long intervals of peace; at which times they visit, and carry on a traffic for flax and {he green talc stone, of which latter they make axes and

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ornaments. Toogee obstinately denied that the whole of the New Zealanders were cannibals: it was not without much difficulty that he could be persuaded to enter on the subject, or to pay the least attention to it; and whenever an inquiry was made, he expressed the greatest horror at the idea. A few weeks after, he was brought to own that all the inhabitants of Poenammoo, (i. e. the southern island,) and those of I'Sonduckey, ate the enemies whom they took in battle, which Hoodoo corroborated, for his father was killed and eaten by the I'Sonduckey people. "Notwithstanding the general probity of our visitors, particularly Toogee, (says Captain King,) I am inclined to think that horrible banquet is general through both islands."

Toogee described a large fresh-water river on the west side of Eaheinamouwe; but he said it was a bar river, and not navigable for larger vessels than the war canoes. The river, and the district around it, is called Chokehanga. The chief, whose name is Tokoha, lives about half way up on the north side of the river. The country he stated to be covered with pine-trees of an immense size. Captain King says that he made Toogee observe, that Captain Cook did not on his voyage notice any river on the west side, although he coasted along very near the shore. On this Toogee asked with much earnestness, if Captain Cook had seen an island covered with birds: Gannet island being pointed out, he immediately fixed Albatross Point as the situation of the river, which Captain Cook's account seems to favour, who says, "On the north side of this point (Albatross) the shore forms a bay, in which there appears to be anchorage and shelter for shipping." Governor King

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on this subject remarks as follows: --"The probable situation of this river (if there be one) being thus far ascertained, leads me to suppose that the district of I'Sonduckey extends from Cape Runaway on the east side, to Cape Egmont on the west; and is bounded by Cook's Strait on the south side, which is nearly one-half of the northern island. Of the river Thames I could not obtain any satisfactory account; but I have great reason to suppose that the river he has marked in the district of Wangeroa is the Thames. Toogee's residence appears to be on the north side of the Bay of Islands, in the district called by him Hododoe, which he says, contains about a thousand fighting men, and is subject to the following chiefs; i. e. Tewytewye, Wytoah, Moodewye, Waway, Tomocomoco, Pockaroo, and Teekoora, the latter of whom is the principal chief's son."

The following are Governor King's remarks upon taking these people to their country:

"Having rounded the north cape of New Zealand on the 12th of November, 1793, the fourth day after leaving Norfolk, we saw a number of houses, and a small hippah, on an island which lies off the north cape, and called by Toogee Modee-Mootoo. Soon after, we opened a very considerable hippah, or fortified place, situated on a high round hill, just within the Cape, whence six large canoes were seen coming toward the ship. As soon as they came within hail, Toogee was known by those in the canoes, which were soon increased to seven, with upwards of twenty men in each. They came alongside without any intreaty; and those who came on board were much rejoiced to meet with Toogee, whose first and earnest inquiries were after his

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family and chief. On those heads he received the most satisfactory intelligence from a woman who, as he informed us, was a near relation of his mother. His father and chief were still inconsolable for his loss; the latter (whom Toogee always mentioned in the most respectful manner) had been, about a fortnight past, on a visit to the chief of the hippah above-mentioned, where he remained four days; and Tewytewye, the principal chief of Toogee's district, was daily expected. With this information he was much pleased. It was remarked that although there were upward of a hundred New Zealanders on board and alongside, yet Toogee confined his caresses and conversation to his mother, relation, and one or two chiefs, who were distinguished by the marks (amoko) on their faces, and by the respectful behaviour which was shewn them by the emokis (i. e. the working men) who paddled the canoes, and who, at times, were beaten most unmercifully by the chiefs. To those who, by Toogee's account, were epodis, (subaltern chiefs,) and well known to him, I gave some chisels, hand-axes, and other articles equally acceptable. A traffic soon commenced. Pieces of old iron hoop were given in exchange for abundance of manufactured flax, cloth, pattoo-pattoos, spears, talc ornaments, paddles, fish-hooks and lines. At seven in the evening they left us; and we made sail, with a light breeze at west, intending to run for the Bay of Islands, (which we understood was Toogee's residence,) and from which we were twenty-four leagues distant. At nine o'clock, a canoe with four men, came alongside, who jumped on board without any fear. The master of the Britannia being desirous to obtain their canoe, the bargain was

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soon concluded, with Toogee's assistance, much to the satisfaction of the proprietors, who did not discover the least reluctance at sleeping on board, and being carried to a distance from their homes. Our new guests very satisfactorily corroborated all the circumstances that Toogee had heard before. After supper, Toogee and Hoodoo asked the strangers for the news of their country since they had been taken away. This was complied with by the four strangers, who began a song, in which each of them took a part, sometimes using fierce and savage gestures; and at other times, sinking their voices, according to the different passages or events that they were relating. Hoodoo, who was paying great attention to the subject of their song, suddenly burst into tears--occasioned by an account which they were giving, of the I'Sonduckey tribe having made an irruption on Teerawittee, (Hoodoo's district,) and killed the chief's son with thirty warriors. He was too much affected to hear more; but retired into a corner of the cabin, where he gave vent to his grief, which was only interrupted by his threats of revenge.

"Owing to calm weather, little progress was made during the night. At day-light on the 13th, a number of canoes were seen coming from the hippah; in the largest of which was thirty-six men and a chief, who was standing up, making signals with great earnestness. On his coming alongside, Toogee recognized the chief to be Kotokoke, who is the etiketica, or principal chief of the hippah whence the boats had come the preceding evening. The old chief, who appeared to be about seventy years of age, had not a visible feature, the whole of his face being tattooed with spiral lines. At his

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coming on board he embraced Toogee with great affection. Toogee then introduced me to him; and after the ceremony of 'ehongi,' (i. e. joining noses,) he took off his kackahow, or mantle, and put it on my shoulders. In return, I gave him a mantle made of green baize, and decorated with broad arrows. Soon after seven, other canoes, with upwards of twenty men and women in each, came alongside. At Toogee's desire, the poop was 'etaboo,' i. e. all access to it by any others than the old chief forbidden. Not long before Kotokoke came on board, I asked Toogee and Hoodoo, if they would return to Norfolk Island, or land at Moodee-Whenua, in case the calm continued, or the wind came from the southward, of which there was some appearance. Toogee was much averse to either. His reason for not returning to Norfolk was the natural wish to see his family and chief; nor did he like the idea of being landed at Moodoo-Whenua, as notwithstanding what he had heard respecting the good understanding there was between his district and that of Moodoo-Whenua, the information might turn out to be not strictly true. -- Nothing more was said about it; and it was my intention to land them nearer to their homes, if it could be done in the course of the day, although it was then a perfect calm. Soon after the chief came on board, they told me with tears of joy, that they wished to go with Kotokoke, who had fully confirmed all they had heard before; and had promised to take them the next morning to Toogee's residence, where they would arrive by night. To wait the event of the calm, or the wind coming from the northward, might have detained the ship some days longer. Could I have reached in four

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days from Norfolk Island the place where Toogee lived, I certainly should have landed him there; but that not being the case, (as this was the fifth day,) I did not consider myself justifiable in detaining the ship longer than was absolutely necessary to land them in a place of safety, and from which they might get to their homes. Notwithstanding the information Toogee had received, and the confidence he had placed in the chief, I felt much anxiety about our two friends; and expressed to Toogee my apprehensions that what he had heard might be an invention of Kotokoke's and his people to get them and their effects into their power. I added, that as the ship could not be detained longer, I would rather take them back than leave them in the hands of suspicious people. To this Toogee replied, with an honest confidence, that 'etiketica no henerecka,' i. e. a chief never deceives. I then took the chief into the cabin, and explained to him, assisted by Toogee, (who was present with Hoodoo,) how much I was interested in their getting to Hododoe; and added, that in two or three moons I should return to Hododoe, and if I found Toogee and Hoodoo were safe arrived, with their effects, I would return to Moodoo-Whenua, and make him some very considerable presents, in addition to those which I should now give him and his people, for their trouble in conducting our two friends to their residence. I had so much reason to be convinced of the old man's sincerity, that I considered it injurious to threaten him with punishment for failing in his engagement. The only answer Kotokoke made was, by putting both his hands to the sides of my head, (making me perform the same ceremony,) and joining our noses, in which

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position we remained three minutes, the old chief muttering what I did not understand. After this, he went through the same ceremony with our two friends, which ended with a dance, when the two latter joined noses with me, and said, that Kotokoke was now become their father, and would in person conduct them to Hododoe. While I was preparing what I meant to give them, Toogee (who I am now convinced was a priest) had made a circle of the New Zealanders round him, in the centre of which was the old chief, and recounted what he had seen during his absence. At many passages they gave a shout of admiration. On his telling them that it was only three days' sail from Norfolk to Moodoo-Whenua, whether his veracity was doubted, or that he was not contented with the assertion alone, I cannot tell; but with much presence of mind he run upon the poop, and brought a cabbage which he informed them was cut five days ago in my garden. This Convincing proof produced a general shout of surprise.

"Every thing being now arranged and ready for their departure, our two friends requested that Kotokoke might see the soldiers exercise and fire. To this I could have no objection, as the request came from them; but I took that opportunity of explaining to the chief, (with Toogee's help,) that he might see, by our treatment of him and his two countrymen, that it was our wish and intention to be good neighbours and friends with all Eaheinomauwe; that these weapons were never used but when we were injured, which I hoped would never happen; and that no other consideration than the satisfying of his curiosity could induce me to shew what those instruments were intended for.

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"About one hundred and fifty of the New Zealanders were seated on the larboard side of the deck; and the detachment paraded on the opposite side. -- After going through the manual, and firing three volleys, two great guns were fired, one loaded with a single ball, and the other with grape-shot, which surprised them greatly, as I made the chief observe the distance at which the shot fell from the ship. The wind had now the appearance of coming from the southward; and as that wind throws a great surf on the shore, they were anxious to get away. Toogee and Hoodoo took an affectionate leave of every person on board, and made me remember my promise of visiting them again, when they would return to Norfolk Island with their families. The venerable chief, after having taken great pains to pronounce my name, and made me well acquainted with his, got into his canoe and left us. On putting off from the ship, they were saluted with three cheers, which they returned as well as they could, by Toogee's directions. It was now seven in the morning of the 13th; at nine, a breeze came from the north, with which we stood to the eastward. After a passage of five days from New Zealand, (having had light winds,) and ten days' absence from Norfolk Island, I landed at three o'clock in the afternoon of the 18th.

"The little intercourse that I had with the New Zealanders (as I was only eighteen hours off that island, twelve of which were in the night) does not enable me to say much respecting them, or to form any decisive opinion of them; as much of their friendly behaviour in this slight interview might be owing to our connexion with Toogee and Hoodoo, and their being with us. --

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These two worthy savages (if the term may be allowed) will, I am confident, ever retain the most grateful remembrance of the kindnesses they received on Norfolk Island; and if the greater part of their countrymen have but a small portion of the amiable disposition of Toogee and Hoodoo, they certainly are a people between whom and the English colonists a good understanding may, with common prudence and precaution, be cultivated."

The Fancy, a vessel from Port Jackson, in about two years after this visit of Governor King's, anchored in Doubtless Bay, which the master describes as a very dangerous place for a vessel to go into, and still worse to lie at, as it is open to the easterly winds. On their coming to an anchor, which was not till late in the evening, (in December, 1795,) several canoes came round the vessel; but did not venture alongside, until Toogee was inquired for, when the New Zealanders exclaimed, "Miti Governor King! Miti Toogee! Miti Hoodoo!" Some went on board, and others put in to shore, returning soon after with Toogee and his wife. He informed Captain Dell that he had one pig remaining alive, and some peas growing; but what became of the rest of his stock he did not say.

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No. II.

CONCEIVING that it may not be altogether uninteresting to our readers, and as it in some degree falls within the order of our work, we shall in this place take some notice of the active and friendly intercourse that has of late years taken place between the colonists at Port Jackson and the neighbouring country of New Zealand; an intercourse that promised the most beneficial and important consequences, namely, the gradual civilization of a whole people, but by a melancholy fatality, over which humanity mourns, through the indiscretion of an individual, was rendered wholly abortive.

In our account of the settlement of New South Wales, we stated that the whale and seal fishery on that coast has of late years been a very profitable branch of enterprise both to the colonists and the whaling trade from Europe. We also stated that, at the time of the Government of Spain being forced into a union with France, the whalers were impelled by necessity to try the coast of New South Wales. Their first efforts so far rewarded their industry, that their number have been ever since upon an annual increase, so that this harvest,

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which at first proved so productive, after a time began to fail them. Necessity, however, being the mother of invention, some of them tried a new field, on the coast of New Zealand, where they were very successful.

Notwithstanding the ferocious character that had been assigned to the natives, some of our countrymen, after a time, ventured with great caution on shore, where they found them vigilantly on the alert, but at the same time without any disposition to offer hostilities, unless provoked to it by previous injury. From small beginnings, this intercourse ripened into an active and friendly communication, and almost every captain that landed had reason to be satisfied with his reception. When any of these captains touched or arrived at Port Jackson, the Government of that Colony was anxious to obtain from them every information relative to the Zealanders. They almost unanimously declared, that much might be effected by fair means; adding, that a chief of great power and authority resided near the Bay of Islands, and appeared to be a man who was at the same time sensible of the mutual advantages of friendly intercourse, and had the requisite qualities upon which to commence it. From the concurrent testimony of so many respectable characters, a considerable quantity of breeding stock of all kinds, and of every thing that might be of use to a people endeavouring after civilization, was sent upon various occasions. After a continuance for some time of this friendly intercourse, the chief expressed a desire, that he and live of his sons should pay a visit to his generous patrons; a request which was very readily complied with by a Captain Stewart, who, as he was not going

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immediately to Port Jackson, landed him at Norfolk Island. We shall relate the circumstances of his arrival and stay at Port Jackson, in the words of the Sydney Gazette, the official paper of that Colony.

"Tippahee having expressed a desire to visit his Excellency, Captain Stewart conveyed him, with five of his sons, to Norfolk Island, where they received every attention from the Commandant and inhabitants; and after remaining there some time, they were received on board his Majesty's ship Buffalo, to be conveyed to Port Jackson. On their arrival, Tippahee was introduced by Captain Houstin to his Excellency and the officers at the Government-house, where he continued to reside during his stay in the Colony.

"He appears to be about fifty years of age, five feet eleven inches and a half high, and of an athletic form. His countenance is expressive and commanding, though much disfigured by being completely tattooed.

"Shortly after his arrival, a number of the natives assembled in the vicinity of Sydney, for the interment of Carrawaye, (whose death was occasioned by a spearwound in the knee, which ended in a mortification,) who the night before was conveyed here in a shell composed of strips of bark; and the funeral obsequies being over, a war spectacle ensued, when an intended sacrifice to vengeance, (known by the name of Blewit,) was singled out to answer for the desperate wound by him inflicted upon young Baker. The animosity of his assailants was uncommonly remarkable; their party was far the more powerful, and, confident of their superiority, took every advantage of their numbers. The flight of spears

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was seldom less than six, and managed with a precision that seemed to promise certain fatality. After 170 had been thus thrown, ten of the most powerful stationed themselves so as nearly to encircle the culprit, and front and rear darted their weapons at the same instant. His activity and strong presence of mind increased with the danger: five he dexterously caught with his feeble target, and the others he miraculously managed to parry off. One of his friends, enraged at the proceedings, threw a spear, and received ten in return. Blewit turned one of his assailant's spears, and passed it through the body of old Whitaker: the affray then became general, but terminated without further mischief.

"Tippahee, who with several of his sons was present, regarded their warfare with contempt; he frequently discovered much impatience at the length of intervals between the flights, and by signs exhorted them to dispatch; he considered the heelaman, or shield, an unnecessary appendage, as the hand was sufficient to turn aside and alter the direction of any number of spears. He nevertheless highly praised the woomera, or throwing stick, as, from its elasticity, he acknowledged the weapon to receive much additional velocity. He was visibly chagrined when he saw the old man wounded through the body, and would certainly have executed vengeance upon its author, had he not been restrained by the solicitations of the spectators. The natives formed some extravagant notions of this stranger: they dreaded to approach him, and as much as possible avoided him; but whether from a deference to his rank, presumed from the very great attention shewn him, or from superstitious apprehensions excited by his appearance, is undeterminable; though the latter is by far

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the more probable conjecture. One of his sons conversing familiarly with a large group of the natives on the use of the spear, his remarks were generally acquiesced with. He requested the loan of one of their weapons, which was immediately presented, but as soon as he took it in his hand, they all fled, men, women and children, and could not by all his friendly assurances be prevailed upon to return until he had laid it aside.

"It cannot be supposed that Tippahee's high relish for civilization, would find an agreeable object for contemplation in the manners of a naked race, who have for so many years disregarded its advantages; nor can it be imagined that the implacable arraignment of a fellow-creature for an offence which custom compelled him to commit, as was here the case, would in anywise accord with his sentiments of justice."

The character of Tippahee is thus further described by a very respectable colonist, who saw him often, and seems to have observed him with a very discriminating intelligence.

"Tippahee," says this observer, "appears to be a man of superior understanding; he was very inquisitive, and examined with great attention the various manufactures that were carrying on by the settlers. He was particularly struck with the art of spinning pack-thread and cord, and with weaving, and expressed his deep concern that these arts were not known in his country. He made very shrewd and just remarks on the laws and police of the Colony, and appeared very desirous to take back with him some artizans, who might introduce amongst his people the advantages of civilized life. From a single potatoe left with him some

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years since, he is said to have filled the country with that useful root, the value of which he had the sagacity to appreciate. He personally inspected its culture, preserved the cuts, and took methods for the general planting of them throughout his district. He is now enabled to supply European vessels with that important article of food."

The chief and his sons continued here for some time. Upon their departure, in order to cultivate so promising an opening, the Governor fitted up a colonial vessel with every accommodation, and, adding a great number of appropriate presents, sent them honourably home. On the passage, however, the chief was taken sick, and a young man belonging to the vessel was ordered to wait upon him. So pleased was he with the attention of this young man, that he particularly requested the captain of the vessel to leave him with him. The captain knowing the Governor's intentions to indulge him in every thing to the very utmost of his wishes, readily consented. The young man himself was equally well inclined to accept the invitation, and thus, to all human appearance, an intercourse was opened, which promised the most important results.

The young man lived constantly under the roof of his benefactor, and having acquired a knowledge of the language, the chief gave him his daughter in marriage, and be became his factor and interpreter between all the shipping that touched there. While every thing was thus proceeding to the content of the chief, to that of the young man, and to the interest of that of the two countries, a most melancholy vicissitude was at hand, --one of those events which almost make an

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Englishman ashamed of acknowledging, that the perpetrator belonged to his country; a country not only the most distinguished in the civilized world, but which, for its high honour and national probity, most amply deserves to be so.

In order that we may relate this lamentable adventure fairly, and without any suspicion of personal bias, we shall give it in the words in which it appeared in the Calcutta Journals.

"We have to relate in substance," says the writer, "the following afflicting narrative, of which the parties are, an Englishman of the name of Bruce, a princess of New Zealand, the daughter of Tippahee, and a captain of the name of Dalrymple.

"George Bruce, son of John Bruce, foreman and clerk to Mr. Wood, distiller at Limehouse, was born in the parish of Ratcliffe Highway, in 1779. In 1789 he entered on board the Royal Admiral East Indiaman, Captain Bond, as boatswain's boy. Sailed from England for New South Wales, and arrived at Port Jackson in 1790; where, with the consent of Captain Bond, he quitted the ship, and remained at New South Wales.

"At Port Jackson Bruce entered into the colonial naval service, and was employed for several years under Lieutenants Robins, Flinders and others, in exploring the coasts, surveying harbours, head-lands, rocks, &c. During this time, Bruce experienced various adventures, which do not come within the design of this narrative. After being thus employed for several years in vessels of survey, he was turned over to the Lady Nelson, Captain Simmons, a vessel fitted up for the express purpose of conveying Tippahee, king of

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New Zealand, from a visit which he made to the Government of Port Jackson, to his own country. The king embarked, and the Lady Nelson sailed on her destination. During the passage Tippahee was taken dangerously ill, and Bruce was appointed to attend him; he acquitted himself so highly to the king's satisfaction, that he was honoured with his special favour; and, on their arrival, the king requested that he should be allowed to remain with him at New Zealand, to which Captain Simmons consented, and Bruce was received into the family of Tippahee.

"Bruce spent his first months in New Zealand in exploring the country, and in acquiring a knowledge of the language, manners and customs of the people. He found the country healthy and pleasant, full of romantic scenery, agreeably diversified by hills and dales, and covered with wood. The people were hospitable, frank and open; though rude and ignorant, yet worshipping neither images nor idols, nor ought that is the work of human hands; acknowledging one Omnipotent Supreme Being.

"As the king proposed to place the young Englishman at the head of his army, it was a previously necessary step that he should be tattooed, as, without having undergone that ceremony, he could not be regarded as a warrior. The case was urgent, and admitted of no alternative. He therefore submitted resolutely to this painful operation: and his countenance presents a master specimen of the art of tattooing.

This pre-requisite being performed, Bruce was recognized as a warrior of the first rank, naturalized as a New Zealander, received into the bosom of the king's

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family, and honoured with the hand of the princess Aelockoe, the youngest daughter of Tippahee, a maiden of fifteen or sixteen years of age, whose native beauty had probably been great, but which has been so much improved by the fashionable embellishments of art, that all the softer charms of nature, all the sweetness of expression, are lost in the bolder traits of tattooing.

"Bruce now became the chief member of the king's family, and was vested with the government of the island. Six or eight months after his marriage, the ships Inspector, the Ferret, a South Sea whaler, and several other English vessels, touched at New Zealand for supplies, and all of them found the beneficial influence of having a countryman and friend at the head of affairs in that island. They were liberally supplied with fish, vegetables, &c. &c.

"Our Englishman and his wife were now contented and happy, in the full enjoyment of domestic comfort, with no wants that were ungratified, blessed with health and perfect independence. Bruce looked forward with satisfaction to the progress of civilization, which he expected to introduce among the people, with whom by a singular destiny, he seemed doomed to remain during his life. While enjoying these hopes, the ship General Wellesley, about twelve or fourteen months ago, touched at a point of New Zealand, where Bruce and his wife then chanced to be. This was at some distance from the king's place of residence. Captain Dalrymple applied to Bruce to assist him in procuring a cargo of spars and benjamin, and requested specimens of the principal articles of produce of the island, all which was cheerfully done.

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Captain Dalrymple then proposed to Bruce, to accompany him to the North Cape, distant about twenty-five or thirty leagues, where it was reported that gold-dust could be procured, and Captain Dalrymple conceived that Bruce might prove useful to him in the search for the gold-dust. With great reluctance, and after many entreaties, Bruce consented to accompany Captain Dalrymple, under the most solemn assurances of being safely brought back and lauded at the Bay of Islands. He accordingly embarked with his wife on board the General Wellesley, representing, at the same time, to Captain Dalrymple, the dangerous consequences of taking the king's daughter from the island; but that fear was quieted by the solemn and repeated assurances of Captain Dalrymple, that he would, at every hazard, reland them at the Bay of Islands, the place from which they embarked. Being at length all on board, the Wellesley sailed for the North Cape, where they soon arrived and landed. Finding that they had been entirely misinformed as to the gold-dust, the Wellesley made sail, in order to return to New Zealand; but the wind becoming foul, and continuing so for forty-eight hours, they were driven from the island. On the third day the wind became more favourable, but Captain Dalrymple did not attempt to regain the island, but stood on for India. Bruce now gently remonstrated, and reminded him of his promises; to which Captain Dalrymple replied, 'that he had something else to think of, than to detain the ship, by returning with a valuable cargo to the island. Besides, he had another and a better island in view for him.'

"On reaching the Fegee or Sandal Wood Islands,

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Captain Dalrymple asked Bruce, if he chose to go on shore, and remain there, when he declined, on account of the barbarous and sanguinary disposition of their inhabitants. Captain Dalrymple desired that he would choose for himself; and then took from him several little presents which he himself and his officers had given to him at New Zealand: these now were given to the natives of the islands, in the boats then alongside the vessel.

"Leaving the Fegee Islands, they steered towards Sooloo, visiting two or three islands on their passage; but the limits of this narrative do not admit of giving any account of the occurrences at those places, though they are not devoid of interest. After remaining four or five days at Sooloo, they sailed for Malacca, where they arrived in December last.

"At Malacca, Captain Dalrymple and Bruce went ashore. The latter was anxious to see the Governor or commanding officer, to state his grievances; but as it was late in the evening when he landed, he could not see him till the following morning, by which time Captain Dalrymple had weighed from Malacca roads, leaving Bruce on shore, and carrying off his wife on board the Wellesley to Penang.

"Bruce acquainted the commanding officer at Malacca with his case, and expressed his wish to regain his wife, and to return with her to New Zealand. The commanding officer endeavoured to console him; desired that he would patiently wait at Malacca, for a short time, as some ships might probably touch there, on their passage from Bengal to New South Wales, by which be would procure a passage for himself and his wife;

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and that, in the mean time, he would write to Penang, desiring that his wife should be returned to her husband at Malacca. After waiting for three or four weeks, accounts were received of Captain Dalrymple's arrival at Penang, upon which Bruce obtained the commanding officer's permission, and left Malacca in the Scourge gun-brig, for Penang, where upon his arrival he found that his wife had been bartered away to Captain Ross. On waiting upon the Governor of Penang, he was asked what satisfaction he required for the ill treatment he had experienced; Bruce answered, that all he wanted was to have his wife restored, and to get a passage, if possible, to New Zealand. Through the interference of the Governor, his wife was restored to him. With her he returned to Malacca, in hope of the promised passage to New South Wales; but as there was no appearance of the expected ships for that port, he was now promised a passage for himself and his wife to England, in one of the homeward-bound Indiamen from China. By getting to England, he hoped from thence to find a passage to New South Wales; but the China ships only anchored in Malacca roads for a few hours during the night, so that he had no opportunity of proceeding by any of the ships of that fleet. He then entreated the commanding officer to get him a passage in the Sir Edward Pellew to Penang, where he hoped to overtake the Indiamen. A passage for himself and his wife was accordingly provided on board the Pellew; and, on his arrival at Penang, he found the Indiamen remaining still there; but he could not be accommodated with a passage to Europe, without the payment of 400 dollars. Not having that sum, and without the means

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to raise it, he came on with the Sir Edward Pellew to Bengal, where he and his wife, the affectionate companion of his distress, have been most hospitably received, and where their hardships and sufferings will be soothed and forgotten in the kindness that awaits them. Opportunities will probably occur, in the course of a few months, of a passage to New South Wales, from whence they will find no difficulty in regaining New Zealand."

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No. III.

Parramatta, 28th October, 1815.

DEAR SIR,
I mentioned in my public letter to the Society, forwarded by the Sydney Packet in June last, that Duaterra was dangerously ill at the time I left New Zealand in February, and was very apprehensive he would not recover. I was much concerned to hear from Mr. Kendall's last communication, that Duaterra died about four days after the Active sailed. As this young chief has been one of the principal instruments, in the hands of a wise and gracious God, in preparing a way for the introduction of the arts of civilization and the knowledge of Christianity into his native country, the following short narrative of his life, since I became acquainted with him, nearly ten years ago, may not be uninteresting to the Society.

In 1805, the Argo whaler, commanded by a Mr. Baden, put into the Bay of Islands for refreshments; on this vessel leaving the harbour, Duaterra embarked

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on board of her with two of his countrymen. The Argo remained upon the coast for about five months, and then returned into the Bay. On the vessel's final departure from New Zealand for Port Jackson, Duaterra went in her, and arrived in Sydney Cove; after the vessel was ready for sea again, she went to fish on the coast of New Holland, where she remained about six months, and afterwards put into Port Jackson. During this cruize, Duaterra acted in the capacity of a common sailor, and was attached to one of the whaleboats. When the Argo lay in Sydney Cove, Duaterra was discharged from her, but received no reward for his services during the twelve months he had been on board. On his leaving the Argo, he entered on board the Albion whaler, then in the Cove, commanded by Captain Richardson, and was six months on the fishery in that vessel off the coast of New Zealand. When she put into the Bay of Islands, Duaterra left her, and returned to his friends. Here Captain Richardson behaved very kind to him, and paid him his wages in various European articles, for his services on board the Albion. Duaterra remained in New Zealand six months, when the Santa Anna whaler anchored in the Bay of Islands, on her way to Bounty Island, whither she was bound for seal-skins. Duaterra embarked on board this vessel, commanded by a Mr. Moody. After she had taken in her supplies from New Zealand, she proceeded on her voyage, and arrived at Bounty Island in safety, when Duaterra with one of his countrymen, two Otaheitans and ten Europeans, were put on shore to kill seals; and afterwards the vessel sailed to New Zealand to procure potatoes, and to Norfolk Island for

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pork, leaving the fourteen men they had landed with very little water, salt provisions, or bread. When the Santa Anna arrived off Norfolk Island, the master went on shore, and the vessel was blown off, and did not make the land for one month. About five months after leaving Bounty Island, the King George arrived, commanded by Mr. Chase. Previous to the arrival of this vessel, the sealing party had been greatly distressed, for more than three months, for want of water and provisions. There was no water on the island, nor had they any bread or meat, excepting seals and sea-fowl. Duaterra often spoke of the extreme sufferings which he and the party with him endured from hunger and thirst, as no water could be obtained, except when a shower of rain happened to fall. Two Europeans and one Otaheitan died from hardship. In a few weeks after the arrival of the King George, the Santa Anna returned, and the sealing party, during her absence, had procured 8000 skins. After taking the skins on board, the vessel sailed for England; and Duaterra having long entertained an ardent desire to see King George, embarked on board as a common sailor, with the hope of gratifying his wish. The Santa Anna arrived in the river Thames about July 1809. Duaterra now requested that the Captain would indulge him with a sight of the King, which was the only object that had induced him to leave his native country. When he made inquiries by what means he could get a sight of the King, he was sometimes told that he could not find the house, and at other times, that nobody was permitted to see King George. This dis-

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tressed him exceedingly, and he saw little of London, being seldom permitted to go on shore. In about fifteen days, he told me the vessel had discharged her cargo, when the captain told him, that he should put him on board the Ann, which had been taken up by Government to convey convicts to New South Wales. The Ann had already dropped down to Gravesend, and Duaterra asked the master of the Santa Anna for some wages and clothing, but he refused to give him any, telling him that the owners at Port Jackson would pay him in two muskets, for his services, on his arrival there, but these he never received. About this time, Duaterra, from hardships and disappointments, was seized with a dangerous illness. Thus friendless, poor and sick, as he was, he was sent down to Gravesend, and put on board the Ann. At this time he had been fifteen days in the river, from the first arrival of the Santa Anna, and had never been permitted to spend one night on shore. The master of the Ann, Mr. Charles Clark, afterwards informed me, that when Duaterra was brought on board the Ann, he was so naked and miserable, that he refused to receive him, unless the master of the Santa Anna would supply him with a suit of slops, observing at the same time, that he was very sick. I was then in London, but did not know that Duaterra had arrived in the Santa Anna. Shortly after Duaterra embarked at Gravesend, the Ann sailed for Portsmouth; I had been ordered by Government to return to New South Wales by this vessel, and joined her in a few days after she had come round to Spithead. When I embarked, Duaterra was confined below by sickness, so that I did not see him, or

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know he was there for some time. On my first observing him, he was on the forecastle, wrapped up in an old great coat, very sick and weak, had a very violent cough, and discharged considerable quantities of blood from his mouth. His mind was very much dejected, and he appeared as if a few days would terminate his existence. I inquired of the master where he had met with him, and also of Duaterra what had brought him to England, and how he came to be so wretched and miserable. He told me the hardships and wrongs he had experienced on board the Santa Anna were exceedingly great, and that the English sailors had beaten him very much, which was the cause of his spitting blood; that the master had defrauded him of all his wages, and prevented his seeing the King. I should have been very happy if there had been time to have called the master of the Santa Anna to account for his conduct, but it was too late; I endeavoured to sooth his afflictions, and assured him that he should be protected from insults, and that his wants should be supplied.

By the kindness of the surgeon and master, and by proper nourishment administered to him, he began in a great measure to recover both his strength and spirits, and got quite well, some time before we arrived at Rio de Janeiro. He was ever after truly grateful for the attention that was shewn to him. As soon as he was able, he did his duty as a common sailor on board the Ann, till she arrived at Port Jackson, in February 1810, in which capacity he was considered equal to most of the men on board. The master behaved very kind to him. He left the Ann, and accompanied me to Parramatta, and resided with me till the November following,

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during which time he applied himself to agriculture. In October the Frederick whaler arrived from England, and was bound to fish on the coast of New Zealand. Duaterra having been now long absent from his friends, and wishing to return, requested I would procure him a passage on board the Frederick to New Zealand. At that time one of Tippahee's sons, a near relation of Duaterra's, was living with me, and also two other New Zealanders. They all wished to return home; I applied to the master of the Frederick for a passage for them; he agreed to take them, upon condition that they should assist him to procure his cargo of oil, while the vessel was on the coast of New Zealand, and that when he finally left the coast he would land them in the Bay of Islands. They were four very fine young men, had been a good deal at sea, and were a valuable acquisition to the master; I therefore agreed with him to take them upon his own conditions, on his promising to be kind to them.

On the Frederick's leaving Port Jackson in November, they all embarked in hopes of soon seeing their country and their friends. After the Frederick arrived off the North Cape, Duaterra went on shore two days to procure supplies of pork and potatoes, as he was well known there, and had many friends among the natives. As soon as the vessel had procured the necessary refreshments she proceeded on her cruize, and in about six months or a little more was ready to depart, having got in all her cargo. Duaterra finding that it was the master's intention to sail for England, requested that himself and his three companions might be put on shore

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agreeably to the master's engagement with me, previously to their sailing from Port Jackson. At this time the Frederick was at the mouth of the Bay of Islands, where all their friends resided; Duaterra had got every thing ready to put into the boat, expecting immediately they would be sent on shore. When he urged the master to land them, he replied, he would by and by, so soon as he had caught another whale, and the vessel bore away from the harbour. Duaterra was now greatly distressed, as he was anxious to see his wife and friends, having been absent about three years, and earnestly requested the captain to land him on any part of the coast of New Zealand; he did not care where it was, if he would only put him on shore he would find his way home. This the master refused to do, and told him that it was his intention to go to Norfolk Island, and thence proceed to England, and then he would land them as he passed New Zealand on his way.

On the Frederick's arriving off Norfolk Island, Duaterra and his three countrymen were sent on shore for water for the vessel, and were all nearly drowned in the surf, having been washed under some hollow rocks; and was in so much danger of loosing his life, that he emphatically observed to me, that upon reaching the surface "his heart was full of water." At Norfolk Island it is generally extremely dangerous for a boat to land on account of the surf. When the Frederick was wooded and watered, and the master had no further occasion for Duaterra and his three companions, he then told them that he should not touch again at New Zealand, but sail direct for England; Duaterra became greatly distressed again, and reminded the captain how

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he had violated his promise, and used him very ill in refusing to put him on shore when the vessel left the Bay of Islands, where he was then within two miles of his own place, and also refused to land him at the North Cape when he passed that land, and was now about to leave him at Norfolk Island, and his companions in a destitute situation where they had no friends, after all the assistance they had rendered him in procuring his cargo. However, nothing that Duaterra could say had any effect upon the master's mind, as he went on board his vessel, leaving them to provide for themselves. Duaterra further stated that the master afterwards returned on shore, and took Tippahee's son by force on board again, though he wept much, and intreated the master to let him remain with Duaterra. No tidings have been heard of this young man since he left Norfolk Island; the Frederick then sailed for England, and was taken on her passage home by an American, after a severe action in which the master was mortally wounded and the chief-mate killed. Some time after the Frederick sailed from Norfolk, the Ann whaler, commanded by Mr. Gwynn, touched there for refreshments, after procuring which she was to proceed to Port Jackson. Duaterra immediately applied to the master for a passage, who very humanely complied with his request.

On the Ann's arrival at Port Jackson, the master informed me, that he found Duaterra at Norfolk in a very distressed state, almost naked, as the master of the Frederick had left him and his companions without clothing or provisions. Mr. Gwynn further stated, that Duaterra's share of the oil that had been procured by the Frederick, and also that of his companions, would

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have amounted to 100l. each, had they accompanied the vessel to England, and she had arrived safe, and he thought they had been very much injured by the above master. Mr. Gwynn was very kind to Duaterra, and supplied him with necessary clothing and such things as he wanted, for which he was exceedingly grateful. Duaterra was very happy when he arrived once more in Parramatta, and gave me an affecting history of the distress he suffered while in sight of his own district, and not allowed to see his wife or friends, from whom he had been absent so long, and also what he felt when the Frederick finally sailed from Norfolk Island, leaving him upon that island with little hopes of returning to his native country. When he sailed from Port Jackson he was supplied with some seed-wheat, tools of agriculture, and various other useful articles. But of these he was despoiled in the voyage, and on his return to the colony had nothing left of all he had received. He continued with me at Parramatta till the Ann whaler, belonging to the house of Alexander Burnie of London, arrived from England. As this vessel was going on the coast of New Zealand, he requested I would procure him a passage on board the vessel, and he would try once more to see his friends; I accordingly applied to the master, and he agreed to take him, on condition that he would remain on board and do the duty of a sailor while the Ann was on the coast. To this Duaterra readily consented; and when the Ann left Port Jackson he embarked, taking with him some seed-wheat and tools of agriculture a second time. The vessel was five months on the coast, when Duaterra, with inexpressible joy to himself and his friends, was landed.

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During the time he had lived with me, he laboured early and late to acquire useful knowledge, and particularly that of agriculture. He was well aware of the advantages of agriculture in a national point of view, and was a good judge of the quality of land; he was very anxious that his country should reap the natural advantages which he knew it possessed, as far as it related to the cultivation of the land; and was fully convinced that the wealth and happiness of a nation depended much upon the produce of its soil. When he was landed from the Ann, he took with him the wheat he had received at Parramatta for seed, and immediately informed his friends and the neighbouring chiefs of its value, and that the Europeans made biscuit of it, such as they had seen and eaten on board of ships. He gave a portion of wheat to six chiefs and also to some of his own common men, and directed them all how to sow it, reserving some for himself and his uncle Shunghi, who is a very great chief, his domain extending from the east to the west side of New Zealand. All the persons to whom Duaterra had given the seed-wheat put it into the ground and it grew well; but before it was well ripe many of them grew impatient for the produce, and as they expected to find the grain at the roots of the stems, similar to their potatoes, they examined the roots, and finding there was no wheat under the ground, they pulled it all up and burnt it, excepting Shunghi. The chiefs ridiculed Duaterra much about the wheat, told him that because he had been a great traveller, he thought he could easily impose upon their credulity by telling them fine stones, and all he urged could not convince them that wheat would make bread. His own

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and Shunghi's crops in time came to perfection, and were reaped and threshed; and though the natives were much astonished to find that the grain was produced at the top and not at the bottom of the stem, yet they could not be persuaded that bread could be made of it. About this time the Jefferson whaler put into the Bay of Islands, commanded by Mr. Thomas Barnes. Duaterra being anxious to remove the prejudices of the chiefs against his wheat, and to prove the truth of his former assertions that it would make biscuit, requested the master of the Jefferson to lend him a pepper or coffee mill, in order, if possible, to grind some of his wheat into flour, that he might make a cake, but the mill was too small and he could not succeed. By the arrival of a vessel at Sydney from New Zealand, he sent me word that he had got home at last, and had sown his wheat, which was growing well, but he had not thought of a mill. He requested me to send him some hoes and other tools of agriculture, which I determined to do by the first opportunity. A short time after, the Queen Charlotte belonging to Port Jackson cleared out for the Pearl Islands. As this vessel would have to pass the North Cape of New Zealand, I thought there was a probability of her touching at the Bay of Islands, and therefore put some hoes and other tools of agriculture on board, with a few bags of seed-wheat, and requested the master, Mr. William Shelley, to deliver them to Duaterra, should the Queen Charlotte touch at the Bay of Islands. Unfortunately the Queen Charlotte passed New Zealand without touching any where, and was afterwards taken by the natives of Otaheite; and while the vessel was in their possession, all the

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wheat I had put on board, as well as some other things, were either stolen or destroyed. When I received this information, I was much concerned that Duaterra should be so disappointed from time to time in his benevolent exertions to forward the improvement and civilization of his countrymen, and was fully convinced that nothing could be done effectually for New Zealand, without a vessel for the express purpose of keeping up a communication between that island and Port Jackson. When Mr. Kendall arrived in the Earl Spencer, who had been sent out under the patronage of your Society, I soon after determined either to take up a vessel or purchase one for the service of New Zealand, and to attempt to establish a settlement, which had been resolved upon by the Society in 1808, and for which purpose Messrs. Hall and King accompanied me on my return to New South Wales. I attempted to hire a vessel, but could not get one to go to New Zealand for less than 600l. which sum I considered too great for one single voyage. The brig Active at this time arrived from the Derwent, and the owner proposed to sell her; I therefore purchased her. As many dreadful massacres had been committed at New Zealand both by the natives and Europeans at different times, (the whole crew of the Boyd having been cut off not long before, and the vessel burnt,) I did not think it prudent to send the families of the settlers over in the first instance, but rather wished to go myself, if I could obtain permission from the Governor, and take with me Mr. Hall and Mr. Kendall. As I knew many of the natives, I had reason to suppose that I should have sufficient influence with them to forward my views, if I

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could only go myself; I could then fully explain to Duaterra and the other chiefs, the great object the Society had in view in sending Europeans to reside amongst them. After I had purchased the vessel, I waited upon His Excellency Governor Macquarie, and acquainted him with my intention, and explained to His Excellency, that the Society wished to form a settlement there, and requested permission to visit New Zealand. The Governor did not judge it prudent to give his permission for my going at that time, but told me that if I sent the Active and she returned safe, he would then give me leave to accompany the settlers and their families when the vessel returned a second time, and then I might see them properly fixed. With this answer I was satisfied, having no doubt but the Active would return in safety, under the circumstances in which she was going to visit that island. I therefore ordered the vessel to be got ready for sea, and Messrs. Hall and Kendall to proceed to the Bay of Islands, where the natives whom I knew resided. When the Active sailed, I sent a message to Duaterra to inform him for what purpose I had sent over Messrs. Kendall and Hall, and invited him to return with them to Port Jackson, and bring along with him two or three chiefs. I sent him a steel mill to grind his wheat, a sieve and some wheat for seed, with a few other presents. On the arrival of the Active, the settlers were very kindly received by Duaterra and all the other chiefs, and every attention was paid to them for the six weeks they remained there. Duaterra was much rejoiced to receive the steel mill. He soon set to work and ground some wheat before his countrymen, who danced and shouted

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for joy when they saw the meal. He told me that he made a cake, and baked it in a frying pan, and gave it to the people to eat, which fully satisfied them of the truth he had told them before, that wheat would make bread. The chiefs now begged some more seed, which they sowed, and there can be little doubt but that they will soon appreciate the value of wheat. I saw some growing in January last exceedingly strong and fine; the grain was very full and bright when reaped, which leads me to believe the climate and soil of New Zealand will be very congenial to the production of that grain. Previous to the arrival of the Active, Duaterra had determined to visit Port Jackson in the first vessel that sailed from New Zealand for the colony, in order to procure a mill, hoes, and some other articles he stood in need of. He greatly rejoiced when the Active entered the Bay, as he hoped to get a passage in her; but on receiving the mill I sent with the seedwheat, &c. he altered his mind, and said he would now apply himself to agriculture for two years, from his having the means of carrying on his cultivation and grinding wheat. His uncle Shunghi had at this time a great desire to visit Port Jackson, and as he is a very powerful chief, and had no friend in Port Jackson who could speak both the English and New Zealand languages, Duaterra determined to accompany him. He told me his wives, friends and people, earnestly requested him to stay with them. He endeavoured to persuade them that he would return in four moons, but this they disbelieved entirely, from an idea that the Active would never return more. The priest told him his head wife would die if he left her before his return.

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This very woman hung herself the day after Duaterra died, on account of her tender love and affection for him. He told the priest he had often returned before, and should soon return again. Accordingly, he took his leave, with his uncle and a few more friends, and embarked for New South Wales, and safely arrived in about a month once more at Parramatta. During his stay at my house, I often saw him very thoughtful, and asked him what was the cause of his uneasiness. He would reply, "I fear my head wife is either dead or very sick." What the priest told him relative to his wife dying in his absence, evidently made a strong impression on his mind, though he had been about three years in my family before, and acted with great propriety all the time, and upon all occasions was willing to receive religious instruction. Yet the superstitious notions of their religion, which he had imbibed from his infancy at New Zealand, were deeply rooted in his mind; he had great confidence in what the priest asserted, and in the effect of their prayers. I refer you to my public letter of the account I there gave of Duaterra's attention when I arrived in the Active at the Bay of Islands; and also to Mr. Kendall's letter, transmitted by this conveyance, of what took place before, and at the closing scene of Duaterra's life and after. His death has been a subject of much pain and regret to me, and appears a very dark and mysterious dispensation. For the last ten years of Duaterra's life, he had suffered every danger, privation and hardship that human nature could bear. On my arrival with him at New Zealand with the rest of the settlers, he appeared now to have accomplished the

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grand object of all his toils, an object which was the constant subject of his conversation, namely, the means of civilizing his countrymen. He thus observed to me, with much triumph and joy, "I have now introduced the cultivation of wheat into New Zealand; New Zealand will become a great country in two years more; I shall be able to export wheat to Port Jackson, to exchange for hoes, axes, spades, tea, sugar," &c. Under this impression, he made arrangements with his people for a very extensive cultivation, and formed his plan for building a new town with regular streets, after the European mode, on a beautiful situation which commanded a view of the mouth of the harbour and adjacent country. I accompanied him to the spot. We examined the ground fixed upon for the town, and the situation where the church was to stand, and the streets were to have been all marked out before the Active sailed for Port Jackson. At the very time when these arrangements were to have been executed, he was stretched upon his dying bed. I could not but view him as he lay languishing beneath his affliction with wonder and astonishment, and could scarcely bring myself to believe that the Divine Goodness would remove from the earth a man whose life appeared of such infinite importance to his country, which was just emerging from barbarism and gross darkness and superstition. No doubt he had done his work, and finished his appointed course! though I fondly imagined he had only just begun his race. He was a man of clear comprehension, quick perception, and of a sound judgment, and a mind void of fear; at the same time he was mild, affable and pleasing in his manners. His

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body was strong and robust, and promised a long and useful life. At the time of his death, he was in the prime and vigour of manhood, extremely active and industrious. I judge his age to be about twenty-eight years. He was seized with a bowel complaint and a stoppage in his breast, attended with difficulty of breathing and a high fever, about four days before his dissolution. In reflecting on this mysterious and awful event, I am led to exclaim, with the Apostle to the Gentiles, "Oh the heights and the depths of the wisdom and knowledge of God, how unsearchable are his judgments, and his ways past finding out!"

I have now, Sir, related a few of those changes and vicissitudes in the life of Duaterra, which either came under my own immediate observation, or were communicated to me by himself. From the whole of this little history, you and the Society will be able to form some idea of the national character of these people. I do not believe that there is in any part of the world, or ever was, a nation in a state of nature superior to the inhabitants of New Zealand in mental endowment and bodily strength, nor any who would in a shorter period render themselves worthy of being numbered with civilized nations, provided they were favoured with the ordinary means of instruction in those arts by which men are gradually refined and polished. I trust that the Society will prove their benefactors, and furnish them with the necessary means for their advancement in civilization; and in due time deliver them, through the divine favour, from the horrors and miseries of heathen darkness and bondage; and, Sir, as these people are literally without hope and without God in

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the world, that they will be led by your Association, through the medium of divine knowledge, to him that was born King of the Jews, as the star led the Eastern Magi. With every devout wish and ardent prayer that the glory of the Lord may be revealed to all these poor benighted heathens, and that they may see the salvation of God, and the work of the Lord prosper in your hands,

I have the honour to be,

Dear Sir,

Your very obedient humble servant,

S. MARSDEN.

To the Rev. J. Pratt.

FINIS.

Hughes and Baynes, Printers,
Maiden-lane, Covent-Garden, London.

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DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER.

VOL. I.

New Zealand Chief.....To face the title.

Headlands of the Three Kings, and Bay of Islands ... P. 77

Map of New Zealand .. 101

VOL. II.

View of the North Cape ... To face the title.

Chart of the Bay of Islands.....P. 208

Facsimile of the Amoco ... 217

ERRATA.

VOL. I.

Page 5, line 24, for coasts, read coast.

49, ----32, for arekee, read areekee.

56, ---7 and 10, for which, read who.

121, ----25, for in the Bay of Islands, read in the harbour of Port Jackson.

138, ----10, dele other. «

139, ----20, for packaka, read packaha.

215, ----15, for crimes, read crime.

308, ----1l, for were, read was.

310, ----23, for of, read in.

VOL. II.

Page 82, line 11, for and made free, read and be made free.