1877 - Carleton, H. The Life of Henry Williams [Vol. II.] - APPENDIX TO VOL II.
APPENDIX TO VOL II.
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APPENDIX TO VOL II,
APPENDICES are of little interest to the general reader, who is, for the most part, content to accept the text. But some of the statements of fact therein made are of a nature so trenchant as to need corroboration by original documents. It has been found difficult to reduce their bulk; as it is, they are fewer than could be wished. But, once for all, I pledge myself either "to substantiate, or fully and honourably to retract;" to do that justice to the assailants of Henry Williams which was refused to him by themselves. The main object of this Memoir is vindication of character; but the endeavour has been, while freely presenting facts, to abstain from comment upon those facts, so far at least as duty would permit. While the struggle was hot, expressions of severity were used. These have been carefully excised, even from letters and journals, as being unnecessary to vindication. But while much forbearance has been exercised towards persons, none whatever has been used in regard to those assertions, uttered in defiance of fact, by which injury so deep was inflicted on an unoffending man. There has been no blenching from the declaration, in the plainest words, of their utter untruthfulness. If they were not so, what is the alternative? The restoration of Archdeacon Williams would have been a crime. Were they buried for good and all, they might have been more gently dealt with; but from time to time they are exhumed,--dug out from Blue Books and Parliamentary Papers which, to those who have not been trained behind the scenes, convey the impression of indubitable authenticity. Upon these assertions, and not upon vague opinions, let issue be joined.
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Reasons given by Mr. Commissioner FitzGerald to his Excellency Governor FitzRoy for extending the Commissioner's award in favour of the Rev. Henry Williams, having been authorised thereto by the Governor and Council.
Report on the Claims of the Reverend Henry Williams.
| No. 245
|| Claim for 1000
|| Commissioner's award
|| " 3000
|| " "
| 245b ..
|| " 500
|| " "
| 245c ..
|| " 4000
|| " "
|| " 500
|| " "
|| " 2000
|| " "
|| " "
The Rev. Henry Williams makes these several claims on behalf of eleven children (many of whom are grown up and settled on their land) and himself. The deeds are drawn up in their favour as well as his, therefore they may be considered, to a certain extent, distinct and separate claims. The father appears to have paid on behalf of himself and children enough to entitle them to (22,131) twenty-two thousand one hundred and thirty-one acres, according to the ordinance scale; and considering the well-known character and services of the father, and the qualifications of the children as colonists, I respectfully recommend to the Governor, being authorised thereto by the Executive Council, that the full amount claimed in each case be granted, excepting on No. 245c, 1 from which 2,000 acres should be deducted, leaving a total of (9,000) nine thousand acres.
Land Office, June 10, 1844.
ROBERT APPLEYARD FITZGERALD, Commissioner.
Approved and authorised, July 14, 1844.
The number of children in the families of the Missionaries on whose behalf land has been purchased are one hundred and seventeen.
The average number of acres for each, 304 1/2; for which, according to the figures given by the Commissioners, five shillings and ninepence has been paid per acre.
The number of acres awarded by the Commissioner to the families of the Missionaries are 35,630 of waste land, which, taken
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in one block, occupies a space of less than eight miles by seven, which it may be advisable to mark off on the Map of New Zealand and see its extent, for the support of one hundred and seventeen children, not to mention the numerous grand-children, of course dependant upon the same provision.
Of this land considerable portions are of no value whatever. Of the land awarded to Mr. King and Mr. Kemp scarcely one acre in twenty can be regarded as available for agricultural purposes, and was selected by them for their children, in order to keep their children under their own watchful eye, rather than sanction their occupying more fertile spots at a distance from them.
The grant of land formerly allowed in New South Wales to chaplains for the benefit of their children was--for sons, 1,920 acres; for daughters, 1,280; free from all expenses.
The first fruit of Pakaraka, the farm where my sons are at work, was my second son connecting himself with the Bishop; he was in September last admitted to Holy Orders, paying his own expenses. The same is open for the rest of my sons. The proceeds of the farm have all been turned back upon the farm in improvements, and, for myself, I have not received one shilling.
The following details of the sacking of Kororareka are taken from an account written immediately afterwards for the Australian, and subsequently republished by the Times of September 6, 1845. Much is here omitted from it, mainly on account of severity of stricture, which I am unwilling to reproduce. That great want of determination was shewn, is true; but the local authorities considered themselves bound by general orders from the Government at Auckland--(orders which could not have been framed for a contingency that was not foreseen)--to stand upon the defensive only. As to military conduct, it must suffice to say, that Lieutenant Barclay and Ensign Campbell were brought to court martial, and acquitted. Of the folly of the bombardment, and of what really caused it, the less said the better. The person to blame fell in the attack upon Ohaeawai pa. The comments upon the conduct of the Police Magistrate were undeserved, Archdeacon Williams,
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when questioned upon the subject, said that Mr. Beckham had behaved well. Now, "behaving well" was with him no slight saying; for it was according to his own standard of "well." He gave a strong recommendation to Governor FitzRoy, which was acted upon accordingly.
THE SACKING OF KORORAREKA.
As the following narrative, which has been communicated to us, will be read in London as well as in this Colony, we shall mention that Kororareka in New Zealand goes by the name of "The Bay of Islands" [Russell]. Kororareka is a native name of a small district of a mile or two wide and long. It is distinguished by a very fine beach and harbour, so sheltered and convenient that the shipping of all nations have made use of it for more than forty years. Whalers have made it their regular rendezvous on account of its being free from imposts, furnishing them with fresh water and the finest spars in the world; also, the pigs, potatoes, and pork of the natives often proved a wholesome and seasonable supply in the way of helping out the provisions of whaling crews.
The Missionary establishments consist of a Church of England, a Wesleyan, and a Roman Catholic Mission respectively. The Church of England one is superintended by Archdeacon Williams, formerly a lieutenant in the Navy, and, of course, a man-of-war in, if not from, his youth. Great calumnies, however, have gone forth against this gentleman for leaning too much to the natives. From what we can learn, the calumnies, if all enquired into, would be changed into testimonials, honourable to the character of the Archdeacon, looking to him as an ambassador of Christ and an impartial umpire between his native Christian flock and his lay countrymen. The latter are, indeed, Christians, but some of them are adventurers from all nations, and some of them runaway convicts from New South Wales, to whom the fear of God is unknown and His commandments foolishness. These are they who calumniate the Missionaries, and who, by their misrepresentations arising from the check the Missionaries put on their personal vices and tyranny to the natives, cause strangers on their return home to repeat these calumnies, which, being never specifically replied to by the calumniated, often make a false impression on those who know no better. A late instance of this misrepresenting spirit may be mentioned.
On Sunday, two days before the late capture of Kororareka, the Archdeacon had prevailed upon the hostile chiefs to agree to a truce and to perform Divine worship among them as usual. He learned that the grand threatened attack would not be made the next morning. It was not made, though expected by the authorities.
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On Tuesday morning it was made, and the authorities were fully apprised of it on the Monday evening by a brother magistrate.
Now certain writers have alleged in the newspapers that the Archdeacon had stated the attack would not be made on Tuesday morning. Thus the mistake of a day 2 has caused the Archdeacon to be held forth as a traitor to his country.
The grand attack on Tuesday, the 11th of March, was made by three parties of natives. One by Heke, a Christian and a man of noble nature, with about 200 followers; another under Kawiti, a heathen, with about the same number, his followers professing to be Roman Catholics; and the third under Kapotai, 3 with about the same number. The three parties did not exceed 600 men. They had muskets and double-barrelled guns, with few exceptions; and also tomahawks, of which it was reported they intended to make use under certain circumstances.
The British force consisted of--
Soldiers, say ... ... ... ... ... ... 60
Marines and sailors belonging to H.M.S. "Hazard," say...90
Armed colonists, say...............70
[Total ....] 220
(The "Hazard's" complement of sailors and marines, reckoning eight to a gun, must have been 164.)
Early in February Kawiti, formerly a friend of the Europeans, though a man of no principle, had begun to plunder the settlers a mile or two from the settlement, particularly Mr. Wright's farm, formerly a master mariner. This was not resisted by Mr. Beckham, for this good reason; he had no force sufficient to encounter Kawiti's party of 200 armed men. But Her Majesty's ship "Hazard" arrived at the settlement in the end of February from Auckland, bringing with her the materials to erect a block-house near the flag-staff. In a few days the block-house was finished, and a guard of twenty soldiers was placed in it under the command of Ensign Campbell. Soon after the arrival of the "Hazard," Kawiti attempted to steal some horses from one of the suburban settlers. The commander of the "Hazard," hearing of it, sent an armed boat, which pursued the natives. The latter fired at the boat and wounded one of the boat's crew. This was the first act of war or open rebellion on the part of the natives. The new flag-staff was erected when the block-house was finished. Our readers in New South Wales are aware that the British flag has for a long time excited the jealousy and active opposition of the Chief Heke, on
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what he considers patriotic grounds. Having been taught to read the Scriptures and other books, he has always argued against the flag-staff as being a token of subjection of his country to the British, which he compares to the subjection of the natives of New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land; and he has repeatedly declared his resolution to prevent this flag from flying, or to die in the attempt. He, indeed, promised Governor FitzRoy, when Major Bunbury arrived at the Bay of Islands, with 200 troops, to desist from his hostility on this point. But when the troops had returned to Sydney his former feelings revived, and his resolution to prevent the flag from being hoisted has evidently grown stronger and stronger from that time. Not long before the attack on the 11th, he had delivered his gold-laced cap to Archdeacon Williams to cry over after his death; having made up his mind to sacrifice his life to his inclinations as to the flag. Heke also alludes to the treatment of the Israelites in Egypt by Pharoah, and makes comparisons between those two nations, the English and his own people. Heke is a religious man, a Protestant, and has prayers among his people every day. 4 Wrong or right, he is allowed by our people to be acting upon what he conceives to be his duty to his country. He never joined the other chiefs in plundering the settlers. He contends for one object, and one only, the non-erection of the flag-staff. Thus in the attack on the 11th, when he had gained the block-house and dug up the flag-staff, he and his party sat down quietly on the hill and looked on the fight below between the British and Kapotai.
We shall now proceed to describe the earlier hostilities which took place previous to the grand attack on Tuesday, the 11th of March. On the 7th March Lieutenant Philpots and Mr. Parrot, both officers of Her Majesty's ship "Hazard," in riding towards the head of Mataawi, to reconnoitre Heke's people who had just shewn themselves on the opposite side of the bay (half a mile across), fell in with Kawiti's party, and were taken prisoners. Kawiti, however, learning they had made no resistance when taken, set them at liberty. A few of Kawiti's party then proceeded to the settlement, and attempted to drive away some horses that were grazing near to the place were a picket was stationed; the soldiers desired them to desist, which advice they disregarding, were fired upon, and one of them was wounded in the leg. Random shots were now exchanged on both sides. The natives appearing in greater numbers on the heights, the "Hazard's" launch was
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dispatched up the bay and the crew fired a few shots which did no harm. These marauders belonged to Kawiti. Heke having seen the firing, sent a canoe across to know the result; on its return it was fired upon by the launch, but without effect. Heke's people did not return the fire. It was this day suggested to the authorities that Heke's eleven canoes, capable of holding all his party (200), were then lying in a station where they could be destroyed without loss of life to the owners, being within reach of the launch's big gun. The suggestion was disregarded. This sort of infatuation of the authorities, it will be seen, was exhibited through the whole of this disastrous affair. But that they should have carried their principle of "pure self-defence" to such a height as not even to destroy the canoes by which alone Heke's party could descend on the settlement, when the same could have been accomplished without loss of life (for it is not supposed Heke's party would have stood on the shore while the "Hazard's" launch was pouring shot on the boats), seems to be an act little short of insanity. Heke became aware of the uncovered position of his canoes, for that very night he removed them out of danger.
On Saturday, the 8th, there was similar skirmishing; but in the evening a truce was agreed upon between the native chiefs and the British authorities, through the Missionaries, that hostilities should not be assumed on either side on Sunday. Here was a demonstrative proof that the Queen's native subjects were in armed rebellion against her authority.
On the 9th, Archdeacon Brown, a Protestant Missionary, entered the camp of Heke and performed Divine Service for him and his people. A Catholic Priest did the same for such part of Kawiti's followers as are professing Christians. Kawiti himself is generally considered to be still a heathen. The Archdeacon reported the numbers of the two parties to be about 400. Pumuka had not then arrived, but he and his party arrived the next day. Our people, notwithstanding the opinion of the Archdeacon, rather expected an attack on Monday morning. The settlement was full of confidence.
On Monday, the 10th, the natives did not approach the town so near as they had done on Saturday, but in order to apprize them of the nature of part of our defence, the battery opened upon them, and they retired. In the evening of this day a magistrate of New Zealand, who had been twenty years in the Colony, and who, of course, was well acquainted with the habits of the natives, called on Mr. Beckham, the Police Magistrate. He found assembled in his house Lieutenant Philpots, of H.M.S. "Hazard," and other gentlemen. He informed them he had been just visited by a friendly native, who had that day been at Heke's camp and learned their plans. The native informed them that the three chiefs
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intended to attack the settlement at daybreak in the morning; not in one body, but that each chief would enter the settlement, Kawiti by the Mataawi end of the settlement, Pumuka by the opposite end near the barracks, while Heke would attack the flag-staff, which is to the North, on the heights. The information was received with indifference, not unmingled with contempt. The magistrate left them, saying that "whatever might happen, he had done his duty."
On Tuesday, the 11th, at peep of dawn, the three chiefs entered the settlement precisely in the way described by the magistrate.
It is impossible that either the Civil or Naval authorities could have been so well prepared for this triple attack (as by Captain Robertson's early movement they appear to have been), if, after the departure of the magistrate, Mr. Beckham and Lieutenant Philpots had not abandoned their professed contempt of the magistrate's warning. They appear to have thought it of sufficient importance to communicate it to Captain Robertson, for by break of day that gallant officer was on the road to meet Kawiti. He met him on the hill where the picket was stationed, who, after firing their muskets, retreated on Captain Robertson's party, the latter being close at hand. A deadly fire now commenced on both sides, being almost muzzle to muzzle. It lasted twenty minutes or half-an-hour, when Captain Robertson fell, struck by four balls, and was supposed killed. The Sergeant of Marines also fell dead. These two losses caused our party to fall back, firing as they retreated. 5 But, perceiving that Kawiti did not follow them, they took their road to the stockade and entered leisurely. The party had consisted of forty-five seamen and marines.
Heke approached the settlement undiscovered until he reached the chief block-house on the hill to the North, where the British flag, so obnoxious to that chief, had been erected. Finding only four soldiers there, he desired them to surrender, which summons they answered by firing on his party. Heke fired in return, and the four soldiers were killed. Heke having accomplished his object sat down, and he and his party looked the remainder of the morning on the firing below, between Kapotai and the British. The conduct of Heke and Kawiti in both grounding their arms and resting themselves after they had beaten their first antagonists and rendering Kapotai no assistance is most remarkable as regards the intentions and military ideas of these chiefs. One consequence of their conduct in this respect was that the British (soldiers, sailors, marines, and armed inhabitants altogether) became somewhat equal in numbers to Kapotai's party, which did not exceed 200; for the
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British must, notwithstanding their loss, have still numbered nearly 200. Now, how did these 200 comport themselves? Captain Robertson's party were, as before mentioned, in the stockade along with the women and children. Police Magistrate Beckham and Lieutenant Philpots, of H.M.S. "Hazard," were also there. Ensign Campbell's party (save the four killed at the block-house) had retreated into the second block-house, half-way down the same hill, which, having been erected by the inhabitants, had by them been placed in the charge of Mr. Hector, a solicitor.
The remainder of the battle, therefore, was fought exclusively by Kapotai on the one side, and Mr. Hector, Lieutenant Barclay, and Ensign Campbell on the other.
The party in the block-house, consisting of twenty-four soldiers and thirteen civilians, kept firing away, receiving in return the fire of Kapotai's party from three sides. Mr. Hector, assisted by two inhabitants and a sailor or two, worked two of the guns, the small one being of little or no service. Mr. Hector had found himself particularly annoyed by the shots from a party of natives within fifteen or twenty-one yards distance, and requested Lieutenant Barclay to let him have some of his men out of the block-house to charge them, in order to get rid of their destructive fire. The Lieutenant refused. Mr. Hector at length got one of the guns to bear on this part, which drove them off, but not before they had killed one of the men and wounded another.
At another period of the engagement Mr. Hector found the fire from a party of natives covered by the barracks was also required to be got rid of. Accordingly, as Lieutenant Philpots would not lend him any men, he went down to the stockade, the bullets flying all about him, and requested from Mr. Beckham and Lieutenant Philpots, out of the 150 armed men in the stockade, soldiers, sailors, marines, and inhabitants, a party to charge the natives stationed behind the barracks. He received no answer from either Mr. Beckham or Lieutenant Philpots. He then sung out for volunteers. Six men stepped forward. With these he proceeded to the barracks and drove off the assailants, some twenty in number. He left the six men there, well covered. But as soon as Mr. Hector was gone away the natives returned and destroyed the six men. Mr. Hector then brought one of the guns to bear upon the barracks and once more cleared them. About seven or eight of his men then drove the natives further up the hill. They kept their station this time. During the engagement Mr. Hector fell short of ammunition. He went down to the stockade and obtained four bags of loose powder. The women gave him their garments to make cartridges, and his gunner and others gave him their shirts. The cartridges had to be made of the loose powder, while the muskets were blazing away; no wonder the stockade was finally
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blown up, when loose powder was thus lying about, and cartridges sufficient for such a paltry engagement had not been previously made, or, at all events, could not be got at.
The engagement continued until about half-past ten, when the natives hoisted a flag of truce and ceased firing.
After the flag of truce was hoisted Mr. Hector went down to the stockade to consult with Mr. Beckham and Lieutenant Philpots. They told him he must hold the battery and block-house all night at every extremity. Mr. Hector promised to do so, and proceeded back to his guns. Half-way he met Ensign Campbell, the soldiers, and all his own people. He asked the latter how they had presumed to leave their post without his orders? They replied that the guns had been spiked, and that they were ordered to evacuate the place. Mr. Hector having received orders to hold the place, told his men so, and ordered them back again. The men, in looking to the stockade, saw Mr. Beckham and Lieutenant Philpots beckoning them to go back. Accordingly they went back with Mr. Hector. Neither Lieutenant Barclay or Ensign Campbell were there. Almost immediately afterwards orders came from the stockade that the place was to be evacuated. It was evacuated accordingly, and the party, with Mr. Hector, once more proceeded to the stockade.
The town was then abandoned, although never taken. It was given up, surrendered at discretion, without a summons from the enemy to do so.
Annoyed at the termination of the affair, Mr. Hector proceeded on board H.M.S. "Hazard," and made a distinct offer to Lieutenant Philpots, then on board, to retake the place with forty men. No heed was taken to the proposal.
To complete the absurdities of the day, H.M.S. "Hazard," then in command of Lieutenant Philpots, fired on the natives when the latter entered the town, after our people had abandoned it. If it were intended to renew the engagement, why not, after all the women and children were safely embarked, go on shore like men and charge the natives once more? If this could not be done, why exasperate and increase their vengeance by firing a few paltry shots? No wonder the natives, as conquerors, massacred any straggling Europeans after this gratuitous insult. This foolish prank was repeated the next day, and it took place when many of the inhabitants were on shore shaking hands and making friends with the natives, to induce them to give up their property. Of course these Europeans were glad to run for their lives when the firing recommenced, and finally, to abandon all hopes of recovering their little property. On Thursday, the 13th, the beach was lined with canoes, and also with the boats taken from the inhabitants, all of which were loaded with plunder. The
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"Hazard's" guns could have cut these boats to pieces. The launch, with its big guns, could have done the same. Now here was a sound reason for a renewal of hostilities, namely:--to get back our own; but it was not done.
From this narrative, supposing it to be substantially correct, the following facts are to be gleaned.
1. That any hostile movement, intended by the natives to be made on Kororareka must be made by descent in canoes. That a man-of-war's launch with a long gun in the bow can approach any of the beaches in the Bay of Islands near enough to destroy canoes and boats, and that the launch is safe from boarding, if supported by a man-of-war.
2. That no attempt was made by the authorities at the Bay of Islands to put an end to the danger of an attack on the town by destroying the enemy's canoes.
3. That after the defeat of Captain Robertson's party by Kawiti, 6 that chief took no further part in the engagement.
4. That the British force, consisting of soldiers, sailors, marines, and armed inhabitants, then became at least equal to Kapotai's party, namely:--250 against 200.
5. That 150 of the British 200 imitated the conduct of the two chiefs, Heke and Kawiti, and grounded their arms, reposing themselves in the stockade, allowing that building to be defended or covered by some forty or fifty British, in and outside the second block-house, not far from the military barracks.
6. That after Pumuka's death a flag of truce was hoisted, which was acknowledged by the British. Firing thereafter ceased on both sides.
7. That the settlement was then in the possession of the British, and had always been so. The enemy retired to the suburbs.
The following memorandum was written, but not published, for the cause assigned by Archdeacon Henry Williams.
THE FALL OF KORORAREKA, IN 1845.
As the war with Taranaki and Waikato has revived certain idle statements relative to the war in the Bay of Islands District in 1845, it is deemed expedient to produce a letter written in 1847, but not published for the reasons stated.--Bay of Islands, August 1, 1863.
This paper was forwarded to the Bishop of New Zealand for his approval, but suppressed, under the plea that it was improper that we should submit ourselves to the judgment of a newspaper editor.
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"To the Editor of the 'New Zealander' newspaper, Auckland.
Paihia, Bay of Islands, June 23, 1845.
"Sir,--Since the fall of Kororareka, on the memorable 11th of March last, my name has frequently been brought before the public in a very uncourteous way by different persons, attributing the fate of that day in some degree to statements having been made by me, that the natives would not attack the town. As these statements are not only false in themselves, but too ridiculous in idea to obtain credit by men of character and reflection, I did not consider them worthy of my, notice; nor do I feel that I am quite correct in doing so, even in this present instance. As, however, you have, in the first number of the New Zealander, in which you -attempt to give a running account of the affairs of the Bay, felt it needful to state that--
"'The fears of the inhabitants of Kororareka were in some degree allayed by the Rev. Mr. Williams informing them that he had seen the natives, and they had AT PRESENT no hostile intention, the inhabitants were therefore lulled into false security.'
"I feel it needful to make a few remarks, and shall be as brief as possible in noticing the above quotation from your paper:-- Firstly; I deny that there is any foundation for the statement given in your paper. No information was at any time given by me to the inhabitants of Kororareka. My communication at this anxious period was strictly confined to the Police Magistrate, whom I considered as chief in command, before hostilities commenced.
"My last note to that officer, on the evening of the 10th, was as follows:-- 'I understand that the natives intend to make their attack on the morrow in four divisions.' On the same evening, G. Mair, Esq., J.P., personally waited on the Police Magistrate, and stated that the attack would be made the following morning in four or five divisions. Was it possible that information could have been given more clear and more correct?
"Secondly.--I deny that the natives ever said that they had no hostile intention. I ask, for what other intention were they assembled, though the flag-staff was the bone of contention? I presume from the statement made by you, that you were ignorant of the subject you attempt to put forth. Hostilities had commenced on Monday, March 3rd, and were continued in a greater or less degree daily; that, in fact, they were in active operation. On Saturday, the 8th, I accompanied the Police Magistrate to Heke's camp, as a last attempt to endeavour to settle this serious state of affairs, as one man had been wounded on each side. This was my last interview with Heke. I was told by Heke that if the Police Magistrate had not been in my company they would have had his
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head; and if I had conducted him to Kawiti, he would, have been killed. This I mentioned to the Police Magistrate, and told him he must not venture again.
"Allow me to ask you, Sir, if this expression was of a hostile or a friendly character? The following day, Sunday, the 9th, a party of natives came upon one of the distant hills, from whence they had a view of Kororareka, when a shell was directed at them from the "Hazard." Pray, Sir, what think you, was there any expression of hostility in this, or was it out of compliment? How extremely idle is it to state that 'the inhabitants of Kororareka were lulled into false security in consequence of its having been said that the natives had no hostile intention,' when these expressions of hostility were reciprocal upon all opportunities.
"Thirdly.--I deny that the inhabitants were lulled into false security." Every one who was in the Bay of Islands at that period, knows that the greatest uneasiness prevailed, arising from their feeling of insecurity, as the British force, being so limited, could only be expected to act on the defensive. It appears very evident that Captain Robertson and his small band were not "lulled into false security" but, at their station on the morning of the 11th of March, and made the first charge on the natives under Kawiti, who were immediately repulsed, with severe loss, and fled over the hills with all expedition, and did not return during the whole day. Captain Robertson fell, severely wounded. The flagstaff block-house was taken possession of at this period, the guard having run out, unarmed, to take a view of the first attack. This, therefore, was the commencement and termination of the fighting of that day on the part of the natives--a space of a few minutes, say ten. All the British force retired into the stockade, with the exception of a few, in the lower battery, who received no injury.
"Why the town was evacuated, is not for me to explain. I merely state that the inhabitants were not driven out of the town by the natives; they withdrew to the ships, by order of the authorities in command; and when the town was evacuated, the natives took possession.
"That there was blame somewhere, is too evident, but I am no judge in such matters. I confine myself to facts, being an eyewitness, and merely state that so it was.
"Sir, you may perhaps enquire how it came to pass that those violent expressions which have been made against the Archdeacon could have been made without just grounds: this I cannot explain to you. It appears evident that some apology was requisite for the disasters of the day. Every one admits there was some egregious error; it was therefore convenient to nominate the Archdeacon as the scape-goat, on whom to lay the charge of their mistakes, being the least likely to call any to account for such libellous expressions.
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"By these brief remarks, you will perceive that I repel any charge in the participation in the fall of Kororareka. I was there as the Minister of Peace; the Ministers of War should answer for themselves.
"The highest officers in the Colony, to whom this question was referred, have expressed their fullest approbation of my services rendered at that period, which ought, I conceive, be a sufficient guarantee to the public. I must express my perfect satisfaction in their decision, and do not see why any other person should be otherwise.
"I have further to add that many persons, after the evacuation of the town, and the natives being in full possession, on seeing me on the beach, alone with the natives, landed, and recovered many things from their houses; and until the close of the second day, three boats from Paihia, under the charge of my sons and myself, were engaged in rendering every assistance to the inhabitants in recovering their property that in some instances I placed certain Europeans under charge of some of these rebel chiefs, to protect them from molestation while thus engaged, who also assisted in removing their things; and no injury was done to any by the natives, though frequent shots were fired during this period from the "Hazard" into the houses, to the imminent risk of the Europeans in the town recovering their property. The four soldiers shot at the flag-staff, I brought down with my boat's crew and some of the rebel natives, and conveyed on board the "Hazard"; and all important public papers were recovered personally by myself from the Police Office, at the request of the Police Magistrate.
"I have the honour, &c,
"I was the last European on the beach at the destruction of Kororareka, urging the immediate removal of every one, as the Maories were becoming intoxicated--therefore beyond control.
J. R. Clendon, Esq., R.M., to Archdeacon Henry Williams.
My dear Sir,--Some time since, just before Mrs. Davison went to reside at Paihia, she was referring to several reports relating to you, and firmly believed at the Southward. One of the reports struck me forcibly, viz.--"That Mr. Williams just before the fall of Kororareka purchased two tons of flour, which was not taken all away at the time of purchase, but immediately after the fall of Kororareka-- while the poor people were in the utmost distress and difficulty, Mr. Williams went to Kororareka and saved his flour, instead of rendering what assistance he could to the poor people." As I was present and assisted in saving the flour alluded to, I was enabled to
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give Mrs. Davison a true version of the case,--viz., that you did save eighteen bags of flour, that it was put into your boats, taken to the ship "Matilda," Captain Bliss, on board of which ship, John Smith, the owner of the flour, had taken refuge. Part of this flour was afterwards sold by Smith to Captain Bliss, who ordered it to be served out to the refugees.
To Archdeacon Henry Williams.
October 29, 1851.
Dear Sir,--Answering your note of to day, I must do so partly from memory.
The ships seized prior to the native insurrection: ship "Boston," of New London, U.S.A., Hampstead, master, for a breach of the Customs Ordinance, No. 3, of 1841, Clause 60.
In this case Mr. Pringle was the officer who seized, but by some anomaly as yet unexplained, he being duly sworn, declared that entry had been "made and duty paid" on the goods he seized.
I know not who paid for this error; but I know that about £5 sterling were paid in for loss of oars.
The case was dismissed; Mr. Beckham, Magistrate; see the records of R.M. Court.
No. 2. Ship "General Jackson," Ramsdell, master, of U.S.A., seized for not having reported some cigars and slop clothing which he had on board for the ship's company's use. Cigars forfeited, slop clothing returned, fined £160, Mr. Gibbon and myself were bondsmen for the amount; memorialised the Board of Commissioners at home, and the fine remitted.
No. 3. Ship "Nile," of New Bedford, U.S.A., Cook, master, underclaimed, 60; the evidence I perceive is among the archives of the Colony. Fine, £600!!! A memorial was sent home, and I believe the fine was remitted, but the expenses were to be paid; indeed, I think the money still lies to the credit of Captain Cook, at the Treasury, but this can be more properly and certainly ascertained from the Consulate, U.S.A.
Captain Mayhew sailed hence on 21st April, 1844, in the brig "Nimrod," for Tahiti, via Wellington.
If this answer is not full enough let me know.
CHARLES BERRY WAETFORD.
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PLAIN FACTS RELATIVE TO THE LATE WAR IN THE NORTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW ZEALAND.
The following narrative was compiled by Archdeacon William Williams. It was distributed among persons likely to feel interested, but not formally published. As an authentic record of half-forgotten history, it deserves wider circulation.
THE following papers have been prepared for the press some months, and have therefore no reference to the late communications received from England, although it will be seen that they contain much which bears upon questions of interest at the present time.
The principal object of giving publicity to these documents is simply the vindication of the character of a body of men who have long been the objects of animadversion. Whether unjustly or not, the public may determine.
It is the privilege of every Englishman that he shall be heard in his own defence, but in making use of this liberty, every care has been taken to avoid a course which might impugn the motives or conduct of others. A good cause will commend itself by its own merits.
It is a matter of general notoriety that, during the progress of the recent collision between some of the Northern tribes and the Government, remarks have been made, and frequently repeated, reflecting upon the loyalty of certain individuals of the Church Mission, and more particularly upon Archdeacon H. Williams, of Paihia; and it has been a subject of regret with many of the friends of the Mission that the charge was not openly met in the outset, instead of allowing it to go abroad to the world, which could not but form an adverse opinion in the absence of any counter statement. It was not however, from any unwillingness to meet the charge, that this was not done, for an appeal was made to the late Governor upon its first appearance, and he expressed in the strongest language his opinion of the "absurdity" of it. At a subsequent date, an article was drawn up for insertion in the New Zealander, but this was set aside at the recommendation of the Bishop, on the ground that it was not a subject to be submitted to such a tribunal. Thus then, while the friends of the parties concerned were satisfied that the charges were without foundation, there remained a variety of unanswered statements, made by editors of newspapers and others, from which, persons who had not the means of obtaining better information were at liberty to conclude that there must be some truth in them.
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The value of an assertion depends much upon the character of its author, and, while the observations of persons of no repute may be treated with indifference, it is impossible to follow the same course, if like remarks are made by persons of respectability. After the skirmish at Kororareka, a most serious charge was put forth against one of the Missionaries, but the late Governor expressed himself respecting it in a manner which sufficiently relieved the person accused. The accusation however having once gone forth, and no publicity being given to its refutation, allusions were often made to it in different quarters, as to a matter-of-fact. Whether it was wise in a case so serious, to leave any part of the community to take up with false impressions, is a question not now to be considered. But the subject has of late assumed a new character.
On the occasion of the visit of the Governor to the Bay of Islands in January, 1847, his Excellency in conversation with James Busby, Esq., expressed a wish to know why it should be that all the natives "against us," should be the people of the Church Mission, while all "our friends" are the Wesleyans and Roman Catholics. This conversation was communicated to Archdeacon Williams, who, on the next day proposed, through Mr. Busby, to furnish the fullest information upon this subject, and upon other matters, in which the Church Missionaries in general, and he in particular, appear to have been misrepresented to his Excellency. The Governor, however, declined entering into this enquiry.
Now, it may be presumed that this opinion, which seems to have taken possession of the mind of his Excellency, has been often repeated to others; and strangers in the country, particularly officers in the army and navy, who have no previous knowledge of individuals, and to whom it is a matter of indifference on which side of the question the truth lies, can only draw their conclusions in agreement with the report they hear, particularly when that report rests on high authority. If then, the natives opposed to the Government, were almost exclusively those of the Church Mission, it is natural to conclude that there must be some cause connected with the circumstance that these belong to the Church Mission, but those friendly to the Government, to the Wesleyans and Roman Catholics; in other words, that the fault lies in the instructors of the natives. And then too, this opinion put forth after the ferment of excited feeling has had time to subside, agrees so precisely with the many reports which have been current from the beginning of the outbreak, that the whole might be regarded as substantially correct.
It is the opinion of many persons that the silence hitherto maintained by the Missionaries ought still to have been preserved; but it is a fact which cannot be gainsayed, that the strongest possible impressions to their prejudice have taken hold of the minds of
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persons, not only high in respectability, but who are not easily led away by unsupported statements. It has been held by some that it is a case too strong to admit of contradiction, from the simple circumstance that nothing has hitherto been said in defence.
Such, then, being the present position of the case, there does not seem to be any alternative but that of openly meeting the charge by a simple statement of facts from the commencement. In adopting this course, it becomes necessary to speak of personal exertions in a manner which the parties naturally shrink from, but the circumstances of the case compel them.
By a reference to the Parliamentary papers it will be seen, that from the first establishment of the Colony, the Missionaries of the Church Mission Society have had frequent occasion to take active measures in support of the Government, which have been duly acknowledged by the proper authorities.
At page 8, of "Papers" laid before Parliament, and printed in the year 1841, His Excellency the late Governor Hobson gives the following account of his first proceedings in New Zealand:--
"February 15. Soon after twelve o'clock I proceeded to the tent, supported by Captain Nias and the officers, Mr. Busby, the late Resident, the members of the Church Mission Society, &c. I then read the Treaty, and Mr. H. Williams, of the Church Mission Society, did me the favour to interpret, and repeated in the native language, sentence by sentence, all I said."
All who were present at the first meeting held by Governor Hobson are aware that there was a strong feeling of distrust on the part of the natives, which was fomented partly by some of our own countrymen, but chiefly by persons of influence from another nation. It is also known, that it was principally through the exertions of the Rev. H. Williams that the Treaty was signed on the following day. Let the question be put to any of the natives of the Bay of Islands, and they will all acknowledge this fact, and indeed they have often subsequently blamed the Missionaries for the part taken on that occasion, having been repeatedly told by the French and the Americans that this was the source of all their troubles. At page 15 of "Papers," the Governor informs us that, on "the 15th of February, he proceeded in Her Majesty's ship "Herald" to the River Thames, for the twofold purpose of treating with the native chiefs, and of selecting a site for a township." In this expedition the Rev. H. Williams accompanied his Excellency, at his request. Then we are informed that his Excellency requested the Revs. Messrs. H. Williams, Brown, Maunsell, and W. Williams, to secure the adherence of the chiefs of their respective districts to the Treaty of Waitangi; and that the Rev. Mr. Taylor accompanied Mr. Shortland to Kaitaia for the same purpose.
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At page 16 it is stated--"At various periods subsequent to the sailing of the "Herald," his Excellency received from Mr. Maunsell, and lastly from the Messrs. Williams', reports of the entire success of their respective Missions."
At page 17, we find the following letter from his Excellency to the Rev. H. Williams:
"Waimate, March 23, 1840.
"Reverend Sir,--"Availing myself of your kind offer, and fully authorised thereto by Her Majesty's instructions conveyed to me by Her Majesty's principal Secretary of State, I hereby authorize you to treat with the principal native chiefs in the Southern part of these islands, for their adherence to the Treaty executed at Waitangi, on the 6th of February, 1840. I have the honour to enclose a copy of the Treaty, which I have signed, and to request you will obtain the signatures thereto of such high chiefs as may be willing to accede to its conditions, &c.
"The schooner "Ariel" will be ready to receive you onboard on the 30th instant, to convey you to your destination.
"The Rev. Henry Williams.
The state of his Excellency's feelings towards the Missionaries, maybe gathered from the following letter dated May 20, 1840, to Mr. Davis, Secretary of the Local Committee of the Church Mission Society in the Northern district:
"Sir,--The period having arrived for proclaiming the sovereign authority of Her Majesty over these islands, it accords no less with my public duty, than it gratifies my personal feelings, to acknowledge in the most ample manner, the efficient and valuable support I have received from the resident members of the Church Mission Society, in carrying into effect with the native chiefs the views and objects of Her Majesty's Government. As the official organ of that body, I beg you will accept and convey to every member of the Mission in New Zealand, my cordial and hearty thanks for the very zealous and effective assistance they have rendered me in the execution of my duty.
"To Mr. Davis, Waimate."
That the Missionaries were actively engaged in assisting the first establishment of the Government in this country, is a fact which is further corroborated by the following quotation from Captain Hobson's speech at the opening of the Legislative Council, on the 14th December, 1841. He observed, "Whatever difference of opinion may be entertained as to the value and extent of the labours of the Missionary body, there can be no doubt that they have rendered important services to this country, and that but for
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them, a British colony would not at this moment be established in New Zealand." It will also clearly appear, from a perusal of these papers, that on every occasion of excitement, strenuous efforts were always put forth by the Missionaries to allay that excitement,-- that their endeavours in this respect were most handsomely acknowledged by those in authority,--and that in the late disturbance at the Bay of Islands, one undeviating course was adopted, that of soothing, by every possible means, the irritated feelings of the natives, by pointing out to them the error of that course which they were bent upon pursuing. The point from which the hostile movements of the natives had its rise, was a belief which had been fostered by various ill-disposed persons, that the Treaty of Waitangi was violated, that the country was to be seized, that the people were to be made slaves, and that the Government only waited till it was able to put these intentions into effect. The Missionaries combated these views, which had taken so strong a hold upon the minds of the natives, that there was danger at one time, that the whole of Ngapuhi, including Tamati Waka, would rise against the Government. Instead of this, the larger body of the Ngapuhi either joined the Government, or if their sympathy for Heke, who was their near relation, deterred them from taking this course, they nevertheless agreed to maintain a strict neutrality. In consequence of this diversion, Heke and his followers were brought to a stand; they were obliged to act continually on the defensive, and Auckland, which was threatened with immediate destruction, was saved.
It has been thought by those not acquainted with the matter, that Waka Nene and the Hokianga natives are a tribe disconnected with the Ngapuhi; but Waka Nene is not only a Ngapuhi, but was born and brought up at the Bay of Islands, living alternately at Te Kawakawa, and in the neighbourhood of Waimate, and is nearly related to Tamati Pukututu, Rewa, Tareha, and to Heke himself.
The next event bearing upon the present question, was the murder of Mrs. Robertson and her family by the son of a principal chief in the Bay of Islands, on the 20th of November of the same year. The murderer was shortly given up to the proper authorities, and was immediately sent to Auckland. But after the lapse of a few days, certain ill-disposed persons tried to create a reaction, and reports were in free circulation that, as soon as the news should be received of the execution of the culprit, a general simultaneous massacre was to take place of the Europeans at Auckland, and at the Bay of Islands. How then did the Missionaries act? It will be found that the Rev. H. Williams was engaged day after day in conferring with the chiefs of the whole district; and that he called a general meeting at Paihia on the 16th of December, with the approbation of the Police Magistrate and of all the Justices of the Peace; at which were present the chiefs not only of the Bay of Islands, but of Hokianga also, and Whangaroa, when they expressed regret that such
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reports had been raised, and declared their purpose to protect the settlers from harm. A letter was written to the Governor on the day following, and signed by five leading chiefs, which was afterwards published in the native newspaper, by the authority of the Governor. It was at this meeting the violent spirit of Heke began to manifest itself. He tried to excite the assembled natives to rise against the English, telling them that they would all be seized as Maketu had been; and such was the violence of his speech, that Pomare and Kawiti, with their followers, abruptly left the meeting and flew to their arms, leaving Rewa, Ururoa, and the rest of Ngapuhi, who had been foremost in requiring Maketu to be given up.
Towards the close of the year 1841, the confidence of the natives in the Government was greatly shaken by the measures taken by the Government with respect to land; particularly the proclamation against the cutting of Kauri timber, the intention to take for the Queen the surplus 7 of land awarded by the Commissioners, and the proceedings of the Legislative Council on the same subject: the Land Claims' Ordinance declaring that the uncultivated lands of the country were demesne lands of the Crown, subject only to the necessary use and occupation of the natives. 8
The following extract of a letter from the Governor to the Rev. H. Williams will shew the views entertained by his Excellency.
"Auckland, January 24, 1842.
"My dear Sir,--I am not able to communicate much of what I would say; my mind and my hand have not been at rest for many days, and I am fairly weary. But I ought not, nevertheless, to let slip this opportunity of returning you my most grateful thanks for your zealous advocacy of the cause of Her Majesty, in refuting the wanton and unworthy insinuations that were circulated amongst the natives to create rebellion. The state of the natives, if let alone, is in a fair way of becoming very much better, and I am glad to find that some of the first chiefs hold us in warm regard.
"I remain, my dear Sir, yours faithfully,
"The Rev. Henry Williams, Paihia."
To those who had the means of ascertaining the native feeling at this period, it was clear that a storm was gathering, which must soon discharge its violence over the country. Mr. Williams thus expressed his opinion in a letter to Mr. Busby three months after this time.
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"Paihia, April 20, 1842.
"My dear Sir,--I cannot refrain from expressing my deep regret at the present state of New Zealand. Were it confined to the difficulties of the Europeans, I should not offer an observation; but from an extract of a speech of the Colonial Secretary, it would appear that a degree of confidence and security is reposed in the state of the natives, which I fear is unjustifiable, and may lead into some fatal error, which may not be seen until it is too late. The disturbance arising from the arrest of Maketu was happily suppressed, but I do not hesitate to say, that had not the grandchild of Rewa been one of the victims, thus bringing all the Ngapuhi tribes as auxiliaries to the Europeans in the event of war, the result would have been far otherwise. The assertion of the Colonial Secretary, that the natives never did entertain an opinion of distrust, as far as regards the Government, required more reflection than perhaps was given to it; for the fact is too palpable to be refuted. I must say that I do not know a chief who has not expressed his "distrust" in the Europeans generally; and it has required all my energies and influence, in common with other Missionaries, amongst the natives, to set their minds at rest upon these subjects. Frequently are expressions of distrust made to me as to the ultimate intention of Government towards the natives and their possessions, which will require every care to correct.
"To James Busby, Esq."
We now pass on to events which are fresh in the memory of all, and which bear more directly on our present question. Heke's first hostile visit to Kororareka was occasioned by bad language used by a native woman, as reported in the papers at the time. Heke demanded a boat from the husband of the woman, in payment for the offence. Lord, the woman's husband, had not a boat of his own to give, and refused to purchase one for the purpose. Heke then began to use threats, and spoke especially of cutting down the flag-staff. No one, however, believed him to be sincere in his threats, for his disaffection to the Government was not then generally known. A bag of rice was given by Mr. Beckham, with a view of keeping him and his party from prowling about for food, as they had none with them. This was on Saturday, and it was hoped that they would retire on the following morning. Not obtaining what he demanded, Heke proceeded at daylight on Monday, and cut down the flag-staff. His party then crossed over to Paihia, where Tamati Pukututu and the Kawakawa natives were staying. The latter used very angry language to Heke for cutting down the flag-staff, but Heke defended himself by stating what he had been told by the white people respecting the flag, and the reasons for which it was hoisted. Pukututu,
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though highly displeased, in so much that he gave Marupo, one of Heke's party, a blow with a stick, admitted that Heke's statements were correct, as he himself had heard similar remarks from the white people. We avail ourselves of an account of the leading occurrences which took place at this period, kept by Archdeacon Henry Williams, and recorded from day to day.
"The first flag-staff was cut down by Heke, on Monday, the 8th of July, 1844, at which time I was from home, having left the Bay of Islands on the 6th June, for Turanga, in Poverty Bay. I returned to Paihia on the 16th September. All was then apparently quiet; but there was a feeling of disaffection towards the Government rankling in the breasts of the ill-disposed, and waiting only for some cause to draw it forth. A pretext was soon laid hold Of. On the 3rd of October, a woman of Kawiti's tribe was slightly hurt by some of the police, who had gone up the river Kawakawa at night to apprehend an Englishman, with whom this woman was living. The offended natives failing to obtain any remuneration from the Police Magistrate for the assault upon the woman, withdrew from Kororareka, and, on their return, landed at Mr. Wright's premises, and violently seized eight horses, although Mr. Wright had not the most remote connexion with the previous occurrence. A request was immediately made to me by the Police Magistrate and by Mr. Wright, that I should see this party of natives; which I did the following morning, it being then late in the day; but my eldest son went up to the party the same evening. In the morning I found the party at Opua, two miles from Paihia, together with Kawiti, who was not present at the seizure of the horses. The Police Magistrate and the Sub-Protector landed shortly after. I was the only Englishman who spoke upon the occasion. These natives were as insolent as they could be to me and to the Police Magistrate, as also in their observations about the Government, and against all my remonstrance, took the horses away. I was closely engaged in this affair until the 7th, having followed the natives up the Kawakawa; when it was at length agreed that the horses should be returned in a few days, as soon as they could be collected from the different parties to whom they had been distributed. Much excited feeling began now to shew itself in every direction."
"On Thursday, the 31st of October, a meeting was called at Otuihu by Pomare, who had just returned from Auckland, which was attended by most of the leading men of the surrounding tribes in connexion with him, also by those who had stolen the horses on the 3rd. Sir Everard Home, the Chief Justice, the Police Magistrate, the Sub-Protector, and myself, were present. The disaffected gave full vent to their feelings in language extremely violent. I was again the only Englishman who
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addressed the meeting. Sir Everard considered this to be a very important assemblage, as shewing the disposition of the natives, and the inability of the Government and of the friendly tribes to preserve order in the district.
"Subsequently to this event, four horses were taken by a chief named Ruku,9 from Mr. Hingston, and on Friday, the 15th of November, Heke arrived at Paihia with some of his chief supporters, respecting these horses. I was disposed to hope that he was endeavouring to promote peace. We had a long conversation; after which Heke went to Ruku, and returned to Paihia on the 19th, saying that Ruku was very violent, and declared he would not return the horses unless two were given to him for his trouble.
"January 9th. Heke and his leading men arrived at Paihia, and were met by the principal chiefs from the Kawakawa, Tamati Pukututu, &c. We held a long discussion with Heke, who appeared to be in a very unsettled state, and spoke grievous things of the Government and of the flag-staff. Every argument was used by the friendly chiefs and myself, but all was unavailing, for on the following morning at dawn of day the flag-staff was again prostrate.
"At the request of the Police Magistrate, I saw Heke daily at this period, at Haruru, the Waitangi Falls, wishing to ascertain his real intention, and to convince him of the ruin he was bringing upon his country.
"In the afternoon of January 13th, the Police Magistrate called upon me, and expressed much anxiety as to Heke's movements, as it was reported that he was proceeding that night to Kororareka, to destroy the Police Office and the Custom-house, and that the women of Kororareka were under serious alarm. I accordingly undertook to pass the night at Heke's camp, and promised that if there were any movement, we would all proceed together; and that he should have notice. At this time there was no guard at Kororareka.
"January 17th. The "Victoria," Government brig, arrived, and in two hours the Union Jack of England was again floating in the breeze. I felt grieved, knowing the consequence that would result from this step. Heke was at this time with a large party at the Wahapu, ripe for mischief. I would have gone and remonstrated with the authorities at Kororareka, but it would have been too public a display of my zeal for Her Majesty's honour. In the evening I communicated my opinion to the Sub-Protector, who returned to Kororareka and waited on the Police Magistrate, stating to that officer my fears of the consequence of these measures. All were now in a state of feverish excitement, every one being aware that Heke would not be quiet.
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"On the 18th, the Colonial Secretary and the Police Magistrate waited upon me at Paihia, relative to the question of hoisting the flag. These gentlemen will remember my remonstrance, and that I urged the propriety of their taking the flag into safe keeping, until there could be no doubt as to its protection. In short, I said all I could, considering I was addressing myself to two public officers. I assured them of my conviction that if they did not take it down, it would be taken down by the natives. It was observed, that there was a guard of thirty soldiers, and that Heke had only forty men. I replied, that Heke could multiply that number by any figure he chose, and was urgent that these soldiers should not be exposed, for that they would inevitably fall to a man. While these gentlemen were with me, they saw Heke and his canoes pull close past Paihia, with flags flying, one of which was an American ensign. Before daylight the following morning, the flag-staff was again cut down; the military guard had been kept close in their quarters, the flag-staff being left in charge of native allies; but in the morning, observing the Union Jack again flying, I wrote to the Police Magistrate the following note:--
"Sunday, January 26, 1845.
"My dear Sir,--I feel that I am out of order, but the necessity of the case compels me to again intrude my opinion respecting the flag-staff. I learn that the top or upper end has been carried away. If this be true, you need not surely any stronger argument to shew the weakness of your position. I should recommend, therefore, that you take the whole down in open day, this afternoon, before another attack, as each must weaken the cause of the Government. By no means allow the military to make a display; all should be as quiet as possible. You know not under existing circumstances in whom to put your dependence. Your credit is in some measure saved by the flag remaining in your possession, which you can explain to your sable allies.
"To T. Beckham, Esq., Police Magistrate."
It is a happy circumstance that this remonstrance was attended to, concerning the military guard, and that the thirty soldiers were consequently preserved. The two gentlemen referred to, are now in office in Auckland, and can therefore bear testimony to the correctness of this statement.
"On January 27th, I met Rewa and Waka Nene at Kororareka. They were little disposed to enter into conversation. At last they mentioned that Ururoa, from Whangaroa, with all the natives from that neighbourhood, were coming to Paroa, to meet them upon state affairs, and asked me to be present on the occasion. On the 28th, I went to the native assembly, and found them all in a very sullen mood. I went from party to party, and continued with them.
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On the 30th, Ururoa arrived, fully bent on joining Heke, and on persuading the Ngapuhi (the tribes of the Bay of Islands) to make common cause with them. In the evening, the discussion continued to a late hour. Much was said about the intentions of Government; and Waka Nene and all the natives who have since shewn themselves friendly to the Government, joined in the feeling which shewed itself. Waka had been much annoyed by the prohibition against cutting kauri timber, and had said, if the Governor had been at Hokianga, he would have felled a spar in his presence, in order to see what would be done. Both Waka and Rewa at this meeting, observed that the evils which threatened them, arose from their having signed the Treaty of Waitangi. The Treaty of Waitangi was the only argument I used on the occasion. This, I read clause by clause, requesting the chiefs to notice any expressions which favored the assertion that their interests had been betrayed by the Government, or that there was any design to deprive them of their just rights. At length they all expressed themselves satisfied, and the last observation by Ururoa to me, was, that his fears respecting the Treaty were now removed, and that he no longer thought it an instrument for seizing the country for the Queen. He urged me to see Heke as early as possible, and give him an account of the meeting, and assure him that none of his (Ururoa's) people would join him, and again to recommend Heke to be quiet; and that he would return with his canoes to Whangaroa, and would then proceed to Heke, and tell him that he was convinced of the falsehood of the reports circulated about the seizure of their lands, and would therefore remain quiet."
It may safely be asserted, that had it not been for the reaction produced at this meeting, the greater number of the friendly chiefs, together with those who adopted a neutral course, would have been arrayed against the Government. 10 The journal proceeds: "I returned to Paihia on the 31st, having been occupied for four days in this matter. These parties maintained their neutrality according to promise, a few individuals only joined Heke."
"On Wednesday, February 5th, I met Heke by appointment at Kaikohe, and gave him Ururoa's message and the account of the meeting of the 30th January. He was not disposed to pay much attention, but still insisted that the Treaty "was all soap." It is,
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said he, "very smooth and oily, but treachery is hidden under it." On the 10th, I attended a general meeting of Heke and his followers, in company with the Rev. R. Davis. We found all exceedingly furious. Ururoa saw Heke as he had promised, a few days after this, and I believe used every remonstrance with him, but in vain."
The Police Magistrate was constantly furnished with information relative to the state of the natives, and the result of the various meetings with Heke and the natives generally, both friendly and unfriendly, and on the 20th February, the following communication was received from Governor Fitzroy:--
"Government House, Auckland, Feb. 18, 1845.
"My dear Sir,--I consider that this country and Great Britain owe you deep gratitude for your untiring efforts to put mistaken people into the right track. I am in doubt whether you have had more difficulty with the natives than with our own misguided countrymen.
"The Colonial Secretary, and Mr. Beckham, have expressed themselves warmly on these subjects, and have told me how much has depended on yourself alone. I was individually well aware of this, but it gratified me to read their written testimony.
"To the Ven. Archdeacon H. Williams, Paihia."
"February 28th. Hearing of some depredations having been committed by Kawiti, I went to him up the river, but it was too evident that his mind was made up for a general trial of strength, for in the afternoon of the same day, four canoes came down the river, and cleared the premises of Mr. Wright."
"On the 3rd March, hostilities commenced. Two canoes, manned with Kawiti's natives, came down the river, and committed some depredations at Te Uruti, near Kororareka, at the residence of Mr. B. Turner. They then pulled back again, and were chased by the gun-boat of the "Hazard." The boat had no chance in pulling against the canoes. Many natives, in the meantime, crossed over from Otuihu to join in an attack upon the boat, which had unfortunately grounded with the ebb tide at Opua, and, had not the crew been very active in getting her off, she must have fallen into their hands. One of her crew was wounded on the forehead, by a spent ball. This was the first exchange of shots, and the Maories were much elated. On the 4th, Heke came from the interior to the Bay, to join Kawiti. The following day, he passed through Paihia with his whole party, and remained in the neighbourhood till the 6th, when he joined his force with that of Kawiti.
"On the 8th, I accompanied the Police Magistrate to Heke's camp, as a last attempt to stay the further progress of hostilities, as one man had been wounded on each side. This was my last
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interview with Heke. I was told by the natives, that if the Police Magistrate had not been in my company, they would have had his head, and that if I had conducted him to Kawiti, he would even then have been killed. This I mentioned to the Police Magistrate, and told him he must not venture again.
"The following day, Sunday 9th, a party of natives came upon one of the distant hills, from whence they had a view of Kororareka, when a shell was directed at them from the "Hazard."
We now come to the period of most painful interest; when Kororareka was destroyed by the natives on the 11th of March. After the conflict, Archdeacon Williams went up to the blockhouse at the flag-staff, and brought away the bodies of the four soldiers who were killed, the natives even assisting in removing them to the beach. The natives also gave up the sword and cloak of the officer in command, and as much of the clothing, &c, belonging to the men as could be conveyed away. It is also worthy of remark, that when the natives had got possession of the town, they urged the settlers to come and fetch away their property, and many of Heke's men actually assisted in carrying goods to the boats.
Mr. -------------, the baker, was afraid to go into his own house, because a party of natives were inside plundering, until Hara, a leading chief (at Archdeacon Williams' request), stood sentry over him, while he removed as much of his property as he had the means of carrying. Previous to the 11th March, the friendly chiefs of the Ngapuhi tribes, now residing in Paroa Bay, went several times to offer their services to protect Kororareka against Heke and Kawiti, but were told to "clear off the ground," lest they should be mistaken for the enemy. These chiefs have frequently mentioned the circumstance since the fall of Kororareka. It was asserted in one of the public prints, that "The fears of the inhabitants of Kororareka were in some degree allayed by the Rev. Mr. Williams informing them that he had seen the natives, and that they at present had no hostile intentions. The inhabitants were therefore lulled into false security." The communications of Archdeacon Williams at this anxious period, were strictly confined to the Police Magistrate, who was considered to be the chief in command. His note to that officer on the evening of the 10th was as follows:--
"I understand that the natives intend to make their attack in four divisions." On the same evening, Gilbert Mair, Esq., J.P., personally waited on the Police Magistrate, and stated, that the attack would be made the following morning, in four or five divisions. This information was explicit, and was accordingly acted upon by the brave Captain Robertson, who was on the lookout before break of day, when the action commenced. With regard to hostile intentions, there could be no mistake. Hostilities began
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on the 3rd, and were continued in a greater or less degree, daily. They were in fact, in active operation.
How idle then to state that the inhabitants of Kororareka were lulled into false security, in consequence of its having been said, that the natives had no hostile intentions towards them, when these expressions of hostility were reciprocal upon all opportunities.
The extraordinary charge of treason which was made against Archdeacon Williams, immediately after the conflict on the 11th, we would gladly pass over, in consequence of the lamented death of the person who made it, believing that it was made under the irritation of disappointment, without any serious idea on the part of the person who made it that he had any foundation for his assertion. No reason for it has ever been stated, beyond that which has already been referred to in the extract from an Auckland paper. It is necessary however, to state, that the particulars of this charge were communicated to the Governor, who addressed the following letter to Archdeacon Williams:--
"Auckland, April 2, 1845.
"Sir,--I have the honour of acknowledging the receipt of your letter, dated, Paihia, March 20th, which reached me yesterday.
"I am so much accustomed to hear and read such strange perversions of fact, and such unfounded attacks upon even the best characters in the community, that they usually pass unnoticed by me. But this is a startling charge.
"Had you not distinctly referred to the extraordinary language used . . . . I should not have alluded to it in writing to yourself, so deeply must you be, as I am, pained that such expressions, such imputations, with reference to yourself, should have emanated from any one, however ill-informed, hasty, or excited.
"To accuse Archdeacon Williams, the tried, the proved, the loyal and indefatigable, of being a "Traitor," of having acted traitorously, seemed to me so utterly absurd, to say the very least, that such an idea could not be entertained by me for one moment. I rejected it with feelings similar to those of Sir Everard Home, who, before this, has, I trust, fully relieved your mind from every scruple on this subject.
"I might refer to the Bishop's clear statement of all that he witnessed, frequently in company with yourself, on the fatal 11th of March; to the statement also of Archdeacon Brown, who was also present, and to others; but your well known character requires no testimony.
"In conclusion, I need hardly say that the charge made against yourself by ---------, is, in my opinion, as unfounded, unjustifiable, and ungrateful, as it is indeed absurd.
"I have the honour to be, Sir,
"Your obedient humble Servant,
"The Ven. Archdeacon H. Williams, Paihia."
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After the destruction of Kororareka, the only course left open to the Missionaries, was to assure the friendly natives that their fears were groundless as to the seizure of their possessions, and that the retribution which must be expected would be confined to the disaffected, as there was a strong effort made by Heke and his party to impress upon the various tribes that all would now fare alike, and to induce them to conspire against the Government and there were not wanting Europeans who hoped this would be the case. Our position at this time was exceedingly critical. The rebels had undisputed sway in the Northern part of the island, and many well disposed natives were altogether at a loss to know how to determine their line of conduct. It was, however, the Missionaries duty still to speak of quietness and order as ambassadors to the Prince of Peace. We return to the Journal:--
"The Missionaries in their respective spheres, exercised all their influence; but I am compelled more particularly to speak of my own movements at this period; having been thrown directly in the midst of the contending parties; while I was assailed by my own countrymen as a traitor,--on what ground, no one has yet been able to inform me, nor has any person had the moral courage either to accuse or defend me publicly.
"On the 30th April, a circumstance took place on board H.M.S. "North Star," which, humanly speaking, was the preservation of the troops under Colonel Hulme. The troops were landed at Otuihu (Pomare's Pa) at the entrance of the Kawakawa river. About noon, I went on board the "North Star," and learnt that all was now prepared for the troops to proceed from Otuihu overland to Waiomio, the place of Kawiti's residence. I observed to the Colonel, 'I presume you are furnished with guides, for the country is much broken.' He replied, 'Oh yes, I have European guides.' After a few more remarks, some natives proceeded to chalk upon the deck the route for the troops, to which the Colonel called my attention. I soon discovered that the Colonel was wholly at fault. The lines which he had understood to be roads, were rivers, muddy creeks, hills and swamps.
"These I pointed out to the Colonel and to Sir Everard Home. Sir Everard observed to Colonel Hulme, 'Colonel, you are going you know not where! you had better re-embark your men.' The order was given accordingly, to destroy the pa, and to re-embark.
"The expedition was relinquished, owing to this mistake having been most providentially discovered. What the consequence might have been is a question not unworthy of consideration, if these troops had advanced between Kawiti's and Pomare's tribes; Pomare having that same day been made prisoner on board the "North Star," upon suspicion of having rendered aid and assistance to Kawiti,"
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It will appear from the following letters, that Archdeacon Williams was subsequently in the habit of furnishing the authorities with information, and even sometimes went so far in expressing his opinion upon the movements of the troops, as to lay himself open to the charge of interfering with matters that did not concern him; and yet Colonel Despard complains that there appeared to be a general wish to conceal the difficulties without considering the possible waste of European blood that might take place in consequence.
When the expedition under Colonel Hulme landed at Moturoa, at the mouth of the Kerikeri river, the weather was most unpropitious. A strong easterly gale had set in, and the troops had a toilsome march through torrents of rain. The scanty supplies of provisions they brought with them were spoiled, and most of their powder rendered unfit for service. The friendly natives at this time rendered the most important assistance. They met our troops at the port of debarkation, and conducted them to the scene of action, and again, after the termination of the affair at Mawhe, re-accompanied them to the boats.
On the arrival of the news, that an attack had been made on Heke's Pa at Mawhe, and that the loss on the part of the English was considerable, the following communication was held with Sir E. Home:--
"Paihia, May 10, 1845.
"My dear Sir,--I have had a most comfortless night. I have been considering the question of Heke's Pa in all its bearings, and the force appointed for its capture. I see no possibility of this being accomplished without loss of life to a most fearful extent, endangering the return of any part of the troops. Though as yet, no official return has arrived, it appears most evident that a battle has been fought, and by report that the loss in killed is considerable. Of course the number of wounded must be in the usual proportion. Should it be contemplated to storm the pa, the troops might possibly carry it, but at an awful expense. But should they be repulsed, who can calculate the extent of the disaster. I fear that half the force must fall, in killed and wounded, and the whole would be most seriously endangered in their retreat, to say nothing of any other feeling of which a military man would be acutely sensible.
"I beg, therefore, you will excuse the liberty I take of suggesting the propriety of a suspension of hostilities immediately. One chief offender is reported to have fallen, besides many others; would it not then be important to stay further proceedings before the evil becomes more serious, and withdraw the expedition, making a virtue of necessity.
"Should you feel that the capturing of Heke is fearfully doubtful, and that I may be of any service in negotiating between
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Colonel Hulme and Heke, I shall be most happy to do so, in order that the retreat of the force may be as honourable as circumstances will admit of. I shall be most happy to bear a despatch from you to Colonel Hulme upon the subject, but of course can only proceed upon a written authority from yourself, and with particular instructions how to act. I feel that delays are dangerous, and shall be ready to enter upon this mission at any time you may think well.
"To Sir E. Home."
Sir Everard's answer was as follows:
"North Star," 8.30 a.m., May 10, off Paihia.
"My dear Sir,--I perfectly agree: When you have read the contents of the enclosed, 11 pray put a wafer in the letter, and God speed you.--Faithfully yours,
"The Ven. Archdeacon H. Williams, Paihia."
The following reply to a communication from Sir E. Home will serve to shew the opinion held by Archdeacon Williams at this time.
"Paihia, May 24, 1845.
"My dear Sir,--In reply to your note of this morning, requesting my opinion of the present state and immediate prospects of New Zealand, I consider that the eyes of the entire native population are directed to the issue of this war, and upon it depends the quietness of the whole country. The immediate prospects of New Zealand depend upon the manner in which the war is conducted. I have just received Heke's reply to the terms proposed to him, a copy of which I forward to you, by which you will perceive that he has no disposition to accede to them. I presume therefore, that nothing short of vigorous measures will satisfy him. It is my further opinion, that peace and good order will not then be preserved, unless a strong military force be stationed in the Bay of Islands for that purpose.
"To Sir E. Home, H.M.S. "North Star."
A second, and more formidable expedition soon after landed at the Bay, under the command of Colonel Despard. On the very day this force landed, Heke made a vigorous assault upon Waka Nene, at Pukenui, hoping to crush him before he could be joined by the troops. On this occasion, Heke had about 400 men, while Waka's force was much inferior. What they wanted in number, however, was fully made up by the determined bravery with which they fought. They turned out of their pa, and boldly faced their
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assailants, fighting obstinately during the greater part of the day. Every principal man on Heke's side was either killed or wounded, and amongst the latter, Heke himself very severely in the thigh.
On the day of the attack which was made against Ohaeawai, July 1, 1845, Archdeacon Williams arrived at the camp, and on the two following days held communication with the enemy at Colonel Despard's request.
This was the first time of his seeing the pa. He rendered to Colonel Despard every assistance which was required, and conducted a conversation between that officer and Waka Nene, which terminated in the Colonel consenting to remain some days longer before the pa, though it was publicly known that it had been determined upon to retreat immediately to Waimate, and to abandon all further attempts upon the pa.
It is remarkable, that, notwithstanding the natives were perfectly well aware of the formidable preparations which were made for attacking their stronghold, and had frequent opportunities of interrupting the waggons conveying supplies, &c, to the camp, they never took advantage of this circumstance. On one occasion, two drays, under a feeble escort, were met by the Rev. R. Burrows, on the road between Waimate and the Kerikeri. He had not proceeded far, after parting with the drays, when a party of armed natives started up from the bushes. They spoke of the drays, and said, "they did not wish to use treachery, but he riri awatea, [fighting in broad daylight]." In fact, the drays passed day and night without a guard, and without interruption, and the roads were always clear. During the battle between Waka and Heke, before mentioned, a young chief named Patai, belonging to Heke, was conveyed to Waimate seriously wounded in the head. On the following day, he was restored to his friends. Waka sent a message to Haratua, telling him to "remember Patai," and not to molest the drays. Haratua sent word back, "I will remember." Indeed, as a characteristic feature of the war, it is worthy of record, that the provisions, stores, and ammunition, were conveyed to the camp as quietly as though it were a time of perfect peace. The houses at the Kerikeri, and at Waimate, and the bridge, though threatened with destruction, were saved from injury by the intervention of Heke.
From Ohaeawai, Kawiti retreated in the night, in the direction of the Kawakawa, and commenced immediately to erect another pa at Ruapekapeka. In the meantime, terms of peace were offered by Governor FitzRoy. These overtures, however, were ineffective, and it became apparent that the haughty spirit of the rebel chiefs required yet to be further humbled.
The following communication, to which reference has been made above, passed shortly afterwards between Archdeacon Williams and Colonel Despard.
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"Paihia, July 14, 1845.
"My dear Sir,--I learn from Mr. Clendon that you have expressed some disappointment at not having more information from me on my leaving you. I assured you that I would forward to you any information I might obtain, which I did, relative to Kawiti's intention to quit his pa. I have no further information of any moment, except that Kawiti's people are about to build a pa at Waiomio, or in that direction. I returned from the camp wishing to intrude my opinion as little as possible, at the same time being always ready to express one when it might be beneficial. My present idea is, that the troops cannot be withdrawn at this time, if this country is to be continued a colony of Great Britain. Should you wish to see me at any time, I shall be most willing to go from hence for that purpose.--Yours faithfully,
"To Colonel Despard."
"Waimate, July 15, 1845.
"My dear Sir,--I have been favoured with your note, in which you mention that Mr. Clendon had informed you that I had expressed disappointment at not receiving more information from you. I beg to say that my observations regarding information were general. I have never received any that was of use. That given me regarding the roads was decidedly wrong. It was told me at Auckland that there was a capital drayroad to Waimate. I found it execrable. I never could obtain the slightest correct information regarding the localities of the pa itself, either of its internal form or its defences, or even of the probable number of its defenders. There appeared to be a general wish to conceal the difficulties, without considering the possible waste of European blood that might take place in consequence. As to Kawiti's intention to quit the pa, I was perfectly aware without any one letting me know that he and his people must quit, as I had adopted a plan of making a plunging fire into it, which in a great measure raked their ditches, and entered their underground habitations. I beg to assure you that you were very much deceived when you mentioned to me that the fences were many of them poles not thicker than your arm. There was not an upright stick in that pa that was not composed of split Puriri wood, and many of our six pound shot were picked out of the posts, not having actually entered far enough to hide themselves. As to detaining the troops here to garrison Waimate, I consider it would be a measure that the British Government never will sanction. The place is not worth the expense. Auckland is the place to be looked to; and the settlers ought to concentrate there if they expect military protection.
"I remain, my dear Sir, yours faithfully,
"The Ven. Archdeacon H. Williams."
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It is known that a copy of this letter was given to the late Governor, for the purpose of conveying an idea that the observation upon the state of the pa at Ohaeawai was made by Archdeacon Williams, previous to the attack on the 1st of July, and that the fatal loss of life on that occasion was to be attributed to false information. This may be inferred from the following remark:-- "There appeared to be a general wish to conceal the difficulties, without considering the possible waste of European blood that might take place in consequence." But Colonel Despard was aware that no European had seen the pa until the day following the attack on the 1st of July, Such was the jealousy of the natives, that they would not allow even a Missionary to inspect their fortifications. No description of the fences of the pa was ventured upon by Archdeacon Williams before the attack, for he had not seen them, as Colonel Despard knew. The idea of detaining the troops to garrison Waimate, implying that such a step was proposed with a view of taking care of a mission station, originates with Colonel Despard. The public need not to be told that the Missionaries were under no apprehension. The suggestion of Archdeacon Williams was, that if the country was to be continued a colony of Great Britain the troops could not be withdrawn.
The following anecdote will shew the nature of the remarks made in the camp, relative to a casual observation that had been uttered respecting the strength of the stockade at Ohaeawai, and that this mere expression of opinion was made a subject of conversation prejudicial to the credit of Archdeacon Williams.
On the arrival of the "North Star," after the conflict at Ohaeawai, on the 1st of July, 1845, Archdeacon Williams went on board to wait upon Sir E. Home, where he met one of the military officers from the camp, who, after some general conversation, said, in the presence of the officers of the ship:-- "Why, Mr. Archdeacon, you were much mistaken in your report of the strength of the pa at Ohaeawai."--"Was I?"--"Yes."--"In what was I mistaken?"-- "Why, you said the sticks of the pa were not thicker than your thigh, and the posts not thicker than your body."--"And did you find any thicker?"--"Why--why--No."-- "Then pray in what respect was I wrong in my report?"--No reply, and a general burst of laughter at his expense. The good officer, for he is a very worthy man, had heard these remarks from Colonel Despard, but was too correct to follow out the errors of his commander. He spoke without consideration, and did not expect such a cross-examination.
It will be remembered, that at the taking of the pa at Ruapekapeka, a number of letters were found which were pronounced to be of a treasonable character. An air of mystery was thrown over this subject from high authority; which gave weight to
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the idle reports which were so boldly propagated at that period, by a proclamation, stating, that all these letters were burnt by the command of his Excellency, Governor Grey. Upon this matter, the following remarks are made in the New Zealander, which, taken in connexion with the reports circulated at the time at the Bay of Islands, seem to be intended to have the same application:--
Extract from the New Zealander of January 31st, 1846.
"Among the recent proclamations in the Government Gazette of the 24th instant, is one respecting some letters found in the pa at Ruapekapeka, and stating that his Excellency, although aware that they were of a treasonable nature, ordered them to be consigned to the flames, without either perusing or allowing a copy of them to be taken.
"The clemency shewn towards Heke and Kawiti upon their actual submission and application for peace, we consider to be consistent in a noble, generous, and powerful enemy as the Queen of England; and in granting a free pardon to all concerned in the late rebellion, who may now return in peace and safety to their houses, where, so long as they conduct themselves properly, they shall remain unmolested in their persons and houses. His Excellency Governor Grey, has acted wisely and humanely. But with those European traitors, who have been clandestinely conspiring against the peace of the Colony, and insiduously instigating the excited natives to direct open rebellion, we think very different policy to complete amnesty should be adopted. For the natives some apology might be advanced, on account of their imperfect knowledge of what acts constitute treason and rebellion against the lawful constituted authorities; but not so for the plausible artful abettors of that rebellion, who, to serve their own individual selfish views and gain, cared neither to endanger the Queen's power and authority in the Colony, nor to sacrifice the lives of their fellow countrymen. We consider these English traitors far more guilty and deserving of severe punishment, than the brave natives whom they have advised and misled. Cowards and knaves in the full sense of the terms, they have pursued their traitorous schemes, afraid to risk their own persons, yet artfully sacrificing others for their own aggrandizement, while, probably at the same time, they were most hypocritically professing most zealous loyalty.
"Tranquility and subordination are not yet sufficiently established in the Northern district, for the local Government to be magnanimously clement in its conduct towards mischievous and treasonable agitation of disatisfied natives. It has been rumoured that investigation of these epistolary proofs and documents, would
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have implicated some, whose station and previous character ought to have dictated more correct and scrupulous behaviour towards the Maories, and more consistent gratitude to the Queen's Government. If such be the fact, we deem it to be the more powerful reason why the Governor should really know the truth, and however he might deal leniently for past offences, his knowledge of the character and extent of these treasonable acts, would operate most powerfully against future repetition. We are quite aware that the direction of this proclamation would infer, that 'this large number of letters' were from natives, as 'the Governor directs it to be notified for the information of the native chiefs in the Northern part of the island;" but it is well known that not a few, doubtless the most important of the 'tuhituhis' were from Europeans. However, the Governor may perhaps have been induced to issue the proclamation to which we have alluded, conceiving that, as the contents of these epistles were known to some, their purport, and the names of the writers, would not long remain a mysterious secret. In such opinion we concur, not only on that account, but for the further reasons, that the natives cannot long keep a secret, and now these rebels have all received a full pardon themselves, they will not scruple to talk of their Rangatira pakeha [gentlemen] correspondents."
The reason why this wordy document is noticed here, is simply this, that the report was carried by respectable parties from Te Ruapekapeka to Russell, immediately after the fall of the pa, that treasonable letters had been found involving the character of the Missionaries. It happens, however, that copies were preserved of such communications as were sent, and the following letter, which, it is presumed, was the ground of these remarks, is attested by an eye-witness, as being the true copy of a letter from Archdeacon Williams, which was picked up in the pa:--
"Paihia, Hepetema 23, 1845.
"E taku hoa kuare,--Kua riro mai he kupu no te Kawana e mea mai ana kahore he pukapuka a Kawiti me to Hoani Heke. Ko tehahi waewae kia ora ko tetahi waewae kia mate? E hoa kia toa koe kia ora ai to tangata. Tukua mai tau pukapuka kia ata kitea e te pakeha. Na ko nga hoiho kia riro mai. Ka ngaro pea Waiomio me era wahi ka ngaro ko Mawe ko Ohaewai.
"Naku tenei,--Na to hoa na to Tupuna,
"Na te WIREMU."
"Ki a Kawiti, Waiomio.
"The original of the foregoing communication was picked up in the pa, at the Ruapekapeka, after it was taken.
"GEORGE CLARK, jun.
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"Paihia, September 23, 1845.
"My foolish friend,-- A word from the Governor has come hither, saying, there is no letter from Kawiti like that of John Heke. Is one leg to be healed and the other leg to be unhealed. Be energetic (or brave) to save your person. Send your letter that it may be clearly seen by the Europeans. Now let the horses be given (or) perhaps Waiomio will be lost (to you) as those places Mawhe and Ohaewai are lost.
"This is from me--from your friend--your grandfather,
"A CORRECT TRANSLATION
"GEORGE CLARKE, jun."
To this letter Kawiti replied the following day:--
"Ruapekapeka, Sept. 24, 1845.
"Friend Williams,--Good is your word, O friend, saluting you. Here am I feeling great regard for you. Sir, it is because you have said that peace should be made, that I consent. I will not continue to jump upon your word (i.e., I will not run counter to your wishes) but then, if peace is made, it must be made with respect to the land also.
"Friend Governor, saluting you. I am willing to make peace. Many Europeans have been killed, and many natives. In as much as you have said that I should make the first advances towards peace, I now do so, and hereby consent.
"This is all mine, I finish here.
By me, "KAWITI.
"I certify this to be the correct rendering of the foregoing letter.
"T. S. FORSAITH."
Extract of a letter from the Governor to Kawiti:--
"Kawiti,--Your letter of September 24 I received last night, September 30. It was addressed to myself and to Mr. Williams, who, I can plainly see, has been giving you good advice; you have done well to harken to him, and I trust your future conduct will shew that you are really sincere and desirous of peace.
"From me, from the Governor.
The letter to Kawiti speaks for itself. It was written by authority, there is no ambiguity in it, and the sense in which Kawiti received it is shewn by his reply. The views of the late Governor also are sufficiently explicit. Archdeacon Williams was too well acquainted with the public service to commit himself by an unauthorised interference in matters of this nature. We may take as an instance of the caution he observed, a note written to the Rev. Mr. Burrows a fortnight afterwards.
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"Paihia, October 13, 1845.
"My dear Sir,--The request you have made to me in the name of Colonel Despard, that I should see Kawiti as soon as possible, relative to the terms for peace being established, I shall most cheerfully attend to; but I must express some surprise that no communication has been made by that Officer himself to me, as it is a point among official men never to act without written authority, and as I do not consider a mere verbal message as sufficient authority, the duty being of a serious and delicate nature, I must request you to communicate with Colonel Despard that he may express his wishes to me in writing, that I may feel I am acting correctly in this matter."--Yours faithfully,
The Rev. R. Burrows, Waimate.
Archdeacon Williams was called upon to take a public and active part in the proceedings of this period, and was in daily communication with the public authorities respecting the negotiations which were then pending. These were no secret proceedings. Sir Everard Home writes from the "North Star" on the 10th of October:
"Many thanks, my dear sir, for your note. I just saved the "Racehorse," by which I have sent a copy of Kawiti's letter to you, to Sir George Gipps, so that he and Sir Maurice O'Connell may be able to judge of what they may be likely to hear next. I expect Heke's answer to-day, and then I send all together to Auckland by the "Osprey." Colonel Despard quite agrees with you about the propriety of a deputation, with powers from the Governor to settle things. He thinks it should consist of three.
"Ever, My Dear Sir, faithfully yours,
"The Ven. Archdeacon H. Williams."
In the month of November, Colonel Despard gave authority on two occasions to Archdeacon Williams, to hold communication with the rebel chiefs.
"Camp at Kororareka, November 2, 1845.
"The Venerable Archdeacon Williams has authority to visit Ruapekapeka, and meet Heke in compliance with a written request made to him by that chief, a translation of which has been handed to me by Mr. Clendon, Police Magistrate at Paihia.
"Lieut.-Colonel 99th Regt., Colonel on the Staff, commanding the troops.
"The Ven. Archdeacon H. Williams."
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"Camp at Kororareka, Nov. 13, 1845.
"SIR,--I have to forward for your information and guidance, the following extract of a letter from his Excellency the Governor, dated the 11th instant, and received yesterday:--
"I have the honour of requesting you will authorise Archdeacon Henry Williams to communicate with the rebel chief Kawiti, who should have due warning that preparations are making which may cause his total destruction in the event of the present opening for pardon and peace being disregarded."
The above extract will be sufficient authority for you to comply with his Excellency's desire, without any further communication from me.
"I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant,
"Colonel on the Staff, Commanding the Troops.
"The Ven. Archdeacon H. Williams."
A perusal of these documents will satisfy every reasonable mind, that, while much activity was shewn in promoting the interests of the Government, all was done under the sanction of authority.
After these repeated admissions of assistance rendered to the Government, and of efforts to promote the establishment of peace on the part of the late Governor FitzRoy, an attempt was made to prove a treasonable act to have been committed at Paihia on the evening of Thursday, January 29, 1846, on the departure of H.M.S. "North Star," when Heke hoisted his flag in compliment to the worthy Captain, who had held a long communication with him on the preceding evening, in the presence of many of his officers, in the house of Archdeacon Williams. The Police Magistrate was officially written to on the subject, to enquire into the truth of the report, which had been laid before his Excellency the Governor, "that Heke had at Paihia hoisted his rebellious flag after the establishment of peace, upon seeing that H.M.S. "North Star" was sailing from the port, and that a son of Archdeacon Williams assisted him in the act." Had this been a vague report, like many others, the circumstance would not deserve notice; but the Captain of the Government brig "Victoria" underwent two examinations on the subject as to his knowledge of the fact, one at Auckland, and one at Wellington.
Had the person who gave rise to this report understood more of native customs, and the feelings that had been reciprocated between Sir E. Home and Heke, he would not have been led into so foolish a misrepresentation. But whether or not, neither Archdeacon Williams nor his son had anything to do with the matter.
The idea that has been expressed, namely, that the natives opposed to the Government have been exclusively the people of the
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Church Mission, while those who have been friendly are the Wesleyans and Roman Catholics, is based upon incorrect information, and it casts an imputation on the Church Mission, which cannot be passed over in silence.
That many natives professing Christianity should have been concerned in this hostility to the Government, has been a subject of the deepest regret to the Missionaries; and their endeavours to allay this feeling were unceasing up to the time of active collision, when they gave place to the hostile measures which became necessary. An accurate examination of the list of natives engaged on either side, will show that the hostile natives were by no means made up exclusively of people of the Church Mission; neither were the friends of the Government made up exclusively of Wesleyans and Roman Catholics. Among the rebels were natives belonging to the Church Mission, together with many Roman Catholics, and heathen. It is a striking fact, that nearly all the chiefs of rank of their party who were killed were heathen and professed Papists. Pumuka and Kahakaha were heathen, Ruku and his son, and the two sons of Kawiti, were papists.
Among the opponents to the Government were the following Papists:--Ruku and his party; --Kawiti's son and several of the tribe;--the Waikare party, mostly papists;-- Atuawera and his party, from Hokianga;--Pona and his party, whose canoe was the only one from Whangaroa at the cutting down of the flag-staff on January 9, 1845;--from Ngunguru, about 30 papists ;--Hakitara from Hokianga.
Of the Natives of the Church Mission who assisted the Government may be noticed:--Tamati Pukututu and the Natives of Te Kawakawa, who broke up their old pa and constructed a new one at the landing place of the expedition against the Ruapekapeka, for the protection of the stores, &c, &c, and to cover the retreat;-- Hori Kingi Wharerahi and the two sons of Rewa, with many others of their tribe, from Te Rawhiti;--Nopera Panakareao, and his party, from Kaitaia ;--Paratene Kekeao and Wiremu Kingi Kaitara, and their party from Pukenui; Eruera Patuone, elder brother of Waka Nene, who rendered very important aid, also received Christian instruction when living at Whakatiwai, where the teachers of the Church Missionary Society were alone residing. After a time, he went up to Paihia, and after staying there some time, was baptised by Archdeacon H. Williams.
A large body of natives also was kept quiet, entirely through the influence of the Church Mission, most of whom would otherwise have joined Heke. Under this head may be mentioned a large proportion of the natives of Kaikohe, Heke's immediate relations;-- Wiremu Hau, and party, at Waimate;--the tribe of Ngatirehia, under Tareha;--the tribe Te Hikutu at Tepuna, and the natives of Matauri and Whangaroa, under Ururoa, alone forming a body of
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three hundred men, who had determined to join Heke, previous to the meeting at Paroa on January 27th, 1845.
Waka Nene first rose in favour of the Government, in consequence of a letter from Tamati Pukututu, written from Paihia immediately after the fall of Kororareka, calling upon him to come and see "Te Matenga o te Wiremu" ("the death of Mr. Williams,") at the hands of Kawiti and Heke, which was received as a call to come to the protection of the Europeans.
The various attempts to fasten upon the Missionaries the charge of disloyalty, being capable of the fullest refutation, have been allowed to remain long unanswered; but in the mean time, another effort is being made, the result of which, could it be established, would be scarcely less prejudicial to their character. It is understood that the Governor has expressed an opinion recently, that the cause of the rebellion was the purchase of land by the Missionaries. Now, if not merely a course of treasonable practices, but the very root and origin of all the evils under which the country has been smarting, can be proved against the Missionaries, then surely they deserve that the most harsh measures should be taken against them. Much has been already said upon these land purchases, both in this country, and at home; and severe censures have been passed upon the Missionary body by many of their friends, while others have set up for them a defence grounded on the circumstances of the case. Upon this subject, as on others, there has unhappily been much misrepresentation.
The body of persons who come under the designation of "the Missionaries," is no inconsiderable part of the community. Their children and their children's children of the second generation are now upwards of one hundred and sixty persons, for whom an impartial judge will hardly consider that an excessive provision has been sought.
In the Report from the Select Committee of the House of Commons on New Zealand, 1844, page 88, is found a Schedule of Claims to Land in New Zealand. From this it appears that the lands claimed on account of the Mission Families, with the exception of two cases, which rest altogether on different grounds, and cannot, therefore, be taken into the same calculation, amount to 53,601 acres, a block of land nearly 12 miles by 7; the children of these families, which are 12 in number, are 120, giving an average of 446 acres to each child. The land awarded by the Land Commissioners to these families is 29,209 acres, which is a little less than 243 acres for each child. This land taken in a block will be rather more than 9 miles by 5, an amount which gives a view of the case widely different from many statements which have been in circulation. Was it then a ground for censure against the Missionaries that, at a time when there was not the most remote prospect of colonization to this country, they sought provision for their children in a savage land, rather
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than apply for permission, which would not have been refused, to return to their native country that they might give their children the advantages of civilized society? And if they are to be censured for making purchases to the extent of 446 acres for each child in a savage land, what shall be said of the Government of New South Wales, who appropriated in a free gift, and of the chaplains of that colony who received at their hands, for each of their children, at the average rate of 1600 acres, in a rising colony, with every prospect of increasing importance?
There yet remains to be noticed the allegation that "these purchases have been the cause of the late rebellion." We are at a loss to conceive from what quarter this information can have been conveyed to his Excellency, but certain it is that it comes from persons who, to say nothing of their intentions, betray excessive ignorance of the whole question.
This allegation may be set aside upon the ground of its improbability alone. It is well known that the habits of the natives lead them to cultivate wooded land, and that as soon as its strength is partially exhausted, they still go back upon the woodland. Now, the greater part of that land purchased by the Missionaries is of this character. In the opinion of the natives it was worn out. "Do you think," said a chief from whom the farm of the Church Missionary Society at Waimate was purchased, "that we should have sold you land if we could have grown potatoes upon it?" It appears, too, from documentary evidence in the Parliamentary Papers, that the Missionaries paid the natives for the land they purchased at the rate of rather more than 3s. 4d. per acre. The natives, therefore, had good reason to be satisfied in this respect; much more so than with the purchases made on account of Government. Explicit instructions were given to the agents of Government during the administration of Willoughby Shortland, Esq., not to pay the natives more than 3d. per acre. The purchases for the New Zealand Committee were at a still lower rate. In the Report of the Select Committee, 1840, p. 74, it is stated that Mr. Ward, then Secretary of the Company, was questioned by Mr. Hindley, as to the price per acre of the whole quantity of land purchased by the Company." Mr. Ward's reply was, "It appears to be about an half-penny per acre." Surely it was never contemplated on the introduction of the sliding scale that there should be so sudden a descent as is here shewn---a proportion of eighty to one. How unfortunate that the records of Parliament should have made such disclosures.
At the time when the mania among the natives for selling land was at its height, from one to two years before the establishment of the Colony, the Missionaries had great difficulty, but they succeeded, in preventing the natives about the Bay of Islands from parting with their most valuable land, which still remains in their possession. This remark applies to the richest portions of the neighbourhood of
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Waimate, also to the district around Pukenui, to Mawhe, to Kaikohe, which is the land in the occupation of Heke, to Te Kawakawa, and particularly to a large district called Okaihau, extending from the beginning of the wood towards Hokianga down to the river Utakura. If the natives of these districts were questioned upon this matter, they would express their strong sense of obligation to the Missionaries for the care taken in this behalf.
If any natives are dissatisfied by reason of the alienation they have made of their lands, and on this account have been driven to take up arms against the Government, doubtless Heke would be one of the first to say so. The land purchased by James Busby, Esq., in the Bay of Islands, belonged to Heke's tribe; and at the Court of Commissioners for the investigation of the Land Claims, the Natives, and particularly Heke, were very indignant at the questions put to them. Heke said, "I told you before that there was no fraud in it; the land is Mr. Busby's, we received the price, and were satisfied with it." And this too, when they knew that Mr. Busby had been selling very small portions of the land for a larger sum than he had given for the whole.
By the time the Court of the Commissioners was opened, the natives had had time to consider the steps they had taken. But Mr. Shortland in a letter to Lord Stanley (published in the Papers laid before Parliament on the 7th March 1845), shewing that the disturbances at the South had originated in the interference of the Company or their settlers with lands never sold by the rightful owners, says, that "in the Northern District out of the seven hundred and fifty claims of the old settlers, which had been adjudicated by the Commissioners, not one single instance of any objection being offered by the natives to the taking possession of the lands awarded to the claimants had arisen." A trait of national honesty to which it would be difficult to find a parallel.
The joint testimony of Colonel Godfrey and of Major Richmond, in a letter to the Colonial Secretary, confirms the same statement. See Appendix to Report from the Select Committee 1844, p. 334:--
"Sir,--In reply to the Memorandum of his Excellency the Officer Administering the Government, addressed to us this day, demanding,
"If the conduct of the natives, in the investigation of land claims, has caused a great alienation of feeling between the parties, and a disposition in some cases has been manifested to get returned to them, lands which they formerly sold,
"We have the honour to report, that we have now examined more than half the claims, yet have never remarked such a consequence in any of our investigations.
EDWARD L. GODFREY, M. RICHMOND,
"To the Hon, the Colonial Secretary, &c."
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The total absence of any declaration of the kind by the natives is wholly at variance with the assertion that the land purchased by the Missionaries was the cause of the war. There is a remarkable degree of consistency in the native character with respect to the narrative he will give of the same event at different periods of time. But here a reason is given, from some unknown source, as the root of the native grievance, which has not only never been named by the natives during a war of two years continuance, but which is directly opposed to the statements made both by the rebels and the friendly tribes. Then, too, the fact that the hostile natives treated with marked respect all mission property, so much so as to lead the military to fancy that there must be some marvellously good understanding between the Missionaries and the rebels. How does this agree with the assertion that the natives rose up in rebellion on account of injuries done them by the Missionaries? These lands were purchased by the Missionaries from 10 to 12 years ago. How was it that the natives never turned upon them to seize their cattle and to plunder their houses, but now after so many years have passed, the said Missionaries being regarded by them as the authors of all their trouble, they seize the horses and pillage the property of the unconscious settler, and cut down the flag-staff of Her Majesty. The science of probabilities, which is much acted upon in conducting military operations, appears to be but imperfectly understood. A view is here presented which is entirely new, and that which is improbable is to be regarded as the most probable result. No, the natives refrained from plundering the Missionaries because--although they were opposing the Government with which they saw the Missionaries were in league, although they had resolved to disregard all expostulations to desist from their dangerous course--there was a long cherished feeling of regard towards the Missionaries for kindnesses received during a period of more than twenty years.
The answer, however, to this most serious charge does not rest upon its improbability alone. There is evidence, which is explicit, both verbal and documentary.
On July 8, 1844, when Heke cut down the flag-staff for the first time, he stated at Paihia to the Bishop of New Zealand, that the reason he had cut down the flag-staff was, that certain parties in the Bay of Islands had told him that the flag hoisted at Kororareka prevented the trading vessels from frequenting the Bay of Islands, and that it was the sign that the New Zealanders were made slaves to the Queen. At a subsequent date, Heke reprobated the conduct of Ruku and Kawiti, because they plundered the settlers of their horses and other property. "Let us fight," said he "with the flag-staff alone." And his conduct was always consistent with his proposal. He cut down the flag-staff, and every subsequent erection of it was the signal for successive attacks. On the day of the contest at Kororareka, Heke made his assault upon that alone, and after he had
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gained his object, he did not attempt to molest the white inhabitants, nor even to fight with the military who were in the town.
The opinion of the late Governor may be received as valid upon this subject. It is a point which it was his interest to know, and which he had the means of ascertaining. The account he gives is as follows (p. 10, Remarks on New Zealand):---
"When Heke was agitating the Northern natives by his arguments against the Government, he took great pains to shew them that the British flag being hoisted on any territory was a sign that the land belonged to the Sovereign of Great Britain, and that the people of that land were become slaves, and that to preserve the freedom of the New Zealanders, the British flag must not be admitted on their territory."
He farther states, p. 11:--"The natives were not only treated with less caution, and less kindness than previously, but they were threatened even on trifling occasions with the punishments of English law, and were told by the ill-disposed or unreflecting white men that their country was taken from them, and that they were now Queen Victoria's slaves, and that they could not even sell their own property--their land--as they pleased. These taunts were felt deeply."
Lastly, this question is determined by two letters sent by Heke to the late Governor. We give his own words for the benefit of those who understand Maori. In one which was dated May 21st, 1845. Heke says:--
"Na nga Pakeha enei tawai ki a matou, na nga Pakeha o Hokianga, o Whangaroa, o Kororareka, o te Wahapu, o Otuihu; na ratou i whakarite, ka riro to koutou whenua i a Kawana, ko muri iho ka whakamatea koutou. Titiro ki Poihakena, ki Haina, ki nga motu katoa, ko te ritenga ia mo tenei whenua; na o Ingarani ki mua, muri iho na te Wiwi, muri iho na te Marikena: heoi ano ka whakaae ahau ki enei korero, e wha tau i mahi penei ai, no te rima o nga tau, ka whakaaetia taua korerotanga maha a te pakeha ki a matou. Na, ka tahi matou ka pa atu ki taua rakau, ka poutou kia hinga, muri iho ka whakaarahia ano, ka tahi matou ka mea he pono ina hoki ka totohe, ka mea matou kia mate matou ki runga ki to matou whenua."
The second letter was dated July 15, 1845. In this Heke writes:
"E mara, e Kawana, he rongo pai tenei naku ki a koe kia whakawakia aku hara e koe. Nau i ho mai te ritenga naku ranei? E mea ana ahau nau ano, na te pakeha; e kuare ana ahau, ka mea mai nga pakeha ki au, 'E Hoani Heke, ka riro tou whenua i a Kawana.' Na mea atu ahau, 'he aha te mea e riro ai,' ka ki mai nga pakeha, 'na te kara e tu nei i Maiki,' ka mea atu ahau, 'me pehea ra?' ka ki mai, 'poutoa te kara.' Ka pa ahau ka poutoa te kara ka hinga ki raro te rakau, ka ki atu ahau, 'he aha te ritenga i roto i te kara?' Ka ki mai nga pakeha ki ahau, 'ko te mana o te Kuini kei runga i te
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kara, e toru iwi i roto.' Ka mea ahau, 'na te Atua ano tenei whenua i hanga mo matou me a matou tamariki katoa.'"
The translation of the first letter is as follows:--
"We are taunted with this language by the white people, by the white people of Hokianga, of Whangaroa, of Kororareka, of Te Wahapu, of Otuihu; they made the statement 'your land will be taken by the Governor, and after that you will be killed. Look at Port Jackson, at China, and at all the islands; after that manner will this island be treated; the flag takes possession of the land.' The English first, after that the French, and then the Americans (made this statement) then I assented to these statements. They did this for four years. On the fifth year we assented to those often repeated statements of the white people made to us. Then first we touched the flag-staff; it was chopped that it might fall. After that it was put up again. We then said, it is all true for they urge the point, and we said we would die upon our land."
Translation of the second letter:--
"Mr. Governor, this is my good message to you, let my faults be examined by you. Was the commencement made by you or by me? I think it was by you, by the white man. I was in ignorance; the white people said to me, 'John Heke, your land is taken by the Governor.' I replied, by what means is it taken?' The white people answered, 'by the flag-staff which stands at Maiki.' I said, 'what is to be done?' They replied, 'cut down the flag-staff.' I touched the flag-staff, it was chopped down, the tree fell. I said 'what meaning is there in the flag-staff?' The white people told me, 'the power of the Queen is in the flag, there are three nations in it.' I said, 'God made this land for us, and for all our children.'"
Here, then, is Heke's own account of the matter, confirmed by the late Governor. Her Majesty's representative, and the rebel chief, standing at the head respectively of the powers which were long opposed, but agreeing in this single question which is at issue. The evidence which has been now brought forward, is not of a suspicious character, but it is of such a nature, that no room is left to wish it were more complete. It has been reported, indeed, that this assertion respecting the cause of the war, rests upon the authority of more than forty natives. It may be so. There will be found in every community certain persons ready to make any statement which they believe will be well received by those who are above them. The more prominent the part sustained by any individual, whether in a good cause or a bad one, so much the stronger will be the force of the tide against him when it once turns. There is a remarkable instance of this mentioned by Mr. Babington Macaulay in his account of the administration of Warren Hastings: "An Indian Government has only to let it be understood that it wishes a particular man to be ruined, and in twenty-four hours it
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will be furnished with grave charges supported by depositions so full and circumstantial, that every person unaccustomed to Asiatic mendacity would regard them as decisive." But let these forty witnesses be brought forward, that their assertions may be confronted with the testimony of all that is respectable in the community, whether English or native. The Missionaries will not shrink from the investigation. They need not ask to have a charitable construction put upon well intentioned acts, which subsequently have appeared to be carried out without discretion, but they may venture to submit both their actions and the intentions from which they sprang to the severest scrutiny, supported by the honest confidence of a conscience void of offence toward God and toward men.
Mr. Beckham's private despatches having been placed at my disposal, the following are added by myself.--H. C.
To His Excellency the Governor.
Russell, January 10, 1845.
Sir,-- It is with deep regret that I have to inform your Excellency that much to my surprise John Heke and his tribe cut down the flag-staff soon after daylight this morning, but without using any violence to the Europeans or even entering the town. The reason for his again offering this insult seems to be a general dislike to the British Government; and it is worthy of remark that Heke was at the American Consul's yesterday, when the merits of the Treaty of Waitangi and other political subjects connected with this colony were discussed; after which he obtained an American ensign which was hoisted on board his canoe immediately after our flag-staff was destroyed. - - -
January 16, 1845.
- - - Heke, with several canoes filled with armed men, landed in a small bay adjoining this settlement on the morning of the 15th, for the purpose of putting into execution his threats, viz., to destroy all the Government buildings; but I am happy to say that he has been unable to accomplish his purpose owing to the presence of the tribes from the Rawhiti, about 200 strong, and a guard of the inhabitants, whom I have kept ready to arm at a moments notice.
Heke still carries the American ensign in his canoe, and I was sorry to observe it hoisted at the Consul's this morning, as also on board the United States ships, which is quite unusual, except on the arrival or departure of American vessels, which was not the case this day. This circumstance confirms the suspicion mentioned in my letter of the 10th instant; I am fearful that these disturbances have been fostered by the Americans; and I beg to suggest for your Excellency's consideration the propriety of causing the Consul's flag-staff to be removed if practicable.
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"January 25, 1845.
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's letter of the 20th instant, and to state that I immediately communicated with Mr. Smith, the person at whose residence the American ensign has been so conspicuously exhibited lately, and to state that your Excellency's instructions have been carried into effect. [The Governor had prohibited the hoisting of any national flag except that of Great Britain.]
February 17, 1845.
Six of the principal chiefs from Whangaroa have been to Heke for the purpose of inducing him to make a compensation for his past misconduct. This change in the natives is to be attributed, in my opinion, entirely to the explanations which were given at the meeting at the Rawhiti by Archdeacon Williams relative to the object of the Treaty of Waitangi, many copies of which have since been circulated, and will probably much influence their conduct. Evidently the great cause of discontent has arisen from their believing it took from them their land, (i.e.), country. * * *
The "Hazard" arrived here on Saturday last. The Blockhouse was landed this morning, and will be put up during the day.
The flag-staff is not finished but will be ready for erection in a few days.
Since writing the above, a report has reached me that Heke intends making an immediate attack upon the block-house.
February 20, 1845.
I have seen Archdeacon Williams; he is fully satisfied that a retaliation will take place, under existing circumstances, if native lives are lost in an attack on the flag-staff; he is also of opinion that it would be impolitic to take any inland aggressive measures.
February 28, 1845.
In consequence of the present critical appearances, I have thought it necessary to drill the inhabitants privately.
Military and Civil Patrols are again established.
A strong fence will be erected this day round Mr. Polack's house, to cover the troops from the fire of the assailants.
Several robberies have been committed in the neighbourhood of Russell (Okiato) by Kawiti and his tribe.
March 4, 1845.
Kawiti's tribe have again been committing serious outrages in the neighbourhood . . . . Heke has not taken any part in the late outrages. He arrived at the Waitangi this morning, and Archdeacon Williams has gone to see him.
March 9, 1845.
Kawiti's party has been joined by Heke's tribe for some days past, and is now augmented by Moflower 12 and the greater portion
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of Pomare's followers. The whole force amounts to between six and seven hundred men.
The confidential despatch to Mr. Gladstone, known in the colony by the name of "Blood and Treasure," is of historical interest. Allowed to remain private by Mr. Gladstone, it was made public by his successor, Lord Grey, who seems to have treated it with implicit credence, and to have been unable to perceive why the statements contained therein should be concealed, if true. Its unexpected publication was the turning point in Governor Grey's career. It must be borne in mind that this despatch is only the first of a series. It was followed up by others, more explicit in statement, bringing home the charges more directly to the Mission, and, in particular, to Archdeacon Henry Williams. Analysis is no longer required, for all can now "read between the lines." It must suffice to mention the pretended difficulty of putting men "into possession" who had never been out of possession; and to the curious confusion of grants of old land claims with ungranted "preemption claims," by which both Lord Grey and the Church Mission Society were led so seriously into error.
Government House, Auckland,
June 25, 1846.
SIR,--Adverting to the various questions which have lately arisen in reference to the large tracts of land which have been claimed under what is termed the penny an acre proclamation, as well as to the grants which have been issued in excess of the amount of 2,560 acres fixed by law, I beg to enclose, for your information, lists of individuals directly interested in these questions which have been forwarded by me in my previous despatches, and I would then beg to suggest that the following really national questions connected with this subject should receive the consideration of Her Majesty's Government.
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The total number of individuals in whose favour these tracts of land are claimed, may be stated at from forty to fifty. For the reasons stated in my public despatches, I feel myself satisfied that these claims are not based on substantial justice to the Aborigines, or to the large majority of British settlers in this country.
Her Majesty's Government may also rest satisfied that these individuals cannot be put in possession of these tracts of land without a large expenditure of British blood and money. The following subjects therefore must be decided by Her Majesty's Government:--
Firstly--whether, under all the circumstances of the case, they think it consistent with the national honour, that the British Naval and Military forces should be employed in putting these individuals into possession of the land they claim; and secondly--If it is determined to adopt this course, how are Her Majesty's forces to be reconciled to such a service. It is one attended with the greatest danger, hardships, and privations--it offers few prospects of honour or reward. From the desultory mode of warfare adopted by the natives, no decisive victory can be gained. The soldiers do not fight to acquire lands for themselves and families which might support them in their old age. In fact there is nothing to attach them to such a service, and British officers and men very unwillingly find themselves compelled, under such disheartening circumstances, to undergo such fatigues, to put those whom they would regard as mere speculators, in possession of land wrested from a race who have many military qualities which excite a soldier's esteem.
It is my duty to warn Her Majesty's Government that, if British troops are long exposed to the almost unexampled fatigues and privations of a service which has already entailed so large a loss of life on our small force, disastrous consequences must be anticipated. On the other hand however, I must admit that the individuals interested in these land claims form a very powerful party. They include amongst them, those connected with the public press, several members of the Church Missionary Society and the numerous families of those gentlemen, various gentlemen holding important offices in the public service (and who are therefore acquainted with every movement of Government) and their friends and relatives. It is true that this party is confined principally to the North of the Island; they still however exercise a very important influence here, and the Government, if it does not yield to their wishes, must anticipate a violent and stormy opposition.
I have, &c,
G. GREY, Lieut-Governor and Commander-in-Chief.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone.
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Charges to the discredit of Governor Grey himself have been sedulously avoided, so far as may be, in this Memoir. Vindication alone has been kept in view. Yet it might be not unfairly urged that recapitulation of his own charges against others, amounts, practically speaking, to discredit of his own testimony. But there is no alternative. To sink the charges altogether might be construed into seeming to fear them. On the other hand, the difficulty is to find room for them. At the risk of being likened to the Pedant in Hierocles, who, being minded to sell his house, carried a brick in his pocket as a specimen, I extract from "The Page," together with the original notes, certain [Greek word]KEIMILIA--crowning mis-statements, strung together with the least possible expenditure of words.
"Governors Hobson, Shortland, and FitzRoy, had successively borne testimony to the services of the Missionaries. But "there arose a new king over Egypt, which knew not Joseph." . . . . He addressed a series of despatches to the Colonial Office, impeaching their loyalty and integrity; he charged them with having been accessory to bloodshed for the sake of land; he accused the ex-Protector of having caused the war; 13 he burned the correspondence (reported to be of a treasonable nature) which was found in the captured pa at Ruapekapeka,--an act by which the Missionaries would have been for ever debarred from vindication, had not an attested copy been fortunately preserved; he assured the Society that unless the old Missionaries were removed, there would be no peace in the Northern District; 14 he stated
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that the natives who had been in arms against Her Majesty's Government were almost exclusively the people of the Church of England Mission; he informed Lord Grey that the land had been acquired by abuse of religious influence; 15 he likewise informed his Lordship that the ex-Protectors of the aborigines had been in the habit of selling their services to Europeans, in the negotiations of land purchases--an assertion which he was afterwards obliged to retract; he attempted to alienate the minds of the natives from their teachers; he appealed to the cupidity of the natives with the same intent, by promising to give them back the lands which should be taken from the grantees--a promise which he broke, when he afterwards had the opportunity of keeping it; he caused the troops to be removed from a strong position at Waitangi to a defenceless position at the Wahapu, 16 on the plea of not being able to obtain a suitable location, from the manner in which the Missionary grants were made; he accused Archdeacon Henry Williams of writing letters to "a violent local newspaper," 17 and likewise of contriving to get published a private letter addressed by
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the Governor to Lord Grey; 18 and to crown the whole, not only refused to "substantiate or retract," but even procured from the Colonial Office a general disallowance of enquiry."
This Memoir can hardly now be accused of suppressing charges against the Mission. Prominence has been advisedly given to them.
This paper, with some others, is cancelled. It had been intended to reprint the two several judgements delivered by Chief Justice Martin and Mr. Justice Chapman, but the volume is already assuming inconvenient bulk.
To the Right Hon. Earl Grey, Secretary of State for the Colonies.
Paihia, November 1, 1848.
My Lord,--I have long since felt it to be my painful duty to address your Lordship respecting the series of despatches from Governor Grey, impeaching the integrity and loyalty of the Missionaries of the Church of England Mission in New Zealand.
Your Lordship is aware of the impression these despatches have made upon your own mind, and may enter into my feelings at reading these startling communications so at variance with the facts of the case. I have not inconsiderately entered upon this subject. It is strictly opposed to our office and disposition, and we patiently endured until deluged by a mighty torrent of imputations, unheard of until brought forth in these despatches.
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Up to this time I have been deterred from the fulfilment of my intention by fear lest my appeal should seem to have been prompted by interested or unworthy motives, which under ordinary circumstances might argue conscious weakness of our cause. Yet it has been shewn by the impression which these causeless attacks upon our character have made in England that this feeling has been neither groundless nor misplaced; and now that the late decision of the Supreme Court of this Colony has been declared, together with the probability that the appeal from that Court to the Privy Council will have been decided before this letter shall reach your Lordship, I am relieved from any such apprehension, and feel that I have no longer any right to postpone the adoption of the only course it becomes me to take, to challenge the most searching enquiry into our conduct. I must request your Lordship to notice that this appeal to your justice and protection is not respecting the Crown Grants issued by Governor FitzRoy, 19 but merely against the dangerous and insidious despatches of Governor Grey.
I therefore do respectfully claim your Lordship's protection, and urgently request that an opportunity may be afforded me of publicly clearing the Mission from every imputation that may have been cast upon us, and may be even now working out the ends of the author, which must of necessity remain unrefuted while undisclosed.
I am the more emboldened thus to throw myself on your Lordship's sense of justice, inasmuch as your Lordship has already laid the Mission under the deepest obligation by bringing to light a document which contained an imputation secretly made against the Missionaries of the deepest die,--no less than that of being accessory to the shedding of human blood for the sake of being maintained in possession of lands which are said by Governor Grey to have been "wrested" from the natives; which document, but for your Lordship's interference, must have been unanswered, leaving the victims of its mis-statements unconciously exposed to obloquy and dishonour.
I have now to request that the obligation conferred upon the Mission by your Lordship should be extended further still; that his Excellency the Governor-in-Chief should be directed to put us in possession of all such correspondence as may have passed between himself and the Colonial office reflecting upon the proceedings of the Missionaries impugned, that we may learn what allegations exist against us; that all vague insinuations, that every indistinct and floating charge may be for ever swept away.
I have obtruded myself upon your Lordship's attention with a two-fold object in view--to take occasion for laying statements before you that shall support my solicitation for open enquiry; and to
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request that Her Majesty's Government, by being pleased to order such enquiry, should afford me opportunity to make these statements good.
Should I appear to your Lordship to be over urgent in my desire for a public investigation, I trust I may be excused when it is considered that while Governor Grey has not hesitated to cast as severe imputation upon us as it was possible for language or art to frame. His Excellency has rejected every overture which I have made to him for investigation on the spot, or proof of his allegations. These serious, exciting, and reproachful imputations have been confined to Governor Grey; I notice them as being embodied in his Excellency's despatches and laid before Parliament.
I have too high a sense of the honour of your Lordship as Secretary of State to allow myself to believe that your Lordship would give your sanction to any despatch not based on strict integrity; I therefore do confidently request your Lordship's attention to examine the various documents now forwarded herewith, and am prepared to abide the issue. Your Lordship is aware that allegations without proof have no weight in law; and further, that the most humble of Her Majesty's subjects is by the British Constitution entitled to be heard in self-defence, and to claim the protection of the Government.
More than this I ask not; less, surely, will not be granted to me, after twenty five years of service in this country, supported by the high testimony of previous Governors. The whole question is not one of opinion but of fact; what cannot be established by fact I waive.
I have written letters to his Excellency which have not been answered.
I have offered explanations of mistaken views which have been rejected.
My request is based on the following ground: Firstly, on my individual claim to consideration, for service rendered in assistance of Her Majesty's Government.
Of these personal exertions I feel a reluctance to speak that could only have been overcome by the unhappy necessity which constrains me to bring them forward in self defence. They shall be stated as briefly as possible; for more precise details I refer your Lordship to a pamphlet entitled "Plain Facts" forwarded with these papers.
Suffer me to observe that my services date from the first establishment of British rule within this Colony; that in the year 1840 I was, at the request of the late Governor Hobson, with other Missionaries of the Church Mission mainly instrumental in concluding the Treaty of Waitangi between the aboriginal chiefs of New Zealand and Her Majesty's Government, as declared by Governor Hobson in the following words:--
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"There can be no doubt that the Missionaries have rendered important service to this country, and that but for them a British Colony would not at this moment be established in New Zealand."
For it is known that without my exertion, and that of other members of the Church Mission Society, and influence with the chiefs in that behalf, Captain Hobson would only have been received and acknowledged in the capacity of Her Majesty's Consul: and furthermore that to my aforesaid exertion and influence may be attributed the disappointment of Commodore Lavaud, of the French Navy, who visited New Zealand in the frigate "L'Aube" in 1840, for the purpose of making treaties on behalf of France, the independence of these islands having been formally acknowledged by Her Majesty's Government at the appointment of James Busby, Esq., as British Resident, in 1833.
I may confidently refer to Governors of this Colony for their testimony to my "untiring efforts" towards the preservation of peace and good feeling between the European and aboriginal races; whilst afterwards, when hostilities did break out in the Northern district of this island, I succeeded in inducing many tribes to separate from those of the disaffected, who did either act as allies of Her Majesty's Troops or remained quiet at their own places, according to the Government Proclamation of that day. I may add, moreover, that the disaffected chiefs, from the influence of that Christian instruction which had been given them by the Missionaries, acted with such suppressed feeling towards Her Majesty's British subjects as in no instance to molest the boats or drays conveying supplies to Her Majesty's forces, so as to call forth the great surprise and esteem of all. During the whole of this period, at the desire of his Excellency the Governor and the commander of the forces, I was in constant communication with the chiefs in arms, until the cessation of hostilities in January, 1846, since when the Missionaries of the Northern District have been treated only with undisguised suspicion, and mistrusted by Governor Grey.
My second claim to investigation is the obloquy which the very performance of these personal services, by affording a pretext for misrepresentation of facts, has drawn upon me. For even such a charge as that of having acted traitorously in the most difficult and delicate office of mediation between the contending parties has been brought against me and currently maintained.
I do not, however, lay much stress on this; it can serve for little more than an exemplification of the feeling in which some of the most difficult services of the Missionaries have been viewed. The bare allusion to a charge so completely overthrown by the testimony , of all who were competent to bear witness would have sufficed,
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had it not been again revived by observations which have since fallen from Governor Sir George Grey himself.
In January, 1847, I was surprised by an intimation from James Busby. Esq., formerly British Resident in New Zealand, that his Excellency had personally cast serious reflection upon the Missionaries of the Church of England Mission in the statement that "The natives against Her Majesty's Government are almost exclusively the people of the Church Mission."
It will be seen by the accompanying document that his Excellency, assuming the truth of the fact, pressed Mr. Busby for "explanation why it should be so;" that the explanation was offered by myself forthwith, and that it was distinctly refused by his Excellency to be received. It will suffice to observe that a strong force of aborigines in connexion with the Church Mission were actively engaged as allies of Her Majesty's forces throughout the war; more particularly at the attack upon Ruapekapeka.
My third claim of open enquiry is based on the assertion made by Governor Grey that "the Missionaries' land purchases made on behalf of their large families have been the cause of the late rebellion."
"That the Missionaries have illegally and injustly deprived the natives of land which they are entitled to . . . . opposed to the rights of the natives."
And "that the proceedings of the Missionaries are represented to be of such a nature as to have proved seriously embarrassing to Her Majesty's Government."
Your Lordship will see, therefore, the obligation which lies upon us of publicly rebutting the allegations made by Governor Grey in his despatches, which insinuate that "British blood and money" must be expended to put the Missionaries in possession of their lands: and finally on his Excellency's refusal to notice my explicit contradiction of that charge, or to entertain those questions which must have definitely established or overthrown it; and the suppression of the offer of the Missionaries to relinquish those claims altogether could it be shewn that the remotest chance of such a calamity was involved with them.
I do not dwell upon the insidious interlacing of Missionary land purchases, the whole of which were made before there was any thought of annexing New Zealand to the British Crown, with those made by settlers under the penny an acre proclamation; upon the assertion which the despatch of June 25, 1846, contains, that "British blood" would be expended to put claimants in possession who were never out of possession, or upon its discrepancy of statement with another despatch from Governor Grey, October 7, 1846, in which we are given to understand that to dispossess these claimants would cause-------
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"A period of confusion, probably of renewed rebellion, expensive both in blood and money (which) must under such circumstances inevitably take place from the influence of some of the Missionaries" over the natives to keep them in possession.
I must request to call your Lorship's attention to the unfair advantage that has been taken of us; the injustice of secretly transmitting charges that must have utterly ruined us in the estimation of all whom they might reach, in total disregard of our rights as British subjects to a fair and open hearing when accused; for it is only too evident that but for your Lordship's own appreciation of that very right as evinced by the presentation of a copy of the despatch to the Earl of Chichester, President of the Church Missionary Society, these changes would have worked their way in the guise of dark hints,--the more effective from the mystery which attached to them; in rumours of ill-conduct that we must have failed to check from inability to trace them up to the source from whence they flowed.
I shall not trespass upon your Lordship's time by a lengthy detail of the attempt to "wrest" the Crown Grants issued by Governor FitzRoy.
By Governor Grey's letter to the Bishop of New Zealand, dated August 30, 1847, propositions were made to the Missionaries holding grants exceeding 2,560 acres. These propositions were acceded to under the following conditions, that the Governor should either establish fully his allegations he had made against the Missionaries or honorably withdraw them.
In the above letter his Excellency observes,--"I feel it to be my duty for many reasons to take immediate measures for having these grants set aside by the Civil Court of this country. If I take this step and the Government is successful, which I cannot doubt, it will be necessary for me to explain to the natives of the Northern District in the most explicit manner the reasons which have led me to dispossess the Missionaries of their illegally acquired property, in order that no possible misconception may exist upon the minds of the natives as to the Government having taken this step to protect their rights, not to prejudice them.
"I fear that it would be impossible for me to do this without inflicting great injury upon the influence of the Missionaries; possibly I might even injure deeply our common faith."
Your Lordship will notice in the preceding part the severe threat held out by his Excellency the Governor against the Missionaries; the effect of which, if put in execution, he does himself explain "would inflict great injury upon the Missionaries, and possibly even injure deeply our common faith."
His Excellency also states in this same letter as follows:--"that if such a course is pursued, as proposed by himself, they (the
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Missionaries) shall have no more zealous friend or assistant in the country than myself."
Ten days after the date of the above letter, while the question was on the verge of final adjustment and I was in Auckland, his Excellency entered the Bay of Islands and met the chiefs who deposed to his having used words among them to the following effect:--
"That the Government was going to take all the Missionaries' land and restore it to the natives, and if they would not give it up they would be sent away."
That Waka (the chief of the allies) had stated that the Governor told him "he was fighting with the Missionaries, but it was not with the sword but with the pen; that he should take their land from them and give it back to the natives."
Further particulars are given in the appendix to this letter.
This proceeding, so evidently calculated to inflame the native mind and inflict great injury upon the Mission families and to alienate from us the affection and respect of the surrounding tribes, this well-calculated attempt to produce difficulties by an apparent tampering with so excitable a race, shewed me only too clearly with what I had to contend.
I was compelled to withdraw any compliance with the proposition made by Governor Grey in his letter to the Bishop, of August 30, 1847, and patiently abide the issue of those legal proceedings which his Excellency had stated should be instituted against me by the Local Government. To these proceedings I offered no opposition. No defence was attempted by counsel on our part. The judgment of the Supreme Court was that the Crown Grants issued by Governor FitzRoy were legal. On the announcement of this intelligence it was concluded that as soon as the excitement which had been created by these legal proceedings should have subsided, the sons of the Missionaries--the bona fide possessors of these lands --should communicate with Governor Grey informing his Excellency that they would now endeavour to meet his wishes in the furtherance of his plans; that they would not allow anything within their power to be a hindrance to the advancement of the Colony; any arrangement on their part being subject to the approbation of the chiefs from whom their lands were purchased. But upon notice being received that his Excellency had appealed to the Privy Council no further negotiation was entered into. No choice was left to us but to reassume our first position and again abide the decision of the law.
In conclusion, I beg to state that I never made any application for land to the Local Government. The claim put forth was in the usual form required by the Land Commissioners. The Grants
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made in my behalf will be seen to have been the spontaneous act of the Government and Council.
I must request to draw your Lordship's attention to the fact that I have no personal interest in land in this Colony, nor ever had.
That the Crown Grants were made out by the Local Government in my name as the representative of and trustee for my family, the members of which are eleven in number, most of whom are grown to man's estate, and some have families of their own; that I do not possess any stock, nor ever did; and that I have never desired any benefit, directly or indirectly, from those lands or stock; that I invariably paid to my sons the market price for any supplies received from their farms. Others, the Missionaries of the Church of England Mission, have likewise pursued the same system towards their families.
From the nature of his Excellency's despatches reflecting on the Missionaries as though they possessed either land or stock, and the fact that in no case has any attempt been made to establish a single allegation, I trust your Lordship will see that in calling you attention to these insidious documents I am compelled, thus assailed, to stand on self-defence.
I speak, my Lord, as one conscious of having faithfully discharged his duty to his Sovereign and the community around. Am I therefore not bound in honour to rebut these imputations so unjustly made by Governor Grey?
My Lord, is the character of men, gray in service and supported by the exalted testimony of previous Governors for service rendered to Her Majesty's Government in this Colony, to be borne down and swept away by the mere statement of Governor Grey without the liberty of appeal? In addressing myself to your Lordship I address a Minister of the Crown of England. I feel my cause is good, and do, therefore, my Lord, in behalf of the deeply injured and calumniated members of the Church of England Mission, claim the protection of Her Majesty's Government against the secret and repeated attacks of his Excellency Governor Grey; for I feel that not only are our characters at stake but the personal safety of our families, if not the very peace of the Colony, arising out of communications in general circulation amongst the aborigines in the North, as having been made by his Excellency the Governor to the chiefs.
I appeal to your Lordship's sense of equal justice, in the confidence of obtaining that full and open enquiry which has been so long solicited in vain from the Governor of this Colony. For whether his Excellency's charges assume the form of covert insinuation, or of perverted facts, we ask but to be put in possession
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of them, and then, as I have already declared to his Excellency Sir George Grey in my letter of February 14, 1840, "Should I fail to scatter them to the winds I will resign my duties in New Zealand."
[From House of Commons Blue Book.]
The following is a portion of the appendix to the memorial:--
Copy of a letter from fames Busby, Esquire, to Archdeacon Henry Williams.
May 25, 1847.
In reference to a letter of mine, London, January 17, 1845, to G. H. Hope, Esq., the Governor said he believed I had stated therein my opinions, "That the interference of the Government, or the conduct of the Government with respect to the land claimed by the settlers was the cause of the war." I replied that I had, and all that I had subsequently learnt has confirmed me in my opinion. He said he felt equally confident that the cause of the war was the Missionaries purchasing land; that he had heard of it, not from one native but from forty.
MEMO, BY HENRY WILLIAMS.
These remarks from Governor Grey were made to Mr. Busby when in Auckland in April, 1847, and the substance of them is contained in his Excellency's despatches. The number "forty" is ominous. Though forty are here mentioned by his Excellency, not one has ever been brought forward. The natives have indeed said that owing to the Missionaries, the Europeans, the Government, and the troops have come to this country; the Missionaries having cleared the way. We preceded; others have followed.
It is necessary to state that the Governor's knowledge of the native language was of a very imperfect character. Therefore when he says "that he had heard of it, not from one Native but from forty," it is to be understood, through an interpreter.
Mr. Busby's testimony, as given in the letter above alluded to, also in his letter to Lord Stanley, July 1, 1845, is of no light character, he having been many years in New Zealand as British Resident. Mr. Busby clearly gives his opinion that the war was not caused by the Missionaries' purchases of land. Mr. Shortland,
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the acting Governor for several months after the death of Captain Hobson, whose letter appears in the Parliamentary Reports, March 7, 1845, writing to Lord Stanley, January 18, 1845, shews--that in the North, out of 750 claims there was no dispute amongst the natives as far as either the settlers or the Missionaries were concerned; but in the South, respecting the claims of the New Zealand Company, every purchase was disputed. In the same letter Mr. Shortland gives his view of the resolution of the Committee of the House of Commons, which it may be important to examine, as these contributed much to confirm Heke and the natives with him in their view of the intention of Government to seize their lands.
Captain FitzRoy, the late Governor, most clearly states in his pamphlet upon New Zealand, besides his despatches to Lord Stanley, that the war was occasioned by unprincipled and designing men, Europeans and Americans, imposing upon the credulity of the aborigines as to the designs of the British Government respecting them and their lands; which irritation was also increased by the effect of newspapers and the minutes of the Committee of the House of Commons in July, 1844. Captain FitzRoy therefore confirms Mr. Busby's statement.
The evidence of these gentlemen might be considered sufficient to refute this charge of his Excellency Sir George Grey; It may be, nevertheless, desirable to examine the conduct of the disaffected natives towards the Missionaries, during the war. The natives, whose numerous letters during that period are in the Protector's office, Auckland, bring no charge whatever against the Missionaries. Surely no stronger proof need be required of the good will of the aborigines towards the Missionaries and the futility of the present novel charge made by Governor Grey, that "the Missionaries were the cause of the war. Then the fact that when the Missionaries, their settlements, and their sons were perfectly in their power, immediately after the fall of Kororareka, no molestation was offered to the Missionaries or to anyone in connection with them or to their property. Every possible respect was paid by the aborigines in arms to the Missionaries; even so to excite the suspicion of the Local Government after the arrival of Governor Grey towards the Missionaries as to lead them to state that the Missionaries were acting in unison with the disaffected natives. These facts, therefore, are totally irreconcilable with the statements that the lands occupied by the sons of the Missionaries were, in the slightest degree, the "cause of the war."
I must, however, forbear to express my feelings at reading these despatches charging the cause of the war upon men who, by their station, are forbidden to speak even in self-defence, except for the benefit of the public cause, which alone impels me now to notice
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these proceedings so perfectly opposed to the testimony of the first men of rank in this Colony at the breaking out and during the continuance of the war. Upon this question I close with the words of the late Governor FitzRoy upon this subject to the Secretary of State, page 74, Parliamentary Papers, published June, 1847:--
"With respect to the Church of England Missionaries' claims to land in New Zealand, I may here in passing state my own conviction that those claims will not give rise to 'native wars,' or 'disputes between the Government and the natives,' unless the Government attempts to dispossess the legitimate and undisputed owners of these lands,--namely, the Missionaries and their children, some of whom are married and have families. The natives have remarkably strong feelings of attachment to the older Missionaries and their children.
"March 20, 1847."
The Archdeacon's interjectional comment is seemingly directed against the means adopted in the Colonial Office to divert public attention, and, in my own belief, the attention also of the Secretary of State, from the real point at issue. 20 The name of one person in particular used to be freely mentioned in the Colony; but I am not aware of absolute proof having ever been obtained.
It will be remembered that the Archdeacon's appeal to the Secretary of State for the Colonies demanding enquiry, was characterised by an emphatic statement of what he did not ask, as well as of what he did:--
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"I must request your Lordship to notice that this appeal to your justice and protection is not respecting the Crown Grants issued by Governor FitzRoy, but merely against the dangerous and insidious despatches of Governor Grey."
In the face of this, the writer of the reply has permitted himself to use such words as these:--
With regard to Archdeacon Williams' representations, you will cause him to be informed that, so far as regards the title to his lands, &c.
That Lord Grey himself should have been privy to an attempt to pervert an appeal from dishonouring charges into a claim for land is out of the question. The Secretary of State, with some fifty Colonies to manage, is in the power of his subordinates. In ordinary matters, he has to accept what is submitted to him for signature. The climax of the reply,--that enquiry would be an affront to the accuser,--needs no comment.
Despatch from Earl Grey to Governor Grey.
Downing Street, October 5, 1849. Sir,--I have the honour to acknowledge your despatch, No. 12, of the 10th of February last, accompanied by a letter to me from Archdeacon Henry Williams complaining of some of your statements with regard to the Missionary land purchases from the natives in New Zealand, and to his proceedings in connexion with them, and adding some remarks from yourself in support of these statements.
With regard to your vindication of your former statements, it can hardly be necessary to assure you of my entire reliance upon their accuracy.
With regard to Archdeacon Williams' representations, you will cause him to be informed that, so far as regards the title to his lands, this is about to be a subject of adjudication by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, and therefore needs no remark from me; and that, with respect to the enquiry for which he asks into the correctness of the reports made by Her Majesty's Representative in the Colony, I feel it to be entirely unnecessary, and consider that such an investigation would be inconsistent with the respect due to the officer by whom that high station is filled, and in whom Her Majesty's Government feel perfect confidence.
I have, &c.,
Governor Grey, &c., &c.
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Thus could a gentleman be run down, without hope of redress. But such things are of the past, unlikely to happen again. Sir George Grey himself is even now very wroth with a despatch concerning himself, written by the present Governor, the Marquis of Normanby. Should he, in turn, demand enquiry, it may be safely predicted that his Excellency will not only deem that no affront can be implied by the concession, but will also recommend it.
Mr. Disney's letter is cited as an example of the pressure that was being put upon the Church Mission Society in England,-- pressure that was increasing day by day, as the question came to be relieved of the mystification with which it had been clouded.
Letter from the Reverend J. W. K. Disney to the Members of the Committee of the Church Mission Society.
Newark, December 29, 1852.
I am exceedingly anxious to call your attention, as a Member of the Committee of the Church Missionary Society, to the present position of the case of Archdeacon Henry Williams.
I apprehend that the Committee are under the impression that there is no difference between them and the friends of Archdeacon H. Williams in regard to facts, but that we dissent from the conclusions which they have drawn from the facts. Were this the case, I, for one, should never have engaged in the controversy, for I should have been disposed to submit my judgment to theirs. What we complain of is that the Committee have been misinformed as to the facts, the very facts which have mainly influenced them in the conclusion at which they have arrived.
For instance. (1.) They have been told (Reply of Secretaries to Mr. Marsh's letter, p. 3,) that so early as the year 1830, the Committee had refused to sanction 200 acres of land for each child of a Missionary on its attaining the age of 15. But they ought at the same time to have been told that this refusal had nothing whatever to do with the amount of land which a Missionary might purchase from his own private finds; it was simply, as appears from the account of the transaction to be found in Appendix V. to
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the Society's Report for 1839--40, p.p. 160-162,) a refusal to grant so much land from the Society's funds in lieu of the final allowance to the children of the Missionaries.
(2.) They have been told (Reply, p. 4) that they had already dismissed Mr. Fairburn for retaining in his possession an undue amount of land. Whereas Mr. Fairburn's separation from the Society arose from a totally different cause, the nature of which I have explained on the authority of Archdeacon W. Williams, in a paper which I lately forwarded to the Secretaries to be laid before the Committee.
(3.) They have been told (Reply, p. 6) that Archdeacon Henry Williams purchased his lands subsequent to the year of 1840, when the Committee expressed their strong objection to such purchases. It has since been proved that the Archdeacon's latest purchase was made in 1837.
(4.) The impression has been conveyed (ibid) that the Committee had no knowledge of the extent of the Archdeacon's land purchases, except from Mr. Marsh's statement. But a full account of the extent of those land purchases, together with a vindication by the Committee of the Archdeacon's conduct therein, appears in the Appendix to the Report for 1844-45.
(5.) They were told by the Governor, that the Missionaries could not be put into possession of their lands without a large expenditure of British blood and money. Whereas in no one instance were they disturbed in the possession of them.
(6.) They were told by the Governor and Lord Grey, that no British subject had legal claim to more than 2,560 acres of land, and that the land grants of Captain FitzRoy, so far as they exceeded that amount, were invalid; whereas the Supreme Court of New Zealand decided on June, 24, 1848, that the land grants of Captain FitzRoy were good in law.
(7.) They have been told (Reply, p. 6) that the Committee did not sooner deal with the case of Archdeacon H. Williams, 1st, because they "were very imperfectly informed of these acquisitions of land," and, 2ndly, because "the legality of the extended grants being afterwards disputed, they suspended their interference until the result of the Government measures for setting them aside was ascertained." Now in regard to the 1st of these assertions, the Appendix to the Report for 1844-5 shews that, instead of being imperfectly informed, they possessed the most exact information; and in regard to the 2nd, strange to say, the Committee in London passed resolutions, June 28th, 1848, based, as Mr. Venn stated in his letter accompanying them, on the supposition that the Governor's view of the law was correct, three days after the Supreme Court of new Zealand had declared that it was erroneous.
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(8.) They were informed by the Bishop that Archdeacon Henry Williams had made a promise to abide by his proposal, and that he afterwards withdrew that promise. But the Bishop in making this statement, suppressed a most material part of the Archdeacon's paper, from which it appears that the Archdeacon's promise was consequent upon a promise made by the Bishop himself, which promise the Bishop failed to keep. The Archdeacon's paper in this garbled form has been inserted by the Secretaries in their "Reply," p. 12, and is there made the foundation of the like charge against him of breach of promise.
I trust it will be understood that I charge no one with intentional misrepresentation: I only maintain that the statements to which I have referred are erroneous. It can hardly be necessary to shew that these allegations were material, and must have had a great influence on the minds of the members of the Committee. I was present at a Meeting of the Committee on March 8th, 1852, when several members spoke on the subject. One urged Mr. Fairburn's case as binding them in justice to act in the same way by the Archdeacon. Another assured me that the Committee, when they passed their Resolutions in 1847, had no conception of the extent of the Archdeacon's land. And another commented very severely on the obscurity of his statements in regard to its extent; so little were they aware that the Appendix to the Report for 1844-5 contained accurate information respecting it. The breach between the Committee and the Archdeacon, may be traced entirely to the error into which the Committee were led concerning the legality of his title to more than 2,560 acres of land. In February, 1847, they disclaimed "all power or desire to interfere with the private property of their Missionaries;" only requiring them to keep in their own possession no more land than the Governor and Bishop jointly might see fit, and "leaving to their own decision the mode of disposing of" the remainder. In June, 1848, they peremptorily required the Archdeacon, On pain of dismissal, to renew his consent to the proposal of the Bishop, namely, that he should accept of 2,560 acres, and that the surplus should be restored to the native owners. 21 Whence this difference between the Resolutions? In 1847 they believed the Archdeacon had a legal right to the whole of the lands for which he had received grants from Captain FitzRoy; in 1848, they believed that he had no legal light to more than the 2,560 acres offered by the Governor. This may be proved undeniably by Mr. Venn's letter to Archdeacon H. Williams accompanying the Resolutions of June 27, 1848. "It appears that you dispute the alleged illegality of the extended grants of Governor
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FitzRoy; but after the declaration of their illegality by Earl Grey, the Committee feel themselves bound to treat them in that light, and that there should be no hesitation on your part in giving them up to the Government, to be disposed of as the Government think right. At the time at which the Parent Committee adopted its Resolutions, 22nd February, 1847, they presumed that the extended grants were legal; the contrary decision of the Colonial Office, had not been pronounced, as it has since been, against their validity."
I think I have now said enough, and more than enough, to shew how much the Committee have been influenced by these mis-statements; and how, I ask, can it be expected that the friends of the Archdeacon should acquiesce in their decision, when they know them to have been wholly misinformed in respect to the facts on which they based that decision? My confidence in the justice of the Committee is my excuse for troubling you with this letter.
I am, your faithful Servant in Christ,
JAMES W. K. DISNEY,
Incumbent of Christ Church, Newark.
The Southern Cross.
February 2, 1855.
We rejoice in being able to announce that one great act of justice to the Colony has at last been done. Archdeacon Henry Williams, after a long and hard fought battle, has been restored to the portion from which he had been driven by a combination of forces, clerical and lay. We take upon ourselves to make public the Society's Resolution, and the Secretary's letter (an official document), in which the Resolution was enclosed.
Church Missionary Society.
London, October 2, 1854.
My dear Archdeacon Henry Williams,--I transmit to you a resolution, unanimously adopted by the Committee, which sufficiently conveys to you their genuine sentiments.
In the review of the affairs of New Zealand, when the Bishop, and Governor were with us, the desire was expressed by the Bishop and cordially responded to by all parties, that you should resume your position as a Missionary of the Society.
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You declined to receive a retirement stipend, offered to you by the Committee on a former occasion; but the present proposal, that you should resume your full position as a Missionary of the Society, is so far different that I earnestly hope you will see your way to its acceptance.
The new order of things about to take place in New Zealand at once suggest that all past questions should be at an end, and that, as you were mainly instrumental under God in the establishment of the Mission, so you should assist in the great work of transferring Missionary operations into a settled ecclesiastical system.
Be assured that if the Committee have in any respect misunderstood your action or mis-stated facts, it has been unintentional on their part, as they are most desirous of doing full justice to your character, and to important services which you have rendered to the cause of Christ.
I am, my dear Archdeacon, very sincerely yours,
Ven. Archdeacon Henry Williams.
Committee, July 18, 1854.
Resolved--"That adverting to the confidence which this Committee have ever felt and expressed in Archdeacon Henry Williams as a Christian Missionary, and their regret at his disconnexion with the Society upon a question which they understand may now be regarded as having passed away, rejoice to believe that every obstacle is providentially removed against the return of Archdeacon Henry Williams into full connexion with the Society as one of its Missionaries, and they, therefore, gladly dismiss from their recollection all past events, and will rejoice to hear that Archdeacon Henry Williams, receiving the resolution in the same spirit in which it is adopted, consents to return, and that all personal questions on every side are merged in the one common object of strengthening the cause of Christ in the Church of New Zealand."
"Extracted from the minutes.
"Secretary Church Missionary Society."
So far as the Archdeacon is concerned, the resolution and the letter are satisfactory. The Society's Committee are "most desirous of doing full justice to his character." From the first there never was any question but that of personal character involved. That character is restored without reserve.
But the Society's character is very far from being restored. Nothing could have restored that character save a frank, brave, and chivalrous admission of having erred. But, as is usual with the less
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generous order of minds, they endeavoured to save themselves. They deal in mystery; they hint that there is something yet behind; they try to leave an impression of what they do not venture to say. What are these "obstacles" so providentially removed? One of them, we suppose, was Governor Grey; but where and of what nature were the rest? The Committee are careful not to say. What is the question which "may now be regarded as having passed away?" and how did it pass away? The Archdeacon has made no concession; he has never relinquished one iota first or last, or moved one inch from his first position taken in 1847.
The only question at issue was the proof or withdrawal, no matter which, of "the severe animadversions cast upon some of the Missionaries" by Governer Grey. These "severe animadversions," we are informed by the Resolution, have "passed away." How have they passed away? We answer, they have been scattered to the winds. But the Committee would fain gloss over that which condemns themselves.
What are "the personal questions on every side" which the Committee declare that they wish to "merge?" Such questions do not exist; at least on the Archdeacon's side. And what must we think of the final endeavour to shelter an evasive resolution under cover of an appeal which we will not quote in connexion with evasion?
Mr. Venn states that, "when the Bishop and Governor were with us, the desire was expressed by the Bishop and cordially responded to by all parties." It is curious that he makes no special mention of Governor Grey's desire. Yet we should have supposed that Governor Grey would have attempted to take the lead, and so to claim the whole credit for that which he was unable to prevent. This would have been his best policy, and we cannot fancy him so obtuse as not to have perceived it. As yet, we know no more ourselves than is contained in the two papers which we have published.
What, moreover, is the reason of the wide discrepancy of date between the two companion documents?
This paper is cancelled, there being no longer enough space at disposal.
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MANIFESTO OF THE GOVERNOR TO THE NATIVES.
[From the New Zealand Spectator, Jan. 8.]
"These are some of the thoughts of the Governor, of Sir George Grey, towards the Maories at this time.
"His desire is, how to arrange things, that there may be good laws made, and those laws be put in force; and how all men, both European and Maori, may be taught to work for the common good of the country in which they live, that they may be a happy people, rich, wise, well instructed, and every year advancing in prosperity.
"For it is the desire of the Queen (whose heart was dark when she heard of the troubles in New Zealand) that all her subjects, both Europeans and Maories, in all parts of these islands, should have the benefits of law and order; that the lives and persons of all men should be safe from destruction and injury; and that every man should have for himself and enjoy his own lands, his cattle, his sheep, his ship, his money, or whatever else belongs to him. And it is the desire of the Queen that all her subjects should help in making the laws by which they are governed; and that from amongst them should be appointed wise and good men as magistrates, to adjudge in cases of disputed rights, and punish the wrongdoer, and to teach the law, how it should be obeyed.
The Europeans in New Zealand, with the help of the Governor, make laws for themselves, and have their own magistrates; and because they obey those laws, they are rich, they have large houses, great ships, horses, sheep, cattle, corn, and all other good things for the body. They have also ministers of religion, teachers of schools; lawyers, to teach the law; surveyors, to measure every man's land; doctors, to heal the sick; carpenters, blacksmiths, and all those other persons who make good things for the body, and teach good things for the souls and minds of the Europeans. It is because they have made wise and good laws, and because they look up to the Queen as the one head over all the magistrates, and over all the several bodies of which the English people consist.
It is the desire of the Queen--and this is also the thought of Governor Grey and of the Runanga of the Pakehas--that the Maories also should do for themselves as the Europeans do. They know that of late years the Maories have been seeking for law and order. The Englishmen have been more than a thousand years learning how to make laws and to govern themselves well. The Maori has only just begun this work. Besides this, in order to have magistrates, and policemen, and other officers, it is necessary to pay them, for the labourer is worthy of his hire; and he who works for
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the whole body of the people should be paid by the people; for while he works for them he must, more or less, neglect his own work.
Now the thought of the Governor is, how he may help the Maories in the work of making laws, and how he may provide for the payment of the magistrates and other officers of Government, till such time as the Maories shall have become rich and be able to pay all the expenses themselves. In order, then, to provide the machinery of good government among the Maories in these islands, the Governor desires to see established the following system, whereby good laws may be made, well-disposed persons be protected, bad men restrained from violence, and security for life and property be ensured to all.
I. The parts of the island inhabited by Maories will be marked off into several districts, according to tribes or divisions of tribes,, and the convenience of the natural features of the country. To every one of these districts the Governor will send a learned and good European to assist the Maories in the work of making laws and enforcing them; he will be called the civil commissioner. There will be a Runanga for that district, which will consist of a certain number of men, who will be chosen from the assessors. The civil commissioner will be the President of that Runanga, to guide its deliberations; and if the votes are equal on any matter, he will have a casting vote to decide. This Runanga will propose the laws for that district, about the trespass of cattle, about cattle pounds, about fences, about branding cattle, about thistles and weeds, about dogs, about spirits and drunkenness, about putting down bad customs of the old Maori law, like the taua, and about the various things which specially concern the people living in that district. They will also make regulations about schools, about roads, if they wish for them, and about other matters which may promote the public good of that district. And all these laws which the district Runangas may propose, will be laid before the Governor, and he will say if they are good or not. If he says they are good, they will become law for all men in that district to which they relate. If he says they are not good, then the Runanga must make some other law which will be better. This is the way with the laws which the Europeans make in their Runangas, both in New Zealand and in the great Runanga of the Queen in England.
2. Every district will be subdivided into hundreds; and in each of these there will be assessors appointed. The men of that district will choose who shall be assessors; only the Governor will have the word to decide whether the choice is good or not.
The magistrate, with these assessors, will hold courts for disputes about debts of money, about cattle trespass, about all breaches of the law in that district. They will decide in all these cases.
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3. In every hundred there will be policemen, and one chief policeman, who will be under the assessors. These policemen shall summon all persons against whom there are complaints before the court of the assessors; and when the assessors shall have decided, the policemen will see that the orders of the assessors are carried out. All fines which shall be paid shall be applied to some public uses. The commissioner or magistrate will keep this money till it is required.
4. The Runangas will also be assisted in establishing and maintaining schools and teachers; sometimes Europeans, sometimes Maories, will be appointed. The Maories ought to pay part of the salary of the school teacher, the Governor will pay the rest.
5. Where the Runangas wish to have a European doctor to live among them, the Governor will endeavour to procure one to reside there, and will pay him so much salary as may make him willing to go to that work. The doctor will give medicine to the Maories when they are sick, and will teach them what things are good for the rearing of their children, to make them strong and healthy; and how to prolong the lives of all the Maories, by eating good food, by keeping their houses clean, by having proper clothes, and other things relating to their health. This will be the business of the doctor. But all those who require the services of the doctor will pay for them, except such as the Runanga may decide to be too poor to do so.
6. About the lands of the Maories. It will be for the Runangas to decide all disputes about the lands, It will be good that each Runanga should make a register, in which should be written a statement of all the lands within the district of that Runanga, so that everybody may know, and that there may be no more disputings about land.
This, then, is what the Governor intends to do to assist the Maori in the good work of establishing law and order. These are the first things--the Runangas, the assessors, the policemen, the schools, the doctors, the civil commissioners, to assist the Maories to govern themselves, to make good laws, and to protect the weak against the strong. There will be many more things to be planned and to be decided; but about such things the Runangas and the commissioners will consult. This work will be a work of time, like the growing of a large tree. At first there is the seed; then there is one trunk; then there are branches innumerable, and very many leaves; by-and-by, perhaps, there will be fruit also. But the growth of the tree is slow--the branches, the leaves, and the fruit did not all appear at once when the seed was put in the ground; and so will it be with the good laws of the Runanga. This is the seed which the Governor desires to sow--the Runangas, the assessors, the commissioners, and the rest. By-and-by, perhaps,
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this seed will grow into a very great tree, which will bear good fruit on all its branches. The Maories, then, must assist in the planting of this tree, in this training of its branches, in cultivating the ground about its roots; and, as the tree grows, the children of the Maori also will grow to be a rich, wise, and prosperous people, like the English and those other nations which long ago began the work of making good laws, and obeying them. This will be the work of peace, on which the blessing of Providence will rest, which will make the storms to pass away from the sky, and all things become light between the Maori and the Pakeha; and the heart of the Queen will then be glad when she hears that the two races are living quietly together as brothers in the good and prosperous land of New Zealand."
The report of the speech referred to in the text was to have been reprinted in this appendix. It is omitted, as being no longer necessary to vindication, now complete without it; also as being more plain-spoken than polite. Its downrightness was justified by the circumstances under which it was delivered. Henry Williams, a high-bred gentleman, not only in the real but also in the conventional sense of the word, had been accused of "extreme untruth," of "espionage" of improper dealings with private letters, of having abused through greed his influence with the native race; in short, had been made to suffer the extremity of degradation. This, as between himself and the Governor, had been condoned. But the evil was working still. Shortly before the Archdeacon's death, in 1865, a most scurrilous article appeared in a colonial newspaper, assailing him with extreme virulence, and referring to Sir George Grey's despatches for corroboration. This time the Governor was not immediately to blame; he was no party to the publication; but recollection of the past was revived.
In 1867, the Governor's second term of office was about to expire, by efflux of time. It being known that he was not to be re-appointed, the Auckland Provincial Council resolved to present a parting address, in the usual complimentary terms. The member for the Bay of Islands objected. He was quite willing to join in wishing him "health, happiness, and prosperity;" but protested against being made to offer assurance of his "personal regard and esteem." Thereupon, he reviewed at length the Governor's career in New Zealand, treating the first term of office with especial reference to those despatches in which Archdeacon Henry
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Williams had been assailed. The charge of untruthfulness was retorted, being inseparable from vindication; for truth could not be on both sides. Reply was challenged, but no one rose. The member for the Bay, knowing that he was in a minority, refrained from dividing the Council, suffering the address to pass upon the voices. Animam liberaverat, and with that he was content.
The Reverend Matthew Taupaki to Sir William Martin.
Paihia, August 12, 1867.
Sir William Martin,
Salutations to yourself and Lady Martin; my love towards you both will never cease, to you who have been so kind towards myself and my friends while we remained with you, Although our bodies be separated from you, our hearts are always near you, for we have been taught to love. Although the outward eye be hidden, the eyes of the heart are constantly seeing you. Sir, salutations to you; Lady Martin, salutations to you; salutations to you both, you who resemble "Te Wiremu," now hidden from our sight. Here we are sighing for our father,--that is, for his bodily presence. He is gone,--gone before us to welcome us when we appear after him; he is now seated beside his Saviour. The chiefs of Ngapuhi are manifesting much love for "Te Wiremu," this being a passing away of the old people; the extent of their love towards "Te Wiremu " was manifested in the peace-making which followed the outbreak in the district. On the 29th of May, Ngapuhi commenced firing, "Wiremu Katene" and "Piripi Korongohi,"-- that is the Ngarehauata and Uritaniwha tribes, but no one was killed. Williams, the younger, and myself went to these pas and endeavoured to persuade them to desist, but they would not. On the 10th day of June I went again and remained with them three days, but they were determined to fight, and on the 10th day of July an engagement took place. Two on Piripi Korongohi's side were killed, and three on Wiremu Katene's side. On the 12th of July I went with Renata Tangata to see Te Wiremu, as I was going to escort Renata to Kaitaia, and wished him to see Te Wiremu before he left; we found him lying on his bed, his illness having commenced on the 11th of July. He saluted us, and asked if there was any letter for him from Auckland; we replied there were none, only to White, of Mangonui, and Matthews, of Kaitaia . . . . He then asked Renata what the Biship had said to him, as to his
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place of residence? Renata replied, the Bishop had told him he was to be stationed at Ahipara. Te Wiremu said, "That is good." . . . . He then said to us, "Well, my sons, my work is finished, for I am an old man." I then told him I was going to Kaitaia to escort Renata, Burrows and the Bishop having told me to do so. He asked when I should return; I told him 1 should be absent one Sunday. He spoke again to us and said: "Sons, the principal word in the book is that the Kingdom of Heaven must be first sought after, and then the things of the world; when I first came to this country, my first object was the Kingdom of Heaven,--that is, my place of worship, and after that my dwelling-house. Also, when I removed to Pakaraka, my first object was a place of worship; afterwards my house and other things." He then said: "Go, my sons, to the North, and take my love to those I love there; to my friend Te Morenga; tell him I am now very old, and near my end; tell him to be strong to fight against Satan, that Satan may flee from him." The Ngapuhi's call appears to be Satan, give us war, give us fightings, give us dead bodies, give us walling. He said, "How great the ignorance of these men; Piripi Korongohi, Haki Taipa, Haratua, Penewhare and Wiremu Katene to commence fighting; they are fighting against God, and He will flee from them. They are saying, fight against God, and He will flee from us. Well, well! these people are beside themselves!" He said no more to us. On the 16th day of July he fell asleep, at six o'clock in the evening. All his sons were absent at these fighting pas endeavouring to make peace. On the 19th he was buried. From 140 to 200 Europeans and natives were present. The chiefs from the fighting pas came to see Te Wiremu and cry over him, and from hence began the saying that peace should be made over his death; and although many days passed, the question was still maintained that peace should be the result of his death. After the funeral I returned to these pas and remained there two Sundays, both parties still advocating peace, and on the 5th and 6th of August, peace was made, Tamati Waka, Aperahama Taonui, Wiremu Waka Turau, and many other chiefs of Hokianga taking a principal part therein. All was very good; everything passed off well. The land is placed in the hands of Williams, the Resident Magistrate. This is the result of Te Wiremu's death: these people have honoured him in his death, by making peace at this time, remembering his first coming to this country, when he found all fighting one against another; he made peace and it was established. Wars then ceased, and all evil, such as cannibalism, slavery, and many other evils. Now he dies during this present warfare, that peace may be made at his death, in accordance with his former work. The people generally are greatly lamenting for their father, now removed from them; yet they are comforted, in
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the knowledge that he is safe. It is they who are in the midst of trouble. Here ends what I have to say at the present time.
The Rarawa are also fighting, and no news to the contrary has yet been received, as to whether peace is made or not. I have not yet gone to escort Renata to Kaitaia, having been hindered in visiting other places; this fighting has also detained me, and Te Wiremu's death has been another cause, for I wished to comfort those of his people who are lamenting the death of their father; but after next Sunday I intend starting, on the 28th day of August. Farewell! may God preserve you, that yet for many days you may continue to teach us things appertaining to life, and may He likewise strengthen us. Think not it was want of love prevented my writing sooner, for indeed I have love.
From your affectionate son,
The Reverend Renata Tangata to Sir William Martin.
Paihia, Bay of Islands, August 12, 1867.
My loving friend Martin,
I am still at Paihia, residing with Matthew, not having yet left for Oruru; many hindrances have prevented our leaving. One cause was that we might be present at Te Wiremu's funeral. On the 12th day of July we went to pay our respects to him, and found that his sickness had commenced, a cough and other ailments of the body; but yet he had some strength left at that time and put many questions to me respecting my going to Oruru. We remained until towards evening, and then went to Ngapuhi, who were fighting. We saw their dead and wounded, and spoke to them about making peace, not to fight any more, but they replied peace should not be made. We returned to Paihia, and on the 17th of July were told that the old man, Te Wiremu, had fallen asleep; therefore we did not go North, but returned to Pakaraka, to be present at the funeral. We spoke to the people who were fighting, and said, "Listen, Te Wiremu is dead, the father of us all, the native race of this Island. He made peace when he first came to preach the Gospel in New Zealand, at a time when guns flashed and spears flourished amongst us; he then stood between the fighting parties and caused them to desist. The Gospel of God assisted him, and fighting ceased, for God strengthened His servant in the midst of all our evil doings. And now, Ngapuhi, consider; peace was established upon Te Wiremu's arrival in this country, and now that he has returned (although not to England from whence he came, but to Heaven), let peace be made on his departure, in order that it may be said, 'peace was made on his arrival, and peace was made when he returned.'" But they replied, that no sooner should the funeral be over, but they
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would fight again, these people are fighting and destroying themselves. Te Wiremu was buried on the 19th and we were present. Much love was manifested for this old man; it is a passing away of the old people. Clarke and Kemp now remain. Great feeling is shewn for them all, those who are gone,--that is, for their bodies only, for their spirits are in bliss listening to the sweet singing of holy angels, and that aged servant Te Wiremu is there, in joy and brightness; for the brightness of the Lamb of God shines in that place.
This is all from the humble son of you both,
The following is an account of part of the proceedings at the unveiling of the monument. It is extracted and translated from the Waka Maori, a Maori newspaper. The Bishop's opening address is omitted, having been printed in the text.
The Rev. Matthew Taupaki then said:--"Welcome, Ngapuhi, Rarawa, Te Aupouri! Come and see your handiwork standing before you. There are also the other tribes who assisted in erecting this monument ---Ngatiraukawa, Ngatikahungunu, Ngatiporou, Ngatimaru: let us express our thanks to them for joining us in their good work. It would have been so very much better if they could have been present, but we know their thoughts and good wishes are with us to-day. There is a monument similar to this standing at Kororareka, erected by the Government to Walker Nene, on account of his staunch friendship to the pakeha, and being a father to them. There is another at Ohaeawai, erected by the Government in memory of the soldiers who fell there. This one commemorates the love of the Maori church for the late Archdeacon Williams, as expressed in the inscription 'He was a father of the tribes--a brave man in making peace in the Maori wars.' The one great moving principle which brought him to this island was the word of God, 'Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature.'--(Mark xvi., 15.) "Think of the wickedness of our island. The exceeding heavy stone which weighed us down was cannibalism, but that did not deter him. He forsook his own country and people, parents and relatives. He arrived here in 1823. He landed at Paihia, and
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there built his first fortress, the church standing before you. It was in that fortress he forged the weapons of war wherewith to overthrow the strongholds of the earth. He laboured in this island, and in 1825 baptised Te Rangi by the name of Christian: he was the first fish caught in the Gospel net. In 1828 was the peacemaking at Waima, Hokianga, on account of the death of Whareumu: this was the work of the Missionaries. In 1830, David Taiwhanga, a brave of Hongi Hika's, was baptised. He sits here among us to-day; he was the second fish caught in the net. In the same year was the battle of Kororareka, in which Hengi was killed. Peace was made; Mr. Williams was among the peacemakers. In 1832 Ngapuhi made war on Tauranga to avenge the death of Haramiti and Kakaha; Mr. Williams went with them to restrain Ngapuhi. In 1833 he went to Matamata to induce Waharoa to make peace with Ngatimaru. In 1835 Mr. Williams went to Waikato to see Wherowhero and induce him to make peace with Ngatimaru; and in the same year a meeting was brought about of Ngapuhi, Ngatimaru, and Waikato at Otahuhu, near Auckland, and peace made. In 1836 Mr. Williams went to Tauranga, and on to Rotorua, to endeavour to restrain the wrath of Waharoa against Arawa, on account of the foul murder of Hunga by Arawa. In 1837 Ngapuhi fought at Otuihu, when Pi, Te Nana, Te Tutu, and Taua, were killed. Peace was made; Mr. Williams was among the peacemakers. In 1839 Tamihana Te Rauparaha and Matini Te Whiwhi came to the Bay of Islands for Missionaries. Mr. Williams returned with them, accompanied by Mr. Hadfield, now Bishop of Wellington, his son-in-law. On their arrival at Otaki they made peace between Rauparaha and Te Rangitaake. In 1843 Ngapuhi fought with Rarawa at Oruru. Mr. Williams went to them, and made peace at Aurere, near Mangonui. In 1844 Heke cut down the flag-staff on Maiki. Mr. Williams did his best to dissuade him, but he would not listen, hence the slaughter of the Maories, and also of the Pakehas. His word was the Treaty of Waitangi, which confirmed to the Natives the possession of their lands, giving to the Queen the sovereignty in the Government.
"After this, Waikato sent to Ngapuhi to join them in the King movement. Ngapuhi declined, when Marsh Kawiti forthwith erected the Queen's flag-staff on Maiki, where it now stands, and we have been in peace to the present day. It is meet and proper, therefore, that we should erect this monument to keep in memory a great man who is dead, for it is not as though the erecting of monuments were a new idea. We are told in Scripture of Jacob at Bethel, Joshua at Jordan, Samuel at Ebenezer, erecting memorials. In conclusion, let the erection of this stone be a witness amongst us that the Maori Church shall stand, and not be cast down for ever."
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Ihaka Te Tai said: "It is true what the Rev. Matiu Taupaki has said, that Te Rangi was the first fish caught in the Gospel net; Rawiri Taiwhanga was the second. The last fish caught by Archdeacon Williams was the old chief Manu, whom he christened Weston."
The Rev. Piripi Patiki said: "The Maori could not comprehend what motive could have induced the first Missionaries to forsake their own country, their brethren and sisters, and fathers and mothers, to come to the ends of the earth to a cannibal land; but on opening his Bible he found their commission was from God, to "Go and teach all nations," with the promise, "Lo, I am with you unto the end of the world." It was this that brought the Missionaries to this island. They obeyed the command and were blessed, and the Maori Church has sprung up."
Wi Hau gave an outline of the history of the mission. He said: "Mr. Marsden was the first Missionary to this country, and the first to make peace. He was accompanied by Mr. King, Mr. Hall, Mr. Kendal, afterwards came Mr. Kemp, Archdeacon Williams, Rev. R. Davis, Bishop Williams--brother of the Archdeacon--and others. The monument was quite correct, because this island was a very hard stone, and it was Archdeacon Williams who broke it. But he thought it incongruous that the monument should stand at Paihia, while the Archdeacon's grave was at Pakaraka; it ought to have stood over his grave."
Matenga Taiwhanga said the only objection he saw was that the monument stands in one place while the remains lie in another. David Taiwhanga's name has been mentioned; let them put him under the monument when he dies.
Mr. Williams said: "I rise on behalf of the descendants of Archdeacon Williams to thank you for this memorial of your great love to our father. Welcome, Ngapuhi, Rarawa, Aupouri! Welcome Ngatiraukawa, and all the Southern tribes who assisted in this great work! Although absent, we send you greeting. My brothers and sisters, our children here present, our aged mother at Pakaraka, and all our absent ones, tender you our united love and thanks. We feel very grateful to you, for in this memorial we have evident proof that although our father is removed from amongst us, his name is still held in reverence by you. Welcome, bring your great treasure. Notwithstanding the objection of my friends, Wi Hau and Matenga, that it does not stand over his grave, to my mind it is quite in place, inasmuch as this is the spot where he first
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set foot in the land, this is where he went in and out among us. He originated here the work which brought him to this country. It was here he nursed it until it had matured, and then dispersed it to distant places. The inscription "He was a father of the tribes," is correct; it tallies with his injunctions to us his children: Be kind and loving to your brethren,--my Maori children. We are ever mindful of the last word of our father to us, and it is the desire of our hearts to fulfil it, and that we may love one another as brethren. It is also true that "for forty-four years he preached the gospel of peace;" and as an evidence of its having borne fruit, we see standing before us a Bishop of the Maori Church, an Archdeacon, too, the son of his old friend Mr. Clarke, Maori clergymen, Maori lay Synodsmen, and a Maori Synod in full operation. But we must not leave to them alone the work: we must all assist in cultivating the seed which our mutual parent planted. One, single-handed, cannot accomplish much. In great Maori undertakings all are invited to lend a hand, both men and women, great and small, all unite. So in this great work of building up the Church let us all unite and assist the Synod, and those who are set over us, in a spirit of brotherly love."
From the New Zealand Daily Herald,
Bay of Islands, January 18, 1876.
From a Northern correspondent:--On Tuesday last there was a great gathering at Paihia, natives and Europeans, to witness the unveiling of the monumental stone set up in memory of Archdeacon Henry Williams. The natives especially had gathered in from far and wide, some having come down even from the North Cape. About 800 in all are reckoned to have been present. The idea of a memorial originated with the Rev. Matthew Taupaki, incumbent of Paihia. He determined that the cost should be borne by natives only, refusing to receive contributions from the pakeha. He undertook the whole management of the collection, writing to all parts of the Northern Island, and gathering in nearly 200. The Messrs. Buchanan, of Auckland, were entrusted with the work, and have given perfect satisfaction to all concerned. This, your correspondent has been specially requested to express, in acknowledgment of the faithfulness with which every detail of the work has been executed, and the care bestowed upon the setting up. The inscription (in English and Maori) is as follows:--"In loving memory of Henry Williams, forty-four years a preacher of
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the Gospel of Peace, a father of the tribes. This monument is raised by the Maori Church. He came to us in 1823; he was taken from us in 1867." On another face, as follows:--"The tribes who raised this monument are Ngapuhi, Te Aupouri, Ngatikahununu, Rarawa, Ngatiraukawa, Ngatiporou, Ngatimaru." At noon precisely, the Bishop of Auckland, who had come up for the occasion, signified his desire that the monument should be unveiled. On the lifting of the veil, the Bay of Islands Choir sang the chorus from Mendelssohn's St. Paul, "How lovely are the Messengers that bring us the Gospel of Peace." The Bishop then addressed the natives in a few well-chosen words; after which he invited the Rev. Matiu Taupaki, Ihaka Te Tai, and the Rev. Piripi Patiki, in turn, to speak from the platform. They were responded to by Wi Hau and Matenga Taiwhanga. All political matters, at the request of the Bishop, were excluded. The Maori speeches were responded to by Mr. Edward Williams, R.M., the present head of the family. The natives then returned to the Ti, where ample provision had been made for them; the Europeans to the grounds attached to Mr. Carleton's house, where luncheon was spread for all comers. After luncheon, a concert, vocal and instrumental. Not a single mishap or failure occurred during the whole of the day's proceedings.
Archdeacon Henry Williams was the victim during life of persecution and calumny, which now only remains as a disgrace to the authors of it. Every cloud has rolled away. Year by year his services to New Zealand are becoming better known, and more appreciated.