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HENRY WILLIAMS now appears in a new character,-- in that of adviser to the Crown. Political action was distasteful to him, as being a disturbance to the work; but, when thus called upon for counsel and assistance, there was no choice, in duty, but to comply.
The British Government, brought into difficulty by the operations of the New Zealand Company,--unable to sanction them, yet reluctant to put them down with a high hand, 1 resolved on coming to the front, and taking the lead in colonisation.
But in this the Government were hampered by their own previous recognition of national independence; and the question remained, how to recover 2 the sovereignty to the Crown.
This could be effected only by voluntary cession, all previous rights, real or assumed, haying been waived; and, accordingly, Captain Hobson 3was authorized to treat with the Aborigines for the recognition of her Majesty's sovereign authority over the whole or any parts of the country which they might be "willing to place under her Majesty's dominion."
The object, however, was far from being easy of attainment. Suspicions, implanted or fostered by Europeans to whom the prospect of order was distasteful, were seething in the native mind.
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The degraded state of the aboriginal population of New South Wales and Van Dieman's Land, 4--their ouster from the lands over which they had once been free to roam, was no secret to the Maori; and the position was, that while much persuasion from their old friends would be needed to induce them to accept the proposal, one word against would have sufficed to turn the scale.
Captain Hobson, accordingly, sought the co-operation of the New Zealand Missionaries, which was given without demur, the main conduct of proceedings, as a matter of course, falling to Mr. Williams. The intentions of the British Government were (at that time) so fair towards the native race,--the mode of procedure so little open to objection, that under no circumstances could he have hesitated as to the course he should pursue. The Government were unwilling to annex, yet could not look with indifference upon the risk of collision between the natives and the rapidly increasing body of British subjects; plainly seeing the obligation of interposing the Queen's authority, they were reluctant to do so, except by the free and intelligent consent of the native tribes. It was the plain duty of Mr. Williams to place his services at their disposal, when claimed by Captain Hobson, who stated that he was "fully authorised thereto by her Majesty's instructions, conveyed to him by her principal Secretary of State." 5 But it may be added, for the
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consideration of any who may think that he was exceeding the limits of missionary action in so doing, that he had the direct authority in that behalf of one who was immediately to become his Diocesan,--the Bishop of Australia.
The Bishop of Australia to Henry Williams.
Sydney, January 10, 1840.
. . . You will without doubt have heard of the arrival of Captain Hobson, and of his destination for New Zealand, where he is to exercise, it is supposed, more ample powers than were conferred upon the British resident. . . . . Among his first duties will be that of endeavouring to obtain from the Chiefs a voluntary recognition of Her Majesty's sovereignty over the territory; and so far as that endeavour shall prove successful, the clergy of the United Church of England and Ireland who may be resident within the limits of that territory will belong to the Diocese of Australia, and be subject to the jurisdiction of the Bishop . . . . Upon the fullest consideration my judgment inclines me very strongly to recommend to you, and through you to all the other members of the mission, that your influence should be exercised among the chiefs attached to you, to induce them to make the desired surrender of sovereignty to Her Majesty.
The Bishop's authority must counterpoise the opinion of those who still think that the Missionaries interfered too much in secular concerns on the arrival of Captain Hobson. But without this, it is certain that Mr. Williams' high-wrought loyalty would have prompted him to give his utmost service, without demur, when appealed to by the Queen's commissioner, in the Queen's name. But the Bishop kept back no after thought in reserve. A straight-forward man, he went on to give a word of fair warning, that if New Zealand were annexed to the British dominions, the land titles of the Missionaries would come under consideration.
I am led to suppose that the immediate consequence of establishing the British dominion will be the settlement of titles to land according to the principles of law and equity. This proceeding will necessarily lead to a judicial investigation of the landed properties transmitted to the Society, and printed in the pamphlet above referred to. These should be exactly and jealously re-examined, that you may be prepared to sustain them even to the minutest point when brought under the scrutiny of the world at large, as beyond all doubt they will be. I think also it will be
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expedient that you should take advantage of the warning thus given of what you are to expect, by preparing a most full and explicit account of all transactions between you and any of the natives. No one I think can raise an objection to your general plea that, having families of more than ordinary magnitude, and they without any other provision for independence, it was not only a natural feeling, but your bounden duty to provide for them as the country itself should enable you. This was a part of that support which the foresight and goodness of God had placed within your reach, and a man who did not avail himself of it fairly and to a reasonable extent, would have denied the faith and been worse than an infidel. It is my earnest prayer that God may have given to you all the grace of forbearance; that you have not been betrayed into covetousness or an inordinate love of the world and the things of the world; and that he may make your righteousness as clear as the light, and your just dealing as the noon-day.
To Henry Williams, the possibility of disturbance of the titles to land was but as dust in the balance, when weighed against duty. Seeing the need for discipline, he had long desired a Governor for the country, and a Bishop for the Mission. Through his own instrumentality, both were now about to be acquired. Nor did his usual prevision fail him; for although, at a later period, he suffered personally from what himself had brought about, though he found both functionaries leagued against himself in persecution that endured for years, the advantage he had foreseen was fulfilled. But I am not magnifying his carelessness of the warning into an act of self-abnegation. He could scarcely have supposed, even if he gave the matter a thought, that his family had anything to fear. The land had been fairly acquired, at a large price for those times; was held in undisturbed possession; was under cultivation by sons, arrived at man's estate, and indeed, had long since passed out of his own hands. 6 He could not have expected attacks upon personal character; he could not have foreseen incessant persecution from assailants who were wrong in feeling, wrong in their facts, and wrong in their law. But it should not be forgotten that he had it in his own power to secure his family against
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any risk whatever, for had he but said a word in disapproval, the treaty would never have been signed. Nay, more,--had he but refrained from active interference, under the unanswerable, even though insufficient plea, that he was unwilling to be mixed up with secular affairs, the result would have been the same.
Subsequent occurrences render it necessary to define, and to lay stress upon the peculiar relations of the Mission, at this time, towards both the Government and the natives. Their position, as mediators, was not of their own seeking; it was pressed upon them; but what they had once accepted, they had a right to retain; and, indeed, were unable to abandon.
It may here be observed, and once for all,--for political questions are avoided, so far as possible, in this memoir, that the New Zealand authorities, so long as an advantage was to be gained, courted the Mission, inviting their mediation. But when, on the occasion of that very treaty which the Mission had negotiated being infringed, the Mission, with the Bishop alongside, came to the front, claiming the right of being heard in defence of their own good faith towards the natives, and of the truthfulness of their intentions when they procured the cession of sovereignty, maintaining their plain right to see that their own character for integrity should not be impaired by what they had done at the solicitation of the Government,--then, and not till then, was the cry raised against "clerical interference." 7 The remark is in anticipation of events; but it is necessary to establish, from the first, the real position of the Mission, both towards the natives, and towards the Government.
Bishop Selwyn--the "turbulent priest," as he was termed by Joseph Hume, in Parliament--takes his stand upon unasailable ground.
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May 20, 1861.
There is no ambiguity whatever in the ground which we take. When all other classes of Her Majesty's English subjects in New Zealand are expressing their opinions upon the native question, and supporting a policy which we believe to be unjust, we should be guilty of betraying the native race, who resigned their independence upon our advice, if we did not claim for them all the rights and privileges of British subjects, as guaranteed to them by the Treaty of Waitangi. As the earliest settlers in this country, as agents employed by Government in native affairs, as intimately acquainted with the language, customs, and feelings of the native race, and above all, as ministers of religion, having the highest possible interest at stake, we assert the privilege which the law allows to every man, of laying our petitions before the Crown and the Legislature.
When the New Zealand Company called the treaty "a device to amuse savages," the ignorance might be forgiven, but the bad faith could not. When Nopera said, "the shadow of the land is with the Queen, but the substance is with us," a sufficiently intelligent comprehension was displayed.
The natives were swayed by two opposite considerations. They appreciated and desired the advantage of the Queen's authority, to hinder the recurrence of civil war, with its attendant desolation, 8 but were not satisfied as to the effect of the British sovereignty upon their own territorial rights. They were not disposed to consider the recognition of authority as tantamount to surrender of independence; and, as practical men, they felt that so long as they held the proprietorship of the land, they held the power. A hard headed, metaphysically minded, acquisitive race,--the Scotch of the Pacific; far South--we should say in England, "far North,"-- they stipulated for the land. 9 Vattel, Puffendorf, and Grotius were
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beyond--say rather outside of their ken; but, the basis of real power they were resolved to hold. 10
Jealousy prevailed over suspicion at last: danger from each other was imminent; danger from the British Government only contingent. Suspicion was also allayed by assurances from the Mission that the Government took a pride in never breaking faith.
Captain Hobson's account of the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi is to be found in the Blue Books, and is too well known to need insertion here. But it will be usefully supplemented by some details, taken from a paper entitled "Early Recollections," 11 written by Henry Williams.
THE TREATY OF WAITANGI.
I was at the Waimate, after my journey from Wellington, having gone thither with the son and nephew of Rauparaha, to conduct Mr. Hadfield, who had not been long in the country, to reside as the Missionary in that district; returning over land by Taupo, Whanganui, Rotorua, and Tauranga, the first European who had undertaken that journey, bringing with me Iwikau, one of the leading chiefs from Taupo, and several others, on a visit to Ngapuhi.
On the night of the 30th of January, I was called up by a messenger from the Bay, to say that Captain Hobson had arrived in the Bay as Governor of New Zealand, and that he wished to see me as early as possible.
In the afternoon, I went on board H.M.S. "Herald," and was met by Captain Hobson, to whom I expressed my gratification that he had arrived to put an end to the great excitement then existing
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in the purchase of lands, caused by the sudden influx of Europeans arriving by every vessel from the Colonies.
At this date we had not received any intimation that the Government were contemplating any movement towards New Zealand, though much correspondence had transpired, in consequence of the proceedings of the New Zealand Company. Captain Hobson had not been twelve hours at anchor before the Europeans commenced using most infamous and exciting language to the natives;--that the country was now gone to the Queen, and that the Maori were taurekareka [slaves].
On the 4th of February, about 4 o'clock p.m., Captain Hobson came to me with the Treaty of Waitangi in English, for me to translate into Maori, saying that he would meet me in the morning at the house of the British Resident, Mr. Busby; when it must be read to the chiefs assembled at 10 o'clock. In this translation it was necessary to avoid all expressions of the English for which there was no expressive term in the Maori, preserving entire the spirit and tenor of the treaty,--which, though severely tested, has never yet been disturbed, notwithstanding that many in power have endeavoured to do so. 12
On a careful examination of the translation of the treaty by Mr. Busby, he proposed to substitute the word whakaminenga for huihuinga, which was done and approved of. A fair copy being made by myself, I was requested by Captain Hobson to read and explain the same to the meeting of chiefs, in a large marquee prepared for the meeting, at which was a large assemblage of Europeans. In the midst of profound silence I read the treaty to all assembled. I told all to listen with care, explaining clause by clause to the chiefs; giving them caution not to be in a hurry, but telling them that we, the Missionaries, fully approved of the treaty, that it was an act of love towards them on the part of the Queen, who desired to secure to them their property, rights, and privileges. That this treaty was as a fortress for them against any foreign power which might desire to take possession of their country, as the French had taken possession of Otiaiti.
Hone Heke 13 was the first chief who signed the treaty, telling the people he fully approved, as they all needed protection from any
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foreign power, and knew the fostering care of the Queen of England towards them. He urged them to sign the treaty. Certain
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chiefs under the influence of the Popish Bishop and Priests stood aloof, and there was some opposition to the protection of the Queen. Captain Hobson expressed to me his fears, lest they should not sign the treaty. I cautioned him against showing any anxiety, but advised him to recommend it for their consideration, and say that he would meet them in three days to hear their decision. Some interruption was given by certain Europeans.
There was considerable excitement amongst the people, greatly increased by the irritating language of ill-disposed Europeans, stating to the chiefs, in most insulting language, that their country was gone, and they now were only taurekareka. Many came to us to speak upon this new state of affairs. We gave them but one version, explaining clause by clause, showing the advantage to them of being taken under the fostering care of the British Government, by which act they would become one people with the English, in the suppression of wars, and of every lawless act; under one Sovereign, and one Law, human and divine. The people, on being dismissed, after many had spoken, to consider this grave question, were requested to re-assemble on the third day to declare their views, as the question was for their own benefit, to preserve them as a people.
On the following morning, the 6th, the chiefs asked me why there need be any further delay, as their minds were made up, and they were desirous of concluding at once and returning to their respective places. I communicated this desire to Captain Hobson, who immediately landed and met the chiefs in the hall of audience, the large tent erected for that purpose, and business was resumed about it o'clock.
In the course of a few minutes, the French Bishop, attended by one of his priests, passed forward to the side of Captain Hobson, and requested "that the natives might be informed that all who should join the Catholic (Roman) religion should have the protection of the British Government." Captain Hobson, with much blandness of gesture and expression observed,--"Most certainly;" and expressed his regret that he had not made known his wish earlier, as "your desire should have been embodied in the treaty." Catch the idea. This was to be a stipulation between the Queen of England and the natives of New Zealand. At this date, Captain
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Hobson was under the delusion that the Roman Catholics carried the sway amongst the Maories. Captain Hobson, after his reply to the Romish Bishop, requested that I would explain the desire of M. Pompallier to the chiefs.
I observed to Captain Hobson, I presumed the same protection would be afforded to all. He said, certainly. I asked, what need then such an announcement, if all would have protection alike? Captain Hobson observed that, as the Bishop wished the communication to be made, he should feel obliged by my delivering the same to the meeting.
I accordingly commenced, but could not proceed, finding that it was somewhat of a tough morsel, requiring care. I therefore took paper, and as this very grave announcement was for the benefit of all, I wrote as follows, taking the various Missions in their order of establishment in the country.
"The Governor wishes you to understand that all the Maories who shall join the Church of England, who shall join the Wesleyans, who shall join the Pikopo or Church of Rome, and those who retain their Maori practices, shall have the protection of the British Government."
This paper I handed to the Governor, who passed it to the Romish Bishop. Having perused it, he said, "Oh yes, that will do." I then read out this document, which was received in silence. No observation was made upon it; the Maories, and others, being at perfect loss to understand what it could mean. M. Pompallier then rose, bowed to the Governor, and retired from the meeting.
After some little discussion and trifling opposition, the Treaty of Waitangi was signed, and the meeting dispersed.
No chief raised any objection that he did not understand the treaty, though some held back under the influence of the Romish Bishop and his priests.
Inversion or anticipation of dates is sometimes needed, to preserve continuity of subjects. We shall complete the account of the treaty, and then travel back a while. The journey southwards is the subject of another reminiscence.
THE TREATY TAKEN DOWN SOUTH.
As soon as a vessel could be procured, I was commissioned by Governor Hobson to convey a copy of the Treaty to Turanga, Poverty Bay, for the approbation of the chiefs of that district. This was left in the charge of the Rev. William Williams.
I passed on to Port Nicholson, and was opposed by Colonel Wakefield and his party, who had appointed themselves a colonial
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government, consisting of a council and magistrates, placed on the commission by the authority of the chiefs. 14
Colonel Wakefield, the first time I met him, was very insolent, but afterwards retracted what he had said, and withdrew his objections to the treaty being signed. It was accordingly signed by the chiefs, about twenty. I passed on to Queen Charlotte's Sound, and saw all who were to be seen. We crossed over to Kapiti, Waikanae, and Otaki, the stations of the Rev. Octavius Hadfield. The treaty was explained at all those places and signed. On this visit I saw in the Bank at Wellington a map of New Zealand, about six feet in length, and was told by the authorities of the New Zealand Company that the coloured portion was the property of the New Zealand Company, from the 38 deg. to the 42 deg. parallel of latitude. At this time there was no one in connexion with their commission who knew anything of the language. A man named Barret could speak a few words in the most ordinary form. This man alone was the medium of communication between the Company and the Maories in all their affairs, and the deeds of purchase were drawn up in English, not one word of which was understood by the natives. Nor had communication been held with the places included in this pretended purchase, except at Port Nicholson, Kapiti, and Taranaki, neither party understanding the other.
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On one occasion while I was at Port Nicholson, passing down the harbour with several members of council, Mr. St. Hill, Dr. Evans, &c., and Captain Chaffers, Dr. Evans enquired of Captain Chaffers how far South the Company's territory extended. His reply was, across the Island, and from 38 deg. to 42 deg. I knew that communication had not been had. I enquired who had been seen at Wanganui, Taupo, Kawhia, Rotorua, Turanga, Ahuriri, &c.; no answer could be given, for this simple reason, that none had been held.
Wiremu Kingi came with me to the Bay to see the governor and the natives from Taranaki. He talked of returning with them to Waitara and Taranaki generally, their former place of residence, or country of their birth.
After obtaining signatures in the Middle Island, he returned to Paihia, which he reached on the 10th of June. The governor expressed his gratification, in strong terms, at the completeness of the success.
The next recollection is of the establishment of Auckland, as a seat of Government. This was a sore point with the New Zealand Company, as diverting, by the prestige of the name, immigration from their own settlements. The fact was, that the Home Government, who had been compelled by Parliamentary influence to give a reluctant sanction to the proceedings of the Company, determined, in order to avoid unnecessary complications, upon securing in a remote district that freedom of action for the Crown, which, for the forementioned reason, could not have been maintained in Cook's Straits.
THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT.
On the first day of my seeing Captain Hobson, he enquired of my opinion as to the proper site of the seat of Government,-- whether I thought the Bay would be a good place for that purpose. I objected to the Bay, as too confined; as being too generally occupied by Europeans and natives, and also situated at the extreme end of the island; but stated that the land about the Tamaki and Waitemata was not occupied by either natives or Europeans, and possessed advantages beyond all other places; commanding convenient access by the river Thames to the interior of the country; the river Kaipara to the North, through extensive kauri forests; also by Manukau to the river Waikato, which takes its rise in Taupo lake, in the centre of the island; that there was
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a vast extent of fine country without an inhabitant; that the island of Waiheke and other islands formed safe roadsteads, with their numberless small bays, for vessels of all sizes.
This part of New Zealand, with the rivers and bays, had not been visited by any Europeans, except by the Missionaries, who alone possessed correct and general information.
On the 21st February I sailed with Captain Hobson, in H.M.S. "Herald," to examine the neighbourhood of the Tamaki, to which place I had directed his attention. His Excellency was not long in pointing out the spot, the present site of Auckland, seeing immediately its various advantages.
I was despatched to Maraitai, to communicate with and collect the natives of the Thames, and around. On my return to the ship, after four days, I met Captain Nias in his boat, coming to meet me and the natives with me, who informed me that on Sunday morning Captain Hobson had been disabled by an attack of paralysis, and considered that he was not able to hold his office, and had determined to sail for Sydney.
On my seeing Captain Hobson, I suggested his not determining so immediately to relinquish his office as Governor of New Zealand; that I would guarantee quarters on shore, either at Paihia or Waimate, but recommending Waimate as being more quiet. The "Herald" returned to the Bay, and Captain Hobson was conveyed to Waimate to good quarters at Mr. Davis' house, where every attention was paid to him, having the presence of his own Surgeon and Secretary.
After remaining at Waimate some months, Captain Hobson so far recovered as to resume his duties in the Bay, and finally founded the City of Auckland.
Governor Hobson's next step was to establish what he called a "Native Protectorate." His choice of a chief officer, Mr. Clarke, was unexceptionable; but the official denomination was not equally so. For it led to the impression that, in the opinion of the Government, protection was needed for men who were only too well able to protect themselves; touchy, suspicious, keen-witted in dealing; ready to resent the slightest grievance, and strong enough to drive the Pakeha into the sea, should it be left unredressed. The only protection the Maori ever did require,--and that in after-times,--was against the Government itself. But it is only to the name that exception can be taken; the establishment of a department for the transaction of native business being of unquestionable convenience; so much so, that, under many disguises of name, the office has been ever since maintained. The last
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transformation was into a "Defence Office" against the Maories, who, when at the very height of their preponderance, had been "protected."
The Protectorate was presently abolished, for the purpose of abolishing the Protector, though revived under another name. It would have saved a large expenditure of both British and Colonial "blood and money," had Mr. Clarke been suffered to continue on duty. For the Native Office rapidly degenerated. The main qualification for it seemed to be, fluency in speaking the Maori tongue. But, with a few exceptions, of which Sir William Martin and Sir George Grey were the most notable, men of education, outside the mission circle, had not troubled themselves to acquire it. Its free use was mainly confined to persons who, at one time or other, had lived among the natives. Consequently, Maori became, for the transaction of native affairs, a hieratic language, in which mysteries were celebrated from which the vulgar were excluded. An additional cause of degeneracy was the virtual amalgamation of the Native Office with the Land-purchase Department.
Now, this had a direct bearing upon the Waitara war. Through the persistent opposition of the combined offices, the establishment of Land Courts for the investigations of native title was hindered until 1862, when too late to avert collision. Had these Courts been in operation in 1860, the title to Waitara would have been tried, and settled. The dispute between Wiremu Kingi and Teira would have been ended without a blow. But the effect of the native Land Courts Act was to enfranchise native lands; that is to say, to allow the native owners to obtain market value for their lands, relieving them from payment of a special tax, paid by natives only, in the form of brokerage to the Government; also, to open the knowledge of Maori matters to the public. This really meant annihilation of the craft; and the Maori experts, who were popularly said to worship Diana of the Ephesians, offered obstinate resistance, and, for a long while, with success.
THE NATIVE PROTECTORATE.
Before sailing from the Bay, the Governor spoke to me of the importance of having one of the members of the Mission to
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hold office as Protector of the Aborigines, and that he must consequently be disconnected from the Mission. Considering therefore the nature and importance of such a responsible office, also the character of the various members of the Mission, I nominated Mr. Clarke, as being the least swayed by fear of man, and having a sound judgment, in my opinion, after eighteen years' acquaintance with him.
In this position of Protector of Aborigines, Mr. Clarke remained until Governor Grey assumed command. It presently appeared that the new Governor had imbibed a serious prejudice against the Mission, and all in connexion therewith, as also against the old settlers. Governor Grey abolished the office, and Mr. Clarke resigned his Government appointment.
It may be doubted whether Governor Grey entertained this prejudice against the Mission on arrival. On the contrary, he showed great curiosity as to the manner in which they had obtained their influence, with which he seemed much impressed. His prejudice, animosity, or whatever else it may have been, seems to date from a time of the deputation from the Company's settlement.
SHORTLAND'S RIDE TO THE WAIMATE.
In my absence at the South with the Treaty, Mr. Shortland was suddenly seized with a fright, and rode off to the Waimate to see the Governor, who was then at sick quarters. He reported to him in great mystery that the natives were about to rise and massacre the Europeans, and that Mr. Williams and Mr. King were in league with the natives. Mr. Davis, in whose house the Governor was at the time, observing much whispering and mysterious movement amongst the Governor's party--Dr. Johnston being one, intruded into their presence, requesting to know if there was anything wrong. The Governor replied, "Yes, indeed;" and told him the cause of Mr. Shortland's sudden appearance. Mr. Davis pronounced the whole a dream; assuring him that nothing could take place without the knowledge of the Mission body, and that he would undertake in three hours to assemble three hundred men to support the Government and Europeans if needed. The Governor at length observed, "I believe you, Mr. Davis." Mr. Davis pronounced the whole to be preposterous. "Mr. Williams is at this moment at the South, carrying out the desire of the Government respecting the Treaty, and Mr. King quietly at his place at Tepuna."
About this time Mr. Shortland was nearly involving the Government in hostilities, while I was absent at the South with
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the Treaty. A murder had been committed at Puketona, between the Bay and the Waimate. A European shepherd (Patrick Rooney) in the employ of my sons at Pakaraka, had been murdered by a native (Kihi), who was discovered and delivered up by the natives to the authorities at Kororareka. Mr. Shortland was in the act of a magisterial examination of the charge against this man, in the church, Mr. H. T. Kemp acting as interpreter, and Edward Williams present as one of the witnesses; neither of them being at that time in connexion with the Government.
During the examination, Haratua, 15 at the head of about three hundred natives under arms, landed from Waitangi, and made a rush towards the church, saluting the court with the war dance. He demanded that the prisoner should be handed over to them, that they might dispatch him at once, Haratua expressing his indignation that the shepherd employed by his own pakehas should have been so brutally murdered. This demonstration was made in support of the Government, though carried out in original Maori style. Haratua had acted in our behalf from the first, for immediately on receiving intelligence of the murder at Puketona, late in the evening, he, with ten armed men, accompanied Mr. Edward Williams to Puketona, where, at twelve o'clock at night, and by torch-light, he found the body of the unfortunate man.
Seeing the consternation produced in the church, Edward Williams went out to the natives, and told them that having made a display of their zeal they had better retire, and leave the authorities to deal with the prisoner. To this they at once agreed, and drew off to their canoes at the lower end of the beach, whither Edward Williams accompanied them.
While with them it became known, much to the surprise of all, that Mr. Shortland had sent to Okiato for the troops. Edward Williams suggested to the natives the propriety of embarking, but they replied, "No; if he has sent for the soldiers we will remain and see what he intends to do."
After much bustle, noise, and delay, the troops, about eighty in number, were landed, and drawn up with loaded muskets at the upper end of the beach. Mr. Kemp and Edward Williams waited on Mr. Shortland, and endeavoured to explain that the natives had no hostile intention, having come over to make a public display of their abhorrence of the deed. Mr. Shortland in a passion replied, "I will not be dictated to by anyone; go and tell those Maories that if they do not lay down their arms immediately, I will fire upon them." Edward Williams returned to the natives, and explained in a quiet way that it was ignorance of Maori
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character on Mr. Shorthand's part that made him act as he had done; that they had better move off at once, and he would remain amongst them till they had embarked. The natives at once complied, taking their arms with them.
Had a trigger been pulled on this occasion, this would have been the beginning and the end of the Colony of New Zealand.
Mr. Williams proceeds to mention an act of Vandalism, made more annoying by the arrogance with which it was maintained.
The first ground occupied by the three magistrates, Messrs. Shortland, Johnson, and Matthew, was Paihia, there being a house vacant there in which, with the police force, they were accommodated. The Governor, after a partial recovery, returned to the Bay, and occupied a house purchased from Captain Clendon for him, pro tempore, at Okiato, leading to the Kawa Kawa and Waikari. We soon found the whole party troublesome neighbours, felling trees right and left; grand Pohutukawas, which had been preserved by general consent, for their beauty. I spoke to the Governor on this wanton proceeding of the police. He asked if the trees were close to the house. They were not so, but still within our settlement. He replied, "You then can have no claim to them; they are common property." We now, for the first time, began to feel where we were, and to consider that their room was better than their company. The quietness of the settlement invaded, and perpetual annoyances occurring; cows and horses in the garden, Norfolk Pines and other trees, nurtured with great care, upset and destroyed, owing to cows being tethered to them, by order of these magistrates.
This is of a piece with the infliction of a fine of fifty pounds on Captain Stratton, of the mission schooner "Columbine," the crew having flown a pennant while he was on shore at church. Newly acquired power, as usual, was restless and ambitious of display, stickling about formalities.
[Greek] "APAS DE TRACHIS, OSTIS AN NEOU KRATI."
The question of land purchase cannot be passed over; but I do not care to expend many words upon it. Time has already disposed of many misimpressions; extent of acreage is now considered in accordance with Colonial, and no longer with locally English ideas; juster ideas of value have been formed; and, above all, by the perfect success that has attended the original idea, namely, that of forming centres of civilisation, it has been made clear that by
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no other practical measure could the Mission have done more toward the furtherance of their appointed work.
The main points are these:--
1. The families had to be provided for. When it came to the question, whether the parents should be allowed to put the children in the way of maintaining themselves, or leave them a burden on the Society, the Society, naturally and properly, preferred being relieved. 16 They sanctioned the proposal, and defended that sanction.
2. That when these lands were bought, they had no market value; no value whatever, save for use.
3. That, except in two instances, where land was bought to settle titles disputed between warring tribes, no more land was bought than sufficed for use; in point of fact, not so much as was required for use. Extent of possession should be regulated, not by arbitrary limitation of acreage; but by the power of beneficial occupation.
4. That the price paid was very large, compared with that which was afterwards given by the Government. 17
5. That the purchasers were maintained in possession by the sellers during the Northern war, notwithstanding the efforts of the Government to persuade the natives that they had been wronged.
6. That when Mission stations were at last disturbed, during the war of 1860-7, it was only at those stations where missionary colonies had not been established.
Upon none of these points will issue any longer be joined, though vague declamation is not yet extinct.
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It must be admitted, indeed, that the new Government had a difficulty to contend with. They had to distinguish bona fide purchases, made by New Zealand settlers with care and knowledge of ownership, from loose transactions entered into by Sydney speculators, who measured their supposed acquisitions by degrees of latitude and longitude. But the difficulty was more in appearance than in reality. Acknowledgment by the native sellers of the fairness of the transaction was a simple and effective test. For, in those days, in the matter of a bargain completed, a Maori could be implicitly trusted. But the Government seemed bewildered; frightened also by the New Zealand Company, whose primary object was, that no land should be held in possession save what had been purchased from themselves at one pound per acre. Vacillation and weakness was the result; no less than three several ordinances, each on a different scale of apportionment, were passed by the Legislative Council, without effecting a general settlement, after all.
These land purchases were taken by the notorious Dr. Lang, of New South Wales, as a theme for a most virulent attack.
Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
Turanga, April 14, 1840.
We have just been favoured with a sight of Dr. Lang's publication,--his Letter to Earl Durham, relative to New Zealand. We have not yet heard what effect it may have had upon the nerves of the members of the Church Mission Society, but hope they will not be disturbed by such a wicked production. I have taken upon myself to give some reply to it, which I have forwarded to Mr. Cowper, of Sydney, for insertion in one of the papers. These observations of this wretched man have only excited our pity. His motives are evident, his ignorance profound, and his impudence unbounded. Of the severity of the expressions in which he thinks it well to indulge, you of course will form your own judgment. To me, these letters carry their own condemnation. I shall like, however, to see some commentary upon them from our friends in England. If Dillon and Earl disturbed the feelings of the members of the Church Mission Society, how much more will this display of zeal from a Doctor of Divinity, and Principal of a College. I hope, however, the Society will take a lesson from him, and put the Mission upon a better footing. We have long
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been pressing its necessity; you know the notice which has been taken of these things. But the Doctor has chosen an unfavourable period for his purpose; for most certainly the Mission must be pronounced in a far more flourishing state, at this time, than it ever has been since its commencement. True, we have not said much about it. Boasting is no part of our system. We understand not the art of sounding the trumpet, and must leave this to others. Yet, we well desire to go on in quietness, remembering that the work is the Lord's, and that he will bring it to pass. In every part of the island the natives may be said to be thirsting for divine knowledge. They will undertake journeys of many days for the obtaining a Testament, and the demand for books cannot be met; in my late journey I found a congregation assembled where no European was ever before me. This is also the case in many other parts of the island. This is the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes. It is indeed marvellous that at this period, when the island is invaded on every side, and attacks made on the Mission by wicked and unprincipled men, that the real state of the Mission should be as it is. Every corner of the island is ready for instruction, and I may almost pronounce every person to be a christian: indeed, when compared with thousands of our own countrymen, they stand prominent. The Sabbaths are observed in quietness and good order, to the reproach of many a white christian in this country. We have been led to make a calculation of those who assemble for worship; also of those who have been baptised by us. The natives assembling in connexion with us under the Missionaries and Teachers are 28,000, we believe many more. Those who have been baptised are, as near as I can collect, 1,590, besides numerous candidates. The system followed by us is quiet and substantial, founded on the Scriptures, and requiring a total change of life and conduct. They must evidence their belief by bringing forth fruits meet for repentance. I trust, therefore, that the friends the Church Mission Society will more than doubly exert themselves. It is by these means alone the enemy can be foiled. The church is assailed at home; so also abroad; but let the christian take unto himself the whole armour of God. Then will he be able to stand in every evil hour. We must be up and doing. More are they who are for us, than those who are against us. I could wish our friends in Salisbury-square would keep in sight, more than they appear to me to do, the first work of a Missionary, the publishing of the Gospel of Peace. This country is now white unto the harvest. All the leading points must be possessed and strengthened. The parishes here are very extensive, which requires us to be constantly on the march.
Nothwithstanding the duties imposed upon him by the Government, he found time to attend to the affairs of the Mission. On his
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journey South, in the "Ariel," with the treaty, he visited Tauranga, where he left a copy to the care of Mr. Brown; and also, as already mentioned, Turanga, whence he wrote to Mr. Marsh, on one of the subjects he had most at heart,--the mobilisation, to borrow a military term, of the Mission.
Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
Turanga, April 10, 1840.
By the date of my communication you will perceive that I am with our dear brother and sister, William and Jane, who came to this place in January last. I am now on my way to Cook's Straits to commence a station about forty miles South of Mount Egmont. Mr. Hadfield is abreast of Entry Island, about forty miles further South. I have had to fight a hard battle with our folks in the Bay to obtain permission to leave home and proceed on this Mission; but I am now on my march, and I hope not to return till I see something on the fairway for a permanent station in the quarter whither I am going. William has come here against the remonstrance of our Committee and the instructions from home, that is, from Salisbury-square; but had there not been a movement in some direction, I most certainly must have left the service of the Society . . . . . . . . .
Our Lay teachers are looking for ordination. There are some whom it may be desirable to have admitted; I should recommend that the Bishop of Australia should himself determine this matter, if he would undertake so delicate an office. I am sure it would not do for us to say a word on the subject. I think his Lordship has a friendly feeling towards us; I received a very pleasing and kind letter from him on the arrival of the Governor, of five sheets. We expect him to visit us in a short time.
Even at this early period, Mr. Williams was beginning to doubt the efficiency of the new Government.
Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
Paihia, November 28, 1840.
The aspect of affairs, therefore, would look very gloomy, were it not for the Aborigines, with whom we are more particularly engaged. These come around us, and it is refreshing to meet them at all times. The Sunday before last we had here a considerable number, and I admitted ninety-four to baptism, including eighteen children, after a strict examination, which occupied me about ten days close attention, as I received them singly.
I like to gather my family around, though ever so numerous. Beneath my own roof there is a peace and quietness I can-
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not observe outside of the Mission. There all is vanity, with its constant attendant great vexation of spirit. It is certainly curious to observe the apparent indifference, I had almost said contempt, with which we are regarded by some of these recent intruders, and the pity excited in our minds for them. Yet they cannot do without us; and they know it. Of myself I may say, "I have done the state a service, and they know it." Yet would they put me down, if they could. I care not how soon Edward is separated from them again. I like not their proceedings. They would upset the Mission, if they knew how, and the natives too; and mark, they will not lose the first opportunity to let fly at these poor creatures. The natives, however, keep close to us; they feel they may trust us. Time will show, and time alone, what we are to expect. Of our Mission I may say, it could not be more prosperous; yet, we require men and books. There is a general movement through the island. Mr. Hadfield, who is in Cook's Straits, tells me that, if he had five thousand Testaments, he should not be able to keep one for a fortnight. William also requires a great number. Applications to myself and others are incessant. The people bring their money, and we are obliged to send them away with a word or two.
The following is one of the series of reminiscences,--a fright, consequent upon a false alarm. The Government were, not unnaturally, somewhat nervous about their position, gave heed to every passing rumour, and had not always self-possession enough to disguise their fears.
January 22, 1841. While the three magistrates, Shortland, Johnson, and Matthew, were residing in Paihia, I was called up one morning, at three o'clock a.m. A loud knocking at the door took place. I enquired what was the matter, apprehending some serious alarm. A person gave his name as sergeant of police, sent by Mr. Shortland to give notice of a battle about to take place at the back of Kororareka. I asked him if he had seen any one. He said, "No;" but he had a native with him who would explain all. I told him I did not believe this was anything more than some old woman's story. I enquired of the native what was the matter at Kororareka; he answered, there was nothing the matter, beyond the landing of a man to fetch his wife, who came over four days since to see her sister; that there were no natives over at Kororareka. I told the sergeant it was as I had said, merely an old woman's story; that a man's wife had, a few days since, come over to see her sister, and her husband had come to fetch her. He had now better return to Mr. Shortland, and tell his tale; that did he yet suppose there might be any truth in what he had heard, he could request Mr. Shortland to write a note--of
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course in English--and at daylight he had better go in quest of the supposed enemy, and in much pomp break the seal and proceed to read; that as no one would understand the purport of the letter, he might then retire.
After breakfast, Mr. Shortland called, and, in much pomposity, said he was sorry to have made such a fool of me, sending the sergeant in the dead of the night. I assured him he had not made a fool of me. I reminded him, moreover, that nothing could take place without our knowledge, and that I had frequently stated that they would be informed at the first intimation of any movement amongst the people.
I further stated that a party of chiefs, from Whangaroa and the Coast, had landed last evening, and were waiting to see me, I supposed on some political question. That I was just going to see them, and, though he might not understand what passed, he would catch a word here and there, and judge whether they were satisfied or otherwise, with what I might say to them. We went accordingly, and met Ururoa and the principal chiefs from Whangaroa and the Coast. They appeared in a very respectful humour. Ururoa commenced by saying that the pakeha Maori 18 had used such unheard-of, infamous language to them, that the young men had proposed to knock them on the head. They had sworn at them, using very foul language, calling them taurekareka [slaves]; that their country was gone; that they would be shot as pigs of the bush, &c; that he and the Kaumatua had said, stop, we will go to Te Wiremu; that should he confirm these words, then we shall know how to act. I enquired if any member of the Mission had thus spoken? "No." Had any of their old friends thus spoken? "No." I told them not to listen to these bad fellows; that should such be repeated, to come to the magistrates and state particulars. They appeared perfectly satisfied and immediately departed. Our whole conversation did not exceed a quarter of an hour.
I never heard this circumstance adverted to by the officers of the Government, nor do I believe that the case was in the slightest degree investigated, or any Pakeha Maori called to account.
This was one out of many irritating events, which produced the upsetting of the flag-staff, in the disturbance which broke out in 1844-1846, between Heke and Kawiti, with the Government.
The following are extracts from Mrs. Williams' journal; mostly immaterial, but serving as a record of dates, to maintain connexion, and to chronicle some names among the founders of the Colony. To new comers, these things may seem trifling; but
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not so to the remnant of our patriarchs. General interest is not regarded in this memoir. Compiled, in the first instance, for the family, if it interest the natives and the old settlers, the object is attained.
March 12, 1840. The Treasury chest of the Government was brought by Mr. Cooper, and placed in Mr. Williams' charge at Paihia.
March 17. Mr. and Mrs. Burrows arrived in the "Westminster," to join the Mission; also, Mr. and Mrs. Matthew.
March 28. We heard of the bees brought down by the Governor. The natives called them biting flies. [These bees have long since filled the country, large quantities of wild honey being taken out of the bush.]
April 1. Heard that Patrick, the English shepherd in the employment of our sons at Puketona, had been murdered.
April 2. A visit from the Commodore of the American South Polar expedition. He spoke of the new continent discovered. [This continent was afterwards sailed over by the English.]
April 5. Rumours and great alarm; the Government fearing insurrection.
April 10. Edward Williams appointed Sub-Protector to the Aborigines.
April 16. The "Buffalo" arrived with the Governor, wife, and children.
April 20. Great alarm at Kororareka; Mr. Shortland had called out the soldiers. But for the young Protectors, a collision would have ensued.
April 28. Edward Williams sailed as interpreter in H.M.S. "Herald," with the treaty.
May 2. A visit from the two captains of the French Discovery ships. [The French Antarctic expedition.]
May 13. The Governor, family, and suite left Paihia, to reside at Russell, in the house purchased from Captain Clendon.
May 20. Mr. and Mrs. Mason sailed for Whanganui.
May 26. Mr. Shortland and suite, with soldiers, sailed for Port Nicholson.
June 10. Mr. Williams returned from the South, with the treaty signed.
June 14. Seventy natives to the Lord's supper.
July 2. E. M. Williams returned from the South, with Major Bunbury.
July 13. Eighty-three natives baptised, including twenty-six children.
July 16. A fight between Collins and Hone Heke,
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The demeanour of the lower class of Europeans toward the natives was becoming more and more provocative. Now that a Government supposed to be capable of averting instant retaliation, was established, free utterance was given to feelings that had formerly been pent up through fear. This was one, though not the chief, of those cumulative causes of the dissatisfaction which caused the war. The affray occurred before the removal of the Governor to Auckland, and while the three magistrates were still at Paihia.
Of this Mr. Williams gives the following account.
COLLINS AND HEKE.
In the afternoon, previous to the removal of the Governor to Auckland, and while the magistrates were yet residing at Paihia, some of the natives rushed into my house to say that Heke was killing a pakeha, and that I must go instantly or he would be dead. I accordingly flew to the spot, and found Heke sitting on a prostrate pakeha, pounding his head against the ground with all his violence. I seized Heke by the arm, who allowed me to draw him off. I told several Europeans to take the man away, or he would be killed. They coolly replied, "He won't mind us." I repeated my demand while I had hold of Heke, whose head was streaming with blood. Heke told the man while I had hold of him, "Were I not a believer in Christ, I would kill you." While I was thus holding Heke, my back being towards Collins, he threw a stone and hit Heke, who gave a sudden bound, and in an instance had Collins down again, and was pounding his head as before, and, had there been a stone near, would have smashed his face; to draw him off now, was not so easily to be accomplished. I therefore obtained the assistance of three of his brothers, whom I desired to convey him to their home.
As soon as I could, I enquired into the cause of this matter, and learnt that Collins' wife had been washing clothes in a small boarded house close to the spot where the affray took place, that Heke stepped across the corner of the floor to the fire-place for a piece of fire for his pipe, returned without noticing any one or saying a word, and was sitting down with his relatives near the house, when the woman called to Collins, telling him of the great insult committed, on which he took the first stick that came to hand, and struck Heke on the head twice before he could look round, and then he sprang upon his assailant.
Late in the afternoon I met Mr. Matthew, one of the magistrates, and mentioned to him how near we were to having a serious row, in consequence of this violent assault on Heke.
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Mr. Matthew observed, "why, the fellow came for a warrant against you for having set Heke on him." This piece of impudence certainly exceeded anything I ever had known. Had it not been for fear of exciting the natives, I would have summoned Collins for his assault on Heke. Nothing was said to Heke by the Magistrates for this assault. No enquiry was made by the Government; but, to show their sympathy with Collins, he was received into Government employ.
Collins was a carpenter in my service. I dismissed him immediately. He removed to the seat of Government, about two miles distant, and reported his story to Governor Hobson; to show sympathy for him, the Governor gave him the situation of overseer to the Government carpenters. The Governor asked Mr. Brown, in whose employ he had been at Tauranga, if he would give him a character, as he understood that he had worked for him at Tauranga. Mr. Brown replied that he thought the man would do better without a character. Collins held his office of overseer of Government carpenters one week, and was then discharged. No enquiries were made of me respecting the case by the Government, nor was Collins reproved. The iniquity of this transaction was well known to the Magistrates and to the Government. No sympathy was expressed towards Heke, and how far this may have operated on Heke's mind three years after, cannot be said.
It is well known that most insulting language was frequently used to the chiefs in various places, and that no notice was taken to suppress these evils.
Mrs. Williams' journal is continued.
August 2, 1840. Colonel Wakefield, from Wellington, the guest of Governor Hobson, left his card.
August 3. The Government Treasury fetched away: a great relief.
August 8. Henry Williams received a Douai Bible from Bishop Pompallier.
August 10. Bishop Pompallier called.
August 20. Rev. Robert Burrows appointed to Kororareka.
August 24. A report of the French forming a Colony at Banks' Peninsula.
September 13. E. M. Williams sailed for Thames as Sub-Protector, with other Government officers.
September 23. Mr. Shortland, Lieutenant Sharp, and Dr. Fitzgerald, arrived from Wellington.
November 22. Seventy-four adult natives, and eighteen children baptised. Ninety women at Sunday school, besides children. Full five hundred natives in the settlement.
November 24. Dr. and Mrs. Evans, from Port Nicholson, called.
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February 14, 1841. Eighty-four adult natives baptised, and twenty-seven infants. One hundred and thirty-eight women at school.
April 16. H.M.S. "Favourite," Captain Dunlop, with Lady Franklyn on board. New Zealand no longer under the Sydney Government. A salute of fifteen guns. Heard that the Government had realised £21,559 by sale of land on the site of the new City of Auckland.
June 4. Mr. Robert Appleyard Fitzgerald arrived as police magistrate.
August 20. The two English discovery ships, the "Erebus" and "Terror," Captains Ross and Crozier, entered the harbour.
October 26. Public discussion with the priests at Kororareka, in the native language; Mr. Fitzgerald in the chair.
Mr. Williams shall give his own account of this encounter; it is extracted from a letter to his brother-in-law, E. G. Marsh.
You ask for an account of the discussion of two days at Kororareka. It commenced in the following way. The Priests had been very diligent in giving the natives every piece of information upon the subject, according to their view, of ours being a corrupt and fallen church; full of adultery, in consequence of its ministers being married, with much more of like important information. When at Kororareka, the natives came upon me with these charges, and as I was leaving the beach, three Frenchmen Priests, with their frightful hats and long black robes, came to me, and gave me a challenge to meet them publicly, to discuss in Maori the merits of this question, which I was too happy to attend to. The points brought forth were, the evidence of the Church of Christ, and the second commandment. They came forward in great pomp, with about one hundred volumes. We had our Bible, which of course they would not admit. I had, therefore, a Douai Bible, which they could not reject. I told them that would suffice my purpose. They tried to lead us into the wilderness, but could not; we therefore chastened them with their own weapon. It is impossible to give you anything like a correct account. They got angry several times, and, as usual, never kept to the question. The interest amongst the Europeans was very considerable. I could not have thought they had any interest or care in the matter; but the second day put them to the trial, as it came on to rain hard. They stood their ground bravely until the whole was concluded. Our chairman had much trouble to keep these people, i.e., the Priests in order. I have had two discussions, since this; they are now very quiet. The countenance given to them by nominal protestants is very painful, but how can it be avoided? We endeavour to proceed as quietly and carefully as we can, The present disturbed state of the country gives them
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an advantage. As this evil feeling has commenced with our part of the community, their number of natives is but small.
The following letters need no comment.
The Reverend William Williams to Mrs. Heathcote.
Poverty Bay, April 19, 1841.
I found at Waiapu a certificate left with the native teachers by the master of a vessel, which stated that a boat from his ship, in attempting to land on the beach, was upset, and one of the seamen drowned; that the natives payed every possible attention, and gave the corpse christian burial. I saw the grave within a decent enclosure by the side of that of a principal chief. Now it is about eight years ago, that a captain of a whaler told me that he landed on the same beach to purchase provisions, and that, seeing the natives disposed to be mischievous, he ordered his men into the boats, when the natives fired upon them, and he received a ball in his leg, the scar of which he shewed me. Here then was heathenism, and here is now Christianity.
Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
Paihia, July 5, 1841.
My wife begins to flag. She gets older every day, and I purpose, should we live so long, that at the completion of our twentieth year in this country, the school shall be relinquished. Our children are getting up around us; Edward I hope will be married in a year or so to a daughter of Mr. Davis, a very excellent girl. I hope he will leave the service of the Government, and get to the plough. Samuel is very steady, and the main stay; he has charge of the family farm. The other boys will, I expect, follow in order, though as yet the boys do not know whether or not they are to have any land they may call their own. Poor Mr. Coates appears to have been subject to a terrible overhauling before the Committee of the House of Commons, and to have been a good deal perplexed. To us it appears amusingly ridiculous,--the perfectly destitute state in which most persons would wish to put our children. The idea of Mr. Coates being asked by the House if the Missionaries sold wool, evidently intimating that this could not be allowed. Such questions as these should be answered in another form. The Missionaries do not. Their children feel themselves at liberty to sell wool or anything else.
Henry Williams to the Church Mission Society.
Paihia, October 1, 1841.
It is very cheering to watch the progress of the Mission; the anxious desire for divine knowledge, which, I may say, is shown
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everywhere, and the numbers who are pressing forward for admission into the Church militant. The examination of all in this station is as strict as I can desire. I have them, not in classes, but individually. This I find more wearisome and tedious, but more effectual in determining the extent of knowledge possessed by each person. I am now much engaged with those natives who are undergoing their final examination before baptism, which will take place on the Lord's day, the 10th instant, when I expect about one hundred adult natives will be presented to the Lord. By the present returns you will be enabled to determine more correctly the number of Christian natives. In some instances you appear to have taken the return for the Waimate as the return for the whole Mission. The natives assembling every Lord's day, under our Missionaries and native teachers, are not fewer than thirty-five or forty thousand.
I have written to the Bishop of Australia, requesting directions on certain important points relating to the natives. Many questions of moment frequently present themselves, on which we possess no authority to enter. We must hope that a Bishop for this Colony will soon make his appearance.
The state of the natives is thus described by Mr. William; Williams, writing from Turanga.
The idols are already cast to the moles and to the bats; the swords are beaten into plough-shares, and the spears into pruning hooks: that is, the whole fabric of native superstition is gone, whether relating to the living or to the dead; the old priests being as forward to take this step as any others. Their weapons of warfare are laid by; their animosities with distant tribes are given up, and their petty quarrels are settled by arbitration.
The foregoing testimony is not that of enthusiasts, seeing all in the colour that they wished, but of patiently enduring men, long accustomed to disappointment, and in the habit of strongly expressing that disappointment, whenever it occurred. To those who know the ways of men, the coming in of "the old priests" will be a sure test of the work having been effectually done. It has been said that when Harvey discovered the greater circulation of the blood, not ten doctors in the kingdom, of more than forty years of age, accepted the new doctrine. In them, it was only stiffneckedness; their temporal interests would not have suffered. The Maori priest abandoned his profession, and with it, his livelihood.
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We now come to one of the turning points in the history of the Colony,--the murder of Mrs. Robertson and family by Maketu; giving rise to Heke's war,--properly so called, as distinguished from the rising of Kawiti, to which a different cause must be assigned. For although the trouble was tided over for a while, the embers lay smouldering still, to burst forth, on the first fanning breath of wind, into a blaze. So pregnant of consequence was this chance event, that it must be treated with more than passing notice.
It was on the 20th November, that Mrs. Robertson, a widow, residing at Motu Apohia, the island known as Robertson's Island, in the Bay of Islands, was murdered, together with two of her children, a half-caste child, grand-child to Rewa, and a European man servant, by Maketu, a young chief, about twenty years of age. When he went to the island, he was looked upon and treated as a friend; but enraged by a refusal to comply with his demands, he killed the servant in his sleep; knocked down and despatched Mrs. Robertson with an axe; killed the children; plundered the house of whatever he had a mind for, and then set it on fire. Maketu was highly connected, 19 a fine young man in person, but notoriously vicious, owing to a corrupt life in all manner of villainy. Intense excitement among the natives arose. An attempt by the Government to take the murderer by force, would have been fool-hardiness. The question was for the natives themselves,-- whether or not the criminal should be given up, that English law should take its course. It was the first trial of their loyalty; the first test of the question whether the treaty was a reality, reasonably and thoughtfully agreed to; or whether it was, in the words of the New Zealand Company, "a device to amuse savages."
Some three hundred natives had assembled at the scene of crime. In the first instance they refused to give up the murderer. On the 24th, Mr. Williams proceeded thither; the result of the interview being, that Maketu was given into custody, and taken to
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Kororareka; Ruhe, the father, consenting thereto. It may be assumed that the death of Rewa's grand-child, for which utu [payment] was due, had much to do with this decision. Ruhe seems to have been over-borne by Ngapuhi; for afterwards, when removed from their influence, his only thought was for vengeance on the pakeha.
But what had been well begun was not yet half ended. Discontent and regret began to seethe. It was no light thing to consign a man of such birth to an English gibbet. Mr. Williams gave notice of impending danger to the Government officials, who thereupon betook themselves to their usual resource (the policy persevered in to the present day,--a coral and bells to the crying babe), the distribution of gifts. 20 Sugar and flour, tobacco, and two casks of wine by way of allaying angry passion, were meted out, and readily disposed of; leaving matters exactly where they were before.
For some while it was doubtful whether civil war, or, indeed, a general rise against Europeans, might not be the immediate result.
Heke, at the time when the criminal was given up, happened fortunately to be out of the way, busied with one of his own private feuds. But when told that Ngapuhi had consented, he was frantic with anger, urgent for a general rise against the Government. A meeting of the tribes around, including those from Whangaroa and Hokianga, convened by Mr. Williams at the request of Walker Nene, 21 was held at Paihia, upwards of a thousand being present. The assembly became at one time most turbulent, on the point of breaking up in confusion; Heke, notwithstanding that he had headed the signatures to the treaty, being the firebrand. He rose to speak, interrupting Paerau, 22 flourishing his hatchet at him. Upon this, Pomare rose, and left the meeting with his people,
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fearing, as he said, such another collision as that which caused the battle of Kororareka in 1830. The disaffected performed a war dance on the beach, firing their muskets, which were loaded with ball. But the moderate party at last prevailed. The inflammatory reports of revolt which had been spread abroad, were traced to their source, and disavowed; a memorial was signed expressive of good will to the Governor, and of willingness that the murderer should be dealt with according to law. To this, indeed, the obligation to obtain "payment," either by English or Maori law, for the death of Rewa's grand-child, was powerfully conducive. Maori retribution would inevitably kindle a native war; which need not follow, as a matter of course, from the action of English law. Also, the violent conduct of Heke, which was disapproved. But the main cause was the growing desire for law and order, the hope of which was the true cause of agreement to the treaty.
Heke had failed; but, as will presently be seen, he never lost sight of the matter, resolving to bide his time. For the present he returned to his old practices, day by day becoming more turbulent, gathering around a number of young fellows, desperadoes,--outcasts from the neighbouring tribes.
Maketu was executed in Auckland, March 7, 1842.
The affair is thus described by Mr. Williams.
The Bay of Islands district, and the whole of this part of the island, was thrown into a great state of alarm at the news of the murder of Mrs. Robertson, two of her children, a half-cast child, grand-child to Rewa, and a man servant. It soon became generally known amongst the natives who had committed the deed, but as a grand-child of Rewa, a chief of note and one of the leading men, was amongst the number of the slain, the culprit was surrendered by his own father,--Ruhe, a chief of Waimate. The name of the murderer was Maketu, a fine young man in person, but of vicious habits,
Maketu was connected with Pomare and other chief men around, very many of whom were desirous of creating a general movement, and bringing on a war; passing to and fro, telling all kinds of falsehoods, to excite sympathy. The Missionaries were threatened, it having been stated that Mr. Clarke and I had taken Maketu as a prisoner on board the Government brig. A large party had been met on the road, fully equipped for mischief, and
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threatening the Mission. As soon as this intelligence was received at Paihia, I paid an especial visit to the chiefs around the Bay, who all regarded the affair as most serious, and advised me to call a general meeting for the following Thursday, to be held at Paihia, as no time was to be lost. I reported this circumstance to the Magistrates residing at Kororareka, who all fully approved of the steps I had taken.
On the day appointed, a large meeting took place of natives from Whangaroa, Hokianga, and the country round the Bay. All had arms, and for some time it was doubtful whether they would not proceed to use them, as much angry language was used by Pomare, Heke, and others, against the Government and the pakeha. Many drew off while under this feeling, and it was doubtful for some time whether they were not returning to fight. Towards the close of the afternoon, angry feeling began to subside, and the conduct of the opponents to order and justice condemned by the well-disposed.
At sunset, all dispersed quietly to their places. Ruhe, the father of the culprit, fully approved that the law should be carried out, though months passed before quietness was fully established. Maketu was tried for murder, and executed at Auckland; the first Maori who suffered by British law.
Heke's disturbance of the meeting will presently be more fully adverted to.
From Mrs. Williams' journal.
November 22, 1841. When Henry and his son Edward returned, they told us of the horrible murder of Mrs. Robertson, her child, servant, &c.; four murdered, and Mrs. Robertson's son, of seven years old, missing. The house had been set on fire by the perpetrators. Captain Bateman going off to assist the sufferers from the fire, which was first seen from Paroa, discovered the murder.
November 23. Just as we were going to bed, a note brought from Mr. Busby, mentioning that the murderer was discovered to be a son or brother of Ruhe; that upwards of three hundred natives were assembled at Motu Apohia, generally called Robertson's island, and refused to give the murderer up; that one of Rewa's sons was sitting with him; that two watches and some linen had been given up through Rewa's means. But that, altogether, it was more alarming than anything he had known in New Zealand; that Mr. King thinks the natives ripe for an outbreak, and that Mr. Mair had intimations of the same nature. That Mr. Beckham, the police magistrate, was to go to Kerikeri for Mr. Clarke, and to write to Auckland for all the disposable force. We shuddered as we talked over it, but trusted that the God of Jacob
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still encamped around us as in times of old when danger threatened. Henry determined to go off at daylight.
November 24. Henry moved off between five and six without waiting for a cup of tea. We were all anxiety. I could not help perpetually taking up the glass to see what boats were moving about. We saw two come down the Kerikeri river, which appeared to be ours, going round Tapeka. Some natives who wanted Henry, told me the murderer was Maketu; that Whai, a chief of Kororareka, had found him, and that Rewa would kill him. John King called and said that the news had been sent last night to Waikato, who would be at Kororareka to-day. All was calm and quiet here, but when we heard of hundreds of natives and all the pakeha of Kororareka being assembled upon the island in Paroa Bay, where the murder was committed, it seemed like a calm before a heavy storm . . . . The day was long and anxious. We saw at sunset three boats leave Kororareka, and go towards Russell with soldiers in them, and hoped the murderer might have been given up. We saw Mr. Ford's boat come home, and others leave for Kerikeri, Wahapu, and in different directions. Henry's boat went towards Mr. Busby's,--we concluded to take him home; at length, at eight o'clock, he walked in, and greatly were our fears and anxieties relieved by his account of the proceedings. The murderer had been given up, and taken to Russell by the soldiers. The natives had behaved well, Rewa particularly so. This chief's grand-child was one of the victims. Henry had buried the corpses. The little boy, seven years old, was, the murderer confessed, thrown by him into the sea, from the summit of the hill to which he had fled at the murder of the others.
November 28. Mr. Mair mentioned the evil reports flying about as to the intentions of the natives. Henry went up the river, intending to see Pomare on the subject.
December 1. Edward wrote that it was reported that Ruhe meant to shoot Mr. Clarke's cattle for taking his son prisoner to Auckland.
December 2. Henry went with Mr. Busby to Paetai, where Ruhe, father of the murderer, was. He heard a great deal of bad talk that was circulated among the natives, and left the man more moderately inclined. Hemi Tautari said, messengers were going everywhere to excite the tribes to rise; that all the natives were buying arms and powder; that they were angry with Mr. Clarke, Mr. Williams, and Mr. Busby, saying that they gave up the murderer; that they mean to tear up their Bibles. Satan is very busy; but there is comfort in thinking there is one more powerful than he.
January 3, 1842. Henry told us that the French man-of-war from Akaroa had offered to wait to take care of the place till they had heard from Auckland,
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Tapahi, back from the Karetu, told us the bad talk about Te Wiremu,--that he had given up the murderer, &c. It is a new thing for the natives to turn upon him.
January 6. Just as we had finished dinner, the natives from the Kawakawa appeared on the verandah; Tamati, Matiu, Hori, and others,--quite a mob of Rangatiras, come to have a korero with Te Wiremu. Henry was engaged with them till late. Matiu's letter was read, with the Hokianga news about Pomare's double acting; the letter from Mohi Tawhai at Hokianga; the reports about Te Wiremu's having taken the prisoner, and given him up.
January 8. About eleven o'clock Mr. Busby called, and who should be with him but Ruhe. He came into the front room to shake hands, and though he looked so quiet, I felt not a little fluttered. Mr. Busby was in a great hurry, and left him with me to wait for Te Wiremu, which he did from eleven till dark. I shewed him into the entrance place, and sent him rice to eat, and kept fidgeting about near at hand. Captain Beckham called, Mr. Burrows, and Mr. Hanley from the Bank. They stayed to tea, and as they were going, we heard that Mr. Busby and Mr. Mair were come. All had departed, when they met Henry landing, and all came back to hear his story of his visit to Tareha and Waikato. He produced the famous helmet which Waikato had given him. Upon it was engraved, "From King George IV. to Waikato."
January 9. Ruhe came back again, and Henry and Mr. Kemp had a long talk with him. A messenger from Pomare.
January 13. Henry left in the "Flying Fish" for Paroa Bay.
January 14. Hera came to tell me that Tareha was come, Waikato, King George, 23 and others.
January 15. My husband tapped at the window about 1 o'clock, a.m. Natives arriving all day.
January 16. The most important day of the meeting of the native chiefs at Paihia. A large party of native horsemen rode into the settlement a little after six o'clock, Edward the only pakeha. At breakfast, Aperahama arrived; guns popping off, and native girls leaving off their work to go and see. The canoes continued to arrive; and so much attention did the Kawakawa war canoe, Te Kingi, excite, which went over to Kororareka to make a demonstration, that I gave the school girls leave to be in the front verandah. Mr. Busby, Mr. John Busby, Captain Sulivan, in the front room, Mr. King and his son John. There was such delay waiting for Pomare's party to arrive, the people running from one end to another to see canoes land, that Henry all at once determined to have luncheon before the meeting began. About twenty people assembled in our back sitting room, amongst whom were Captain
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Sulivan, Mr. Beckham, the Commander of the Forces, the two Mr. Busbys, all the Missionaries, the elder Missionary sons, &c. . . . . . All sorts of agitating reports were brought in about the meeting, where about thirty chiefs spoke, and John Heke and another native tried to create an ill feeling, but could not succeed. After this they had a war dance on the beach; fired off their muskets, which were loaded.
January 17. About five o'clock, Henry was called out to Pomare, then to Kemara, and the Kawakawa people. The entrance passage to our house was filled with natives thus early until the afternoon. About sixty pots of rice were given out: Our two breakfasts and numerous visitors occupied much time.
The loyal resolutions agreed to at the Paihia meeting, were transmitted by Mr. Williams to the Government, with an explanatory letter.
Paihia, December 20, 1841.
Sir,--I have the honour to acquaint you, for the information of His Excellency the Governor, that in consequence of the recent very excited state of the natives in this part of the island since the murder committed by Maketu, I called a general and public meeting of the chiefs of Ngapuhi, for the purpose of suppressing the then excited feelings. Accordingly, a very full meeting was held at this place on Thursday, the 16th instant, at which was present every chief of note and influence.
I forward to you, for the information of His Excellency the Governor, the Resolutions that were passed at the close of the meeting, together with two public letters, signed by the chiefs of the two divisions of Ngapuhi, addressed to His Excellency.
I forward, also, a public letter to the same purport from the chiefs of Hokianga, which I received on Saturday last, with several letters to His Excellency from individual chiefs, which I hope will prove satisfactory, and shew that the late disposition to evil towards the Europeans was confined to a few persons, and, I trust I can add, is now happily suppressed.
I forward to His Excellency the helmet presented by King George IV. to Waikato, which was delivered to me by that chief at my conference with him previous to the public meeting, as a token, I presume, of his good will towards Her Majesty's subjects. As Waikato has himself written to His Excellency, I think the helmet had better accompany his letter.
I must request that you will express to His Excellency the Governor that nothing but a feeling of impending danger, and the urgent necessity of an immediate interference on the part of the Missionaries at this critical period, could have induced me to have
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called this meeting, and the Missionaries thus to have stepped forward out of their more peculiar duties. The calling of the meeting met with the full concurrence of the Police Magistrate in conjunction with every other magistrate residing in the Bay of Islands.
I feel it my duty, also, to request that you will express to His Excellency that, while we shall at all times be desirous to further the views of His Excellency with regard to the preservation of peace, good will, and order amongst the Aborigines of the country, we must retire, as far as possible, from all political discussion between them and the members of Her Majesty's Government, or the Europeans emigrating to this country.
Numerous questions of a political nature are constantly proposed, which are painful to us to have to notice. Our duties in this respect are difficult and critical. We therefore do hope that in future our services, on all political questions, may not be required.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedient and humble servant,
To George Clarke, Esq.,
Protector of Aborigines,
The Resolutions agreed upon by the Chiefs of Ngapuhi, assembled at Paihia on the 16th December, 1841.
1. This Assembly disapproves of and discountenances the murders of Maketu, at Motu Apohia.
2. This Assembly declare that they did not know the murderous intention of Maketu towards the Europeans. His resolution was his alone. The chiefs of Ngapuhi declare that they have no thought of rising to massacre the Europeans living in New Zealand, and their hearts are sorry, because the Europeans have thought that this is the desire of the natives. This Assembly declare that they will strongly protest against this murderer, Maketu, being brought back to the Bay of Islands.
Paihia, December 16, 1841.
Governor,--We, Ngapuhi, had assembled at Paihia, to consider the reports that have flown about in the wind. The reports are many, and are now caught. Governor, we are quite downcast with the work of the tongue. Now, the work of Maketu lies quite plain. That deed was his alone; although the Europeans are jealous, supposing that we, the natives, have a heart for mischief. No, no, Governor, we have no mischievous intentions towards the Europeans; it is all regard. It is true, formerly we had a heart;
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now we have not our old hearts for slaughter and murder. No, Governor, here are the resolutions of our Assembly forwarded to you, that you may fully see the greatness of our hearts for mischief or not.
Sir, Maketu's work is his alone, his own; we have nothing to say for him. That man is with you; leave him there. Do not bring him back here to us, lest there be a disturbance: leave him there. Governor, do not listen to the reports that have flown about in the wind. Whose reports are those? They are from Korongohi Haurangi, from himself. We have heard that all the people have forsaken the word of God. No, Governor, it is false, it is a falsehood of the tongue.
Sir, Governor, let your regard be great for us, the children of the Queen Victoria, the Queen of England, of Europe also. Now, this is the word of the book: "Love one another." This is a good word. Shew us the greatness of your regard to us and our children, and we shall all turn without one exception to Victoria to be her children. But if not, what shall we do? Governor, here we are sitting in ignorance; we have no thoughts; you are our parent. Do you write a book to us, a book to raise us up, who are sitting in darkness, in the woods, or elsewhere. We have no mischievous dispositions towards the Europeans. No, no: "Love one another."
WIRIPO HOTERENE MENE,
TE HIRA PURE,
There is also another letter, almost a transcript of the above, signed by Maketu's father, Pomare, Thomas Walker Nene, and others.
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A letter to Mr. Marsh conveys some general information. Why the Mission, save only for the fact of their belonging to the Church of England, should have been the target for the incessant attacks of the notorious Dr. Lang,--attacks continued until a late occasion, when, upon being fairly challenged to make good his words, he shewed the white feather--is hard to say. Of the proceedings of the New Zealand Land Company, Mr. Williams speaks with his usual freedom of expression. He was not the only one who suffered through plain speaking about so potent an association. His prediction that the services of Mr. Clarke, as Protector, would be dispensed with, was fulfilled; but, fortunately, not until Mr. Clarke's reputation for able dealing with the natives had been fully established by Governor FitzRoy.
Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
Paihia, December 23, 1841.
I forwarded to you some time since my review of Lang's happy, or rather unhappy production. He, the miserable man, has fallen into dire disgrace with the Government of New South Wales, for . . . . Of the New Zealand Land Company, time will shew the proceedings. They appear to set the Government at defiance in all their acts, for continuance of which they have been allowed a charter. They now buy right and left, with no one in that part of the Island to act for and in behalf of the natives. True, there is a person from England, one of themselves, who understands not a word of the New Zealand language, who bears the name of Protector to the Aborigines. Of course if such a one can act for the natives in that part of the country, another can be found for this neighbourhood, and the services of Mr. Clarke dispensed with, which I have little doubt will be the case as soon as they can feel their way. You will probably hear by the papers, long before this reaches you, of the horrible murder which took place in the Bay last month, when five persons (English) were killed by a young man, son of a chief of high connections. The whole of this part of the country was thrown into great excitement, and a general rise of the natives was for many days apprehended. Of course the members of the Government could do nothing. The Missionaries were obliged to see the natives, and I called a general meeting of the chiefs, to assemble at Paihia, at which all of any influence attended. The subject was entered into, and concluded the next day. This, on my part, was a responsible step, to call a political meeting in such times as these. I hope I may not be again required thus to come forward, and have written to the Protector
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to this effect. There was a numerous attendance of Europeans, amongst whom were the magistrates of this district, and the captain and officers of a man-of-war, then in the Bay. All the natives were under arms, yet the meeting passed off without any disturbance of any consequence. I had to make an official communication of the same, but as yet have received no reply, therefore do not know if the measure is approved or disapproved. Since the meeting with the natives, general excitement has been created by a proposed Bill of the Governor's,--to sweep off all the land which has been purchased, giving in lieu thereof some portion in some other part of the Island, for the purpose of drawing together the settlers from the out-posts. 24 This in theory may be good, but in practice bad. I fear that the attempt to carry such a measure would cause a general disturbance, not only amongst the Europeans, but also amongst the natives. I think the Society, therefore, may be satisfied to let the land question be at rest as far as they are concerned, there being no fear that the Government will allow to any one more land than they can possibly help. This I mentioned to Mr. Coates many months since, but even in their last communication does he press the same subject. We have no land, nor have we possessed any since the formation of the Government in the country. My boys are attempting something for themselves in farming. I wish them to have no place under the Government. Edward, I hope, sees the need of getting to work. Thomas and John are as yet with William; I wish to keep them with him until they be eighteen, but education here is not more than half what it is in England. In one more year and a half, should we be alive, I intend Marianne shall give up her English school. 25 It is heavy work without English servants. The present Government here shew every disposition to seize all land belonging to the Church Mission Society they can possibly put their hands upon, all that is not in actual occupation. Upon this land of the Church Mission Society the natives come and sit, and cover a good deal of land, but these Government officers would gladly hem us in on every side; they have their footing, and now we, and all belonging to us,
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may fly to the winds. Our natives as yet behave well, but I fear our Mission will soon lose that simplicity it has long known. How very far do these savage christians exceed those more polished from our highly favoured England. In my native congregation my heart has been cheered, and warmed, and comforted. They come to me for advice on all points, and speak of their failings and weaknesses. Our more polished christians are inanimate, cold, insensible, unfeeling, regardless of everything but their present gratification, with neither soul nor spirit. In the Mission there is very much to gratify; beyond the Mission there is much to distress. I wish there were some one to take general charge of our affairs. A head over our mission, and our numerous churches and schools, is required.
The Government, frighted with false fire not long since, had now lapsed into undue security. Having hanged their man, they treated the affair as settled. They were beginning to rely less on the Mission, and more on themselves. Prompted by a feeling of incipient jealousy, which, under shew of much civility, would still peer out; prematurely anxious to break down the bridge over which they had passed, they began to treat the Mission with neglect,--so far at least as could be ventured. This was to be expected; their self-esteem was somewhat galled; and, being a Government, they naturally wished to govern. The Mission took no umbrage; continuing, as from the first, to give advice when sought, but never obtruding it. The following letter is in exemplification.
Mr. Williams to Mr. Busby.
April, 20, 1842.
I am sorry to be under the necessity of declining to reply to your communication of the 4th instant, as my situation as Missionary requires me not to enter into politics. However, as a christian, I cannot refrain from expressing my deep regret at the present state of New Zealand. Were it confined to the Europeans, I should not offer an observation; but from the speech of the Colonial Secretary, it would appear that a degree of confidence and security is reposed in the state of the natives, which may lead into fatal error, not seen until too late. The disturbance arising from the capture of Maketu was happily suppressed, but I do not hesitate to say that had not the grand-child of Rewa been one of the victims, thereby bringing all the Ngapuhi tribes as auxiliaries to the Europeans in the event of war, the result of the affair would have been far otherwise. The Colonial Secretary's assertion that
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"the natives never did entertain an opinion as far as regards the Government of distrust," should have required more reflection than perhaps was given to it. For it is a fact too palpable to be refuted. I must say that I do not know a chief who has not expressed his "distrust" in the Europeans generally; and it has required all my energies and influence, in common with the other Missionaries, among the natives, to set their minds at rest upon these subjects. Frequently are expressions of distrust expressed to me of their fears as to the ultimate intention of the Government towards the natives themselves and their possessions, which will require every care to correct. In this I consider their feelings as perfectly natural. What were the feelings and conduct of the ancient Britons, towards the first invaders of the country?
In regard to British law, the natives do not yet consider that it applies to them.
In the event of any serious disturbance between the native tribes and Europeans, I consider that the British subjects cannot expect protection from any of the tribes. They might join the Europeans to-day, and oppose them to-morrow. Hence I consider the danger of the Europeans under such circumstances, to be very serious, and requiring all the care and wisdom which can be given to this great subject. What the consequence may be as soon as any collision takes place, the natives themselves cannot determine; much less any Europeans.
Time, as usual, proved that Mr. Williams had perfect cognisance of the true state of things. But he was urgent with the Government that they should take entire charge of their own affairs. They were no longer new-comers, wholly dependent for information on old settlers; and his strong desire was to give undivided attention once more to missionary work. Not that the intermission lasted long; for when troubles again became serious, he was again ordered to the front.
Extracts from journals are continued, mainly for the sake of dates, and to keep up the order of connexion.
January 14, 1842. Captain Stratton fined £50 for a pennant being hung out on the "Columbine" (Mission schooner), while at church on Sunday.
February 15. Riro murdered by Hone Rauawa, at Pakaraka, in jealousy.
February 27. More than two hundred natives to the Lord's supper.
April 17. Twenty-one adults and three children baptised. The new Government offices burnt down in Auckland.
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May 1. Government House at Russell burnt down.
June 6. Heard of the Bishop's arrival in Auckland.
Henry Williams to Mrs. Heathcote.
Paihia, July 5, 1841.
Edward has been, a director of the New Zealand Bank during the last year. This you will think somewhat astonishing; moreover, Samuel will, I believe, be chosen this year as another of the directors. So you will perceive that these boys are not here quite so insignificant things as some people have desired they should be. One of the first merchants in the Bay, desirous of going to England to enlarge his business, spoke to me the other day, to let Samuel join him as partner, his character standing high. When I look on my children, and consider the public feeling which has been exhibited towards them, I feel in a degree indignant that any one should dictate to me what I shall do for them to keep them from a false and wicked world. I am thankful for the blessings my Heavenly Father has bestowed upon them, and trust He will continue to strengthen and uphold them free from the contaminating influence of the multitude. But as we are becoming externally more civilised daily, and music becoming more general, it is proposed to procure a piano, which I will thank you to see after the first time you are in London. I should like a good one, as the expense of freight, &c, is no more for the best than for the worst.
ARRIVAL OF THE BISHOP.
New Zealand was at first but an appendage to the Colony of New South Wales, politically. Ecclesiastically, it appertained to the diocese of Australia. But as the Bishop of Australia could not exercise active supervision, an independent diocese was created, and a bishop designated. This measure was most welcome to Mr. Williams, in whose views of discipline the idea of a ship without a captain found no place.
Dr. Selwyn was, apparently, the very man for the Colony. A fine scholar--there is no greater mistake than to suppose that scholarship is unvalued or useless in a British Colony -- well known as an athlete both at Eton and at Cambridge, a strong swimmer, an enduring pedestrian, and a powerful oar; 26 of a most
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pleasant and affable address, with a determined will, merging upon that excess of will called self-will.
His introduction at Paihia was characteristic. Mrs. Williams shall narrate it.
June 6, 1842. A note before breakfast from Mr. Colenso to William, to tell us that the Bishop of New Zealand had arrived at Auckland in the "Britomart," and that there was a large mail . . . Mr. Clarke informed us that two families of Missionaries had arrived at Auckland, and that the new Bishop, with Mrs. Selwyn, was coming here in a fortnight.
June 20. While Henry was engaged with his Monday evening Bible class, William came in with a card, brought by a pakeha, to read by the candle-light. He exclaimed, "the Bishop of New Zealand on the beach." He went down and found the Bishop, Mr. Cotton (private chaplain), and Mr. Lewington, dragging up a boat in which they had come from Cape Brett, steering for this house by a pocket compass. The natives poured out of the reading room at the news. The Bishop's manner was most prepossessing, and, when shewn into his room, he seemed much pleased to find a crib for his little boy. When summoned to tea, both the Bishop and his Chaplain seemed surprised at the long tea table of the two families of Williams, set for twenty-four.
June 21. Mr. and Mrs. Kissling, missionaries, the Bishop's fellow-passengers in the small vessel from Auckland, came to a second breakfast. He was an old German missionary from Sierra Leone; his wife a well-educated English woman. Quite a day of days. The Bishop and Henry started for the Kerikeri.
June 26. Surprised and delighted by the Bishop's address to the natives in the native language. A crowded chapel, and near two hundred communicants.
July 1. It was settled that Thomas (fourth son) was to go to the Bishop's house to teach Maori to Mr. Cotton, and continue his own Greek and Latin.
July 5. Henry took the Bishop to the vessel. The Bishop sailed, leaving Mrs. Selwyn here.
The arrangement was that the Bishop should make a six months' tour through the Colony, the greater part on foot, according to his wont, leaving Mrs. Selwyn to prepare the way for him at the Waimate, where he was presently to establish his head-quarters.
The new Bishop, as will be seen by the subjoined correspondence, won golden opinions forthwith. Mr. Williams, who never did any thing by halves, gave his unreserved confidence and support, satisfied that he had found a kindred spirit. Though many and various the points of discussion, it seemed as if the
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two were unable to disagree. And the impression made on Mr. Williams was the stronger, seeing that of late the Society had gone counter to his advice. For this, a bare allusion, contained in a letter, must suffice.
Mrs. Williams to Mrs. Heathcote.
Paihia, April 19, 1842.
I cannot tell what you may have heard about Henry's intentions. This I can asure you, he is not, and never was, weary of the work, and never let even his numerous family interfere with it. He never disliked discipline, but has had great trials from the want of discipline, and the want of a deputation to search into the state of the Mission, which he and William have so repeatedly urged the Society to send. Henry welcomes the prospect of the Bishop's coming. Depend upon it that your brother's proceedings will bear examination. He is of that metal which, the harder it is rubbed, the more it will shine. He was absent at Tepuna on Sunday and several previous days, engaged with natives for baptism; twenty-two adults baptised at Tepuna on Sunday, besides children. To-day he has gone to Kerikeri, to a committee. Edward has, I am happy to say, left the Government. His father has given him a fine piece of land in a pretty situation near to his brothers, where he is building and planting, and preparing for a wife,--if the Government do not take this land and his prospects. All is still unsettled about the land. The Missionaries' purchases have been examined; the commissioners have said they were surprised to find them so moderate, compared with what they were represented to be, considering the number of their children. It has been seen that the Missionaries' deeds are very correct; that they have had no difficulty about them, and that the Missionaries have given a better price for their land than others. These commissioners are now superseded by one from England. The old settlers are all displeased. According to the decree of Government the new comers and speculators will all fare better than the old settlers who prepared the way for them. There is nothing but discontent abroad. The Government Officers in debt; the Government have no money; fines and duties have driven the shipping trade to other islands, and emigrants and mechanics are leaving in disappointment. The Colony is considered by all to be in a very critical state. The natives are very jealous of the Government; they have been quiet since the execution of the murderer Maketu, but though evil feeling has been put down, it still exists. Perhaps, after all, you may come with the Bishop; I need not say how glad we shall be to welcome you.
Mr. Williams' opinion of his Lordship must be expressed in his own words.