1932 - Elder, J. (Ed.) The Letters and Journals of Samuel Marsden - CHAPTER III. MARSDEN'S SECOND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL

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CHAPTER III

MARSDEN'S SECOND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL

THE following statement contains an account of my second visit to New Zealand:--In the beginning of the year 1819 the Rev. John Butler, Mrs. Butler, and their son, with Mr. and Mrs. Kemp and Mr. Francis Hall, came out as missionaries from England to join the New Zealand mission. At this time the brig Active was gone to New Zealand and it was very uncertain when she would return. Independent of the missionaries there were several mechanics wanted at the Bay of Islands for the erection of the necessary buildings, as well as New Zealand chiefs waiting at Parramatta wishing to return to their friends. As the master of the General Gates, 2 an American brig then in the harbour, intended to proceed to New Zealand, I made an arrangement with him to convey the above missionaries, mechanics, and chiefs to the Bay of Islands. It was now about four years since my first visit and, wishing to see the

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state of the mission, I made application to the late Governor Macquarie 3 to accompany the missionaries and obtained his sanction, having left directions for the Active to follow me in order that I might return in her. The number of persons that accompanied me were 22.

On Thursday morning, the 29th July, 1819, we embarked for New Zealand on board the General Gates, an American brig which I had taken up for the purpose of conveying myself, the Rev. Mr. Butler 4 and family, Messrs. Hall 5 and Kemp and Mrs. Kemp, 6 with Tooi (Tuhi) and Teeterree (Titore), 7 one New Zealand woman who has resided for a time with her husband at Parramatta, together with three mechanics and their families. We met Teranghee (Te Rangi), Tooi's brother, about ten miles from the heads of Port Jackson, coming to Parramatta to look for his brother in the Active. The whole on board belonging to the settlement at New Zealand amounted to twenty-two persons--men, women, and children.

We had not been long at sea before most of us were very sick. The first two days were favourable, though the winds were light; afterwards we met with variable winds, and sometimes very strong against us, with a very high sea, so that our passage, as far as concerned the winds and seas, was very rough and unpleasant and distressing to all who were subject to seasickness.

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On Tuesday night, the 10th August, about twelve o'clock, the master concluded from his reckoning that we were near the Cape Van Diemen on the southernmost point of the North Cape of New Zealand, and sounded, when he found the water to be 40 fathoms. He immediately stood off from the shore for about two hours when he again stood in for the land, and before the break of day we were close in with it. We had now a moderate fine breeze and the wind fair, and on the return of day to our great joy we had a near view of the North Cape and soon saw the native fires in different parts of the land. We sailed close in shore all along the North Cape.

In a short time we came up with about forty canoes full of people fishing, to some of whom we spake and were informed that they could not have any communication with us as they were tabooed. They were fishing for none but swordfish, with short lines, and all the fish they caught of this kind were tabooed, and could not be disposed of as they were to be preserved for their winter food. We saw a number of their stages on shore which were erected to dry their fish upon. I enquired after the chief and Jem the Otaheitan, and was informed they were on shore. There appeared to be about 250 or 300 natives in the canoes, but as they were tabooed we could not have any particular communication with them.

The wind continued fair and the weather fine till after we had passed the Cape, when, toward evening, it gradually died away so that We made little progress during Wednesday night. Towards noon on Thursday (August 12th) the breeze freshened, and became pretty fair, so that we came opposite to the Cavalle (Cavalli) Islands before sunset, when several canoes visited us, in one of which was the chief O Keeda (Kira) whose son had lived with me twelve months at Parramatta and was gone again in the Active. O Keeda informed us that they were assembling their men to go to war with the people of Wangarooa (Whangaroa), and that Shunghee (Hongi) was to leave the Bay of Islands on Friday morning with his war canoes and warriors to join the people on the main, opposite to the Cavalles. O Keeda requested me to remain on board till we arrived at the Bay of Islands, which request was complied with. The cause of the difference between Shunghee and the people of Wangarooa,

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we were informed by O Keeda, was this:--A whale had been driven on the shore belonging to Shunghee, and the people of Wangarooa had taken and eaten it, which was considered as a public theft and for which Shunghee was going to punish them.

On Thursday evening, about twelve o'clock, the General Gates anchored safely off Rangheehoo (Rangihoua) in twelve fathoms, when the natives fired immediately several muskets to welcome our arrival, though midnight. Several of the natives with the pilot came off immediately, but we could not admit them on board till morning and therefore requested them to return on shore and inform the settlers, which they complied with.

At daybreak (August 13th) the vessel was surrounded with natives. Some of the settlers came on board and informed us that all was well. Our meeting afforded mutual satisfaction to all interested in the mission. When we viewed the shores of New Zealand and the crowd of natives flocking around us, our hearts were warmed within us and we considered that we had now arrived at the Land of Promise.

About eleven o'clock Shunghee arrived with his war canoes and fighting men on his way to Wangarooa. He received us very cordially as well as all the chiefs who were with him. I told him we had heard of his intention to go to war with the people of Wangarooa, and remonstrated with him upon the folly of carrying on a continual warfare one with another. Several of the subordinate chiefs urged me to speak to Shunghee to give over fighting as they wished to live at peace, and some of them requested me to take Shunghee with me to Parramatta, and that this would tend to promote the general quiet.

I used every argument with Shunghee to dissuade him from fighting; he laughed at me, and said it was very hard for him to comply with my wishes but that he would not fight while I remained at New Zealand, and would accompany me to Port Jackson if I approved of his going. He would at present suspend his intentions against the people of Wangarooa, but he must go in a few days near that place to remove the bones of his wife's father; but he would not fight, and I might go with him if I chose. I told him I would if I could spare time. Shunghee is a man of the mildest manners and disposition and appears to possess a very superior mind.

Canoes continued to arrive for the greater part of the day at Rangheehoo till the beach was crowded with natives. Early in the morning we began to land our stores, and continued the whole of Friday and Saturday (August 13th and 14th). We had considerable difficulty, from the multitude of natives that covered the shore, to get through them with the stores; they were so eager to see either us or what we brought. They gave us every assistance to carry the stores to the house appointed for their reception, nor did we miss these two days a single article that I know of, excepting a silk pocket handkerchief which was taken out of my pockets. When I missed it I informed Shunghee, and in about ten minutes he brought me my handkerchief again. I made no inquiry who had taken it but left Shunghee to settle that matter. During these two days we landed all our light and many of the heavy stores as the weather was fine.

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On Saturday night (August 14th) a heavy gale came on, which drove the boats of the Active and General Gates from their moorings and broke them to pieces. This was an unfortunate accident, as we had only a whaleboat belonging to the General Gates, which was not sufficiently strong to carry our heavy stores on shore.

On Monday morning (August 16th) we resolved to build a punt 24 feet long by 10 for the purpose of landing the heavy stores and for general use. The gale continued on Monday with heavy rain, that nothing could be done. As we were confined to the house this day we deliberated upon the propriety of immediately forming a new settlement where the operations of agriculture could be carried into effect on an extensive scale.

Korro Korro (Korokoro), 8 Tooi's brother, arrived on Monday evening, who is Shunghee's opponent, and commands a large extent of the coast on the south side of the Bay of Islands. The two chiefs were soon acquainted with our intentions of forming a new settlement, and were both equally anxious to have us within their respective jurisdictions. Shunghee said he would give us our choice of all his lands and any quantity we might wish. Korro Korro was ready to do the same. It was agreed upon that we should proceed on Tuesday morning (August 17th) to Kiddee Kiddee (Kerikeri), 9 the district about twelve miles from Rangheehoo, where Shunghee carries on his principal cultivation of sweet and common potatoes. Accordingly after setting the natives to cut the timber for our punt, and giving the necessary directions to the carpenters, myself, the Rev. J. Butler, Messrs. Francis and William Hall set off with Shunghee in his war canoe for Kiddee Kiddee, where we arrived in the afternoon, and proceeded immediately to examine the country.

I had surveyed this part of the land and about fourteen miles to the west of it when I was in New Zealand in 1815, and considered this district the most promising for a new settlement of any I had met with in New Zealand, the soil being rich, the land pretty level, free from timber, easy to work with the plough, and bounded by a fine freshwater river, the communication by water free and open to any part of the Bay of Islands, and safe anchorage for ships of any burden within about two leagues of the settlement. Shunghee told us we were at full liberty to take what land we wanted, on either side of the river, as it was all his own to a very great distance. We determined, therefore, upon forming the principal settlement at this place, as we could not doubt but the rich soil would be grateful for any cultivation we should bestow upon it and return a plentiful produce. We accordingly told Shunghee we should, with his approbation, settle there. Shunghee was much gratified, as well as his people, with our determination.

After walking over the land till towards dusk, we returned to Shunghee's village where we were to sleep for the night. We found a fine sow about 140 pounds weight at the door of our hut, which Shunghee was going to kill for our supper, with plenty of common and sweet potatoes. As we had brought with us a sufficient quantity of provisions we requested Shunghee not to kill the sow, and with some

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difficulty we prevailed upon him at that time to spare her life. From the heavy rain the ground was wet, and since we had had some rain on the passage from Rangheehoo, together with walking through the wet fern, our clothes were wet. Those we took off when we entered the hut where we were to remain for the night, and had them dried.

After taking necessary refreshment, and spending the evening in pleasant conversation with Shunghee and his people, who were in the hut with us and about the entrance, we read a chapter, sang an hymn, and, returning our grateful thanks to Almighty God for His kind protection of us and for the safety and comfort we enjoyed in the very midst of cannibals, then laid down in peace to rest till the morning.

The next morning (August 18th) about three o'clock we rose, sang an hymn, and offered up our morning sacrifice of prayer and praise to our great Creator and Preserver, and, after breakfasting at four o'clock, crossed the river in order to examine the land on the opposite banks. Here we were much gratified with a fine clear country for cultivation and of great extent, though the soil in some parts did not appear so rich as the land we had passed over the preceding evening.

On the whole of the survey we had taken we were perfectly satisfied that a more suitable situation cannot be found in any of the adjacent districts to the Bay of Islands. There is a fine fall of water close to the place where we intend the new town to stand for a corn mill, saw mill, or any other purpose, without the expense and risk of making a dam, which is a valuable consideration. At Kiddee Kiddee any quantity of grain, etc., may be grown that the settlement may want for years to come, either for victualling the native children in the schools 10 or Europeans belonging to the mission.

Before our departure we marked out the ground where we wished our public store to be built, and requested Shunghee to put up a temporary building for the accommodation of the stores and the mechanics who had accompanied us from Port Jackson. Shunghee immediately set his people to work.

Having now gratified all our wishes as far as respected the object for which we had visited Kiddee Kiddee, in the evening we returned to Rangheehoo in Shunghee's war canoe, and with much pleasure he accompanied us back again. Korro Korro remained at Rangheehoo with Tooi till we returned in order that he might know what prospect there was of our forming a settlement within his jurisdiction. When we arrived he was anxious to know if we approved of the land we had seen and had come to any determination relative to forming a settlement there. We told him that the land was good at Kiddee Kiddee, and on that account we must form a settlement there. Korro Korro was much affected and said that Shunghee would now cut him and his people off. We replied that Shunghee had promised us he would leave off fighting if we would settle in his district and would reside himself with the Europeans. Korro Korro replied that Shunghee would make fair promises but we could not see into Shunghee's heart. He gave us to understand he would not believe a word he said, however fair he spoke, and recited instances how Shunghee had taken advantage of

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himself and others in former times, and contended what he had done formerly he was still capable of doing again.

We endeavoured to pacify Korro Korro as well as we could, but in vain. He said he should be perfectly satisfied if the Europeans were fairly divided between him and Shunghee, but it was too great an affliction for him for all the Europeans to reside with Shunghee. He made strong appeals to our feelings and urged his request by every argument he could advance. We all felt much anxiety to relieve his distress. I and Mr. Butler promised to accompany him and Tooi the following day to Parro (Paroa) where he resided and examine his land, and if we found a suitable place for a settlement we would build him and Tooi a house, and one or more Europeans should reside with him at present till more Europeans arrived from England, when his wishes would be complied with as far as we could. This assurance relieved him a little, though not much.

The next day (August 19th) I and Mr. Butler went with him to Parro. He was tolerably quiet on the passage. Tooi had not as yet seen his relatives and friends, and therefore he accompanied us with his brother Teranghee. After we arrived at Parro, Korro Korro brought on the subject again of the settlement on his district where he lived. He told us there was a fine tract of land called Manowowra (Manawara) which he would give us, and which we should see the next morning. We endeavoured to convince him that it was not in our power to form any extensive settlement at present within the limits of his jurisdiction. Korro Korro got extremely angry, told us that he was treated with great ingratitude; that his brother Tooi had been long absent from him and his friends, had gone to England, had brought out the white people with him, and after all he was not to have the advantage of any of them to reside with him; that this was an act of great injustice, and such as we ought not to be guilty of. His brother Teranghee joined him in his remonstrances with us, and at last both of them got warm. Tooi took our part, and endeavoured to convince Korro Korro that we had not the means at present of supplying him with Europeans. He then got extremely angry with Tooi, and Teranghee joined him. Korro Korro told Tooi he might go and live at Rangheehoo, or with Shunghee, or where he liked, for he cared nothing about him, as his request could not be complied with relative to the Europeans. Tooi wept and was much distressed. Mr. Butler and myself felt much pain on both their accounts. Tooi told us privately we must make our principal settlement with Shunghee. He was the most powerful chief and under his protection the missionaries would be safe, and that his brother must wait till we had it in our power to meet his wishes. After a long conversation and strong remonstrances from Korro Korro we retired to rest. Mr. Butler and myself were convinced we could not avoid doing something for Korro Korro. We also pitied Tooi. He was anxious to live a civil life and not to conform to the native habits and dress any more, but he said he could not stand his ground if he had not one or more Europeans to support him. The ridicule of the natives, if alone, would compel him to conform to their dress and to live in their manner, which he was greatly averse to do.

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Tooi is a fine man, well informed and well disposed, and has a love to our religion, and will do all in his power to second the views of the Society. His family is of the first respectability, and his brother's influence and authority extend along the coast almost to the River Thames, and that of his friends from the North to the East Cape. We feel much interested in the future welfare of Tooi and must give him all the support possible.

The next morning (August 20th) Korro Korro was more calm, and appeared more reconciled than he had been before. He was very friendly, and expressed his sorrow for the warmth with which he had spoken to us the preceding evening. We assured him that we would assist him all in our power. As we had gone down to Korro Korro's place in the General Gates, where the master intended to fit out for sea again, we remained on board all night. Korro Korro had accompanied us with Tooi from Rangheehoo. As he knew the vessel would anchor off one of his settlements, he had given directions to his people previous to his visit to us that none of them should presume to come to the General Gates till the following day. It was dark when we anchored. We were hailed from the shore by one of Korro Korro's officers, when Teranghee answered and informed the people that Tooi was arrived, and gave directions that messengers should be immediately sent to the different districts to inform the inhabitants of Tooi's arrival.

A party of chiefs had arrived a few days before at Whycaddee from the river Thames, by whom one of Tooi's cousins had been cut off some time before, and they were apprehensive that the father of the young man and Korro Korro would revenge his death. Tooi ordered a messenger to be sent immediately to Whycaddee to inform the chiefs that a general pardon would be granted to them, and that, if they thought proper to come and pay their respects to him, their persons would be safe.

The next morning the vessel was crowded with chiefs and their friends who came to see Tooi; some wept for joy and all welcomed him home. The chiefs from the river Thames met us the next day at Rangheehoo. After breakfast we set off to Manowowra to examine the ground for a settlement accompanied by Korro Korro and many of his people. We found a level piece of good land surrounded by hills, whose soil was generally rich, at the head of a fine harbour. As this was the best situation for timber, water, and good land, we determined upon forming a small settlement here. The harbour abounds with the finest fish, the fresh water is good and safe anchorage for shipping, and a very convenient place for a public school. Korro Korro was much gratified with our choice. Here Tooi intends to reside. We gave directions for materials to be collected immediately for a temporary building for the Europeans, and afterwards returned in the evening to Rangheehoo. The distance is about nine miles between Manowowra and Rangheehoo.

On Friday morning (August 20th) we set all the hands on we could muster for our punt, as we could not land the remainder of the stores till this was completed. We had soon fourteen natives sawing timber, others cutting trees, and all the beach exhibited a scene of happiness and busy civilization. A more grateful sight could not possibly be seen

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by a benevolent mind. Our hearts overflowed with joy and gratitude. We viewed the various operations with inexpressible delight, and considered them as the dawn of civil and religious liberty to this land of superstition, darkness, and cruelty. On the following day (August 21st) all our works went on well, and every preparation was made for completing the punt with all possible dispatch, in order that the stores might be landed and the settlements formed at Kiddee Kiddee and Manowowra.

On the Sabbath (August 22nd) we assembled on the beach for public worship, as there was no place for Divine service sufficient to hold the people. We were surrounded with the natives, and a number of chiefs from different districts, and some from the river Thames.

It was very gratifying to our feelings and afforded us a pleasing prospect to be able to perform the worship of the true God in the open air without any sensations of fear or danger when surrounded with cannibals, with their spears stuck in the ground, their pattoo-pattoos and daggers concealed under their mats. We could not doubt but the time was at hand for gathering into the fold of Christ this noble race of men whose temporal and spiritual wants are inconceivably great and call loudly upon the Christian world for relief. Their misery is extreme --the prince of darkness, the god of this world, has full dominion over both their bodies and their souls. Under the influence of darkness and superstition many devote themselves to death, and the chiefs sacrifice their slaves as a satisfaction for the death of any of their friends, so great is the tyranny which Satan exercises over these poor heathens-- a tyranny from which nothing but the Gospel can set them free; and we cannot hope for the Gospel having its full effect, according to the ordinary course of the Divine proceedings, without the united aid of the Christian world. Suitable means must be provided for the civilization and evangelization of the inhabitants of New Zealand, and if this is done there can be little doubt but the important object will be attained.

Monday, August 23rd.--We this day built a shed for the carpenter to work in, and in which Divine service might be performed while we remained at Rangheehoo, The natives continued to saw timber and to render us any service in their power.

Thursday, August 26th.--I went with Tooi, accompanied by Mr. Samuel Butler, to an island called Motoorooa 11 belonging to Korro Korro and where he principally resides. My object was to set the people to work the next day at Manowowra. We arrived about two o'clock and found that Korro Korro was on board the General Gates, about two miles distant. The first object that struck my eye near where we landed was a man's head stuck on a pole upon the summit of a hill close to the shore, and near the hut where we were to sleep for the night. I looked at the head; the face appeared beautifully tattooed or carved. I inquired of Tooi whose head it was. He told me it was the head of a prince near the East Cape who had been killed by Shunghee's people

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Shungee's Grant of Land at Keddee Keddee

NOVEMBER 4TH, 1819
Recd June 24/20 Come. July 4/20

TO ALL TO WHOM THESE PRESENTS SHALL COME. GREETING. KNOW YE that I SHUNGHEE HEEKA Chief of the District of Ta Keddee Keddee at the Bay of Islands in the Island of New Zealand In consideration of Forty-eight Falling Axes to me faithfully paid and delivered by The Reverend SAMUEL MARSDEN Clerke for and on behalf of the Church of England Missionary Society HAVE GIVEN AND GRANTED and of my free will and accord by these Presents DO give and grant to the Directors of the said Church of England Missionary Society and their successors for ever All that and those that Parcel of Land now called Pookay Kohay Ta Weedingha Tou etc. situate and lying in the District of Ta Keddee Keddee, and now known by the name of the Society's Plains containing thirteen thousand acres more or less, bounded on the South East by the District of the Chiefs Ta Morengha and Whytaroro, on the South West by the woods Weedingha Tou, Kyketayha Roa and Maungha Paray Dooa and on the North West and North East by the Road from Ta Too Honay to Ta Keddee Keddee With all the Timbers Minerals Waters Rights and Appurtenances to the same belonging TO HOLD to the Directors of the said Church of England Missionary Society and their successors for ever IN FAITH AND TESTIMONY whereof I the said SHUNGHEE HEEKA have to these presents set and subscribed my seal at Ranghee Hou in the Island of New Zealand the fourth day of November in the year of Christ One thousand eight hundred and nineteen.

Sealed and Delivered in Presence of
JOHN BUTLER.
THOMAS KENDALL.

The Signature of Rawha a chief and relation of Shunghee

The Signature of Shunghee Heeka

Shunghee Heeka . . . Hongi Hika.
Ta Keddee Keddee . . . Te Kerikeri (the Te is not usual)
Pookay Kohay . . . Puke Kowhai
Ta Weedingha Tou . . . Te Whiringatau
Ta Morengha . . . Te Morenga
Whytaroro . . . Waiteroro
Kyketayha Roa . . . Kahikatea Roa
Maungha Paray Dooa . . . Maunga Parerua
Ta Too Honay . . . Te Tuhonae
Ranghee Hou . . . Rangihoua
Rawha . . . Rewha
Recd ....... Received by the Secretary of the Church Missionary Society
Come. ........ Placed before the Committee of the Church Missionary Society

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FACIMILE OF DEED OF NOVEMBER 4TH, 1819.
Signed by Rev. John Butler, Rev. Thomas Kendall, Hongi Hika, and Rewha

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and purchased by some of Korro Korro's people. This sight naturally excited sensations of horror in my breast, and caused me to value more and more the blessings of Divine revelation and the protection of civil government. These are blessings that can never be duly estimated by those who enjoy them, as they respect the life that now is as well as that which is to come.

As the afternoon was fine we walked over the island to the opposite side. When we got upon the top of the island, which is very high, we had a full view of Korro Korro's hippah or castle which was situated on top of another island less than two miles distant; a number of natives were at work on this island. I was anxious to visit it, and when we came opposite I hailed for a canoe which was sent. Tooi, Mr. Butler, and myself got into it and crossed over. We were received with much pleasure by the natives. We found Korro Korro's head wife, or queen, hard at work with a little wooden spade 12 digging the ground for potatoes, and Teranghee's wife with several more women and men. They were all much rejoiced with our visit to them. The old queen earnestly requested I would give her a hoe, and endeavoured to convince me how hard it was to turn over the ground with a stick. I promised to comply with her request. After spending about an hour amongst them we returned carrying with us a quantity of fish which they gave us.

The land on this island was rich; part of it was sown with turnips and part was already planted with potatoes. The women turned over the ground with sticks about two feet long and as thick as a broom stick. They wrought hard, but made little progress in cultivation for want of proper tools.

When we had reached the beach Tooi said one of his sisters was coming whom he had not seen since his return, and earnestly requested me to get into the canoe before she arrived as he did not wish to have his first meeting with her there. I begged him to wait for her, as she was hastening down the hill, and not to regard me, but I could not prevail upon him. He leaped into the canoe and urged me to follow him. I delayed till she had reached the beach, when I stepped in. Tooi ordered the canoe to put off, but at that moment his sister sprang into the canoe, weeping aloud, and passed me. She fell on her knees and grasped Tooi's knees; he saluted her, when she gave vent to her feelings in tears and loud lamentations which she continued for about an hour. When we landed on the opposite island she still sat weeping for a long time. Tooi conducted himself with great propriety; he suppressed all

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the wild feelings of an uncultivated mind, and yet showed all the soft and tender feelings of nature towards his sister. I could not but view his conduct with admiration, and told him to indulge his affection for his sister without any respect to my being present. I saw he was anxious lest the warmth of his sister's affection, and the strong manner in which she manifested it, should overcome his manly fortitude and cause him to imitate her example as he had done on a former occasion when I first visited New Zealand.

When we landed we found Korro Korro and a number of his people who received us with much kindness. I told him I was come to set the people to clear the land at Manowowra, and to set out the house which it was necessary to build for their accommodation. He received this news with much joy, and said he would accompany me in the morning and give the necessary directions to his people to lend their assistance. When he saw the hoes for breaking up the ground he was much pleased. After conversing upon various subjects we had supper, sang a hymn and committed ourselves to the protection of the Angel of the Everlasting Covenant, and then lay down to rest. A number of the natives lay round about the hut and some within. I slept well till the day returned, being weary with walking when I lay down.

We took our breakfast (August 27th, 1819) and then set off for Manowowra, which lay a few miles distant on the opposite main. On our way we came up with a very large war canoe. I inquired how many men she carried, and was told sixty fighting men with their provisions, etc., when they went out to sea to the River Thames or to the East Cape, and eighty men in smooth water. On examining the canoe I observed in the stern the head of a chief, the features of the face as natural as life, and one of the finest countenances I ever saw. The chief must have been previous to his death about thirty years old. The hair was long and every lock combed straight, and the whole brought up to the crown and tied in a knot and ornamented with feathers according to the custom of the chiefs when in full dress, the hair and countenance both shining with oil with which they had been lately dressed. From the beautiful tattooing of the face, the chief must have been a person of high rank. I inquired whose head it was, and was told that it was the head of a prince who had been killed beyond the River Thames by Shunghee. It is possible that the death of this prince may be revenged by his children's children if the tribe to which he belongs should ever have strength to retaliate upon Shunghee or his posterity. Hence the foundation is continually laid for new acts of cruelty and blood from generation to generation, as the remembrances of these injuries seem never to be forgotten by them.

I shall here mention an instance of retaliation some of the circumstances of which came within my own knowledge:--

"About fifteen or sixteen years ago a vessel belonging to the house of Campbell and Co. at Port Jackson, called the Venus, 13was taken by the convicts at Port Dalrymple (Tasmania). When the pirates had possession of the Venus they sailed for New Zealand and touched at the

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Bay of Islands, from whence they took the sister of a chief named Temmarangha (Te Morenga) 14 and afterwards sold her at an island near the East Cape for some mats. Two of the natives afterwards quarrelled about her, in consequence of which she was killed.

"Some time after some natives arrived from the East Cape at the Bay of Islands and gave information relative to the fate of Temmarangha's sister. Temmarangha's father was alive, and previous to his death caused Temmarangha to swear that he would revenge the death of his sister.

"In 1815 Temmarangha accompanied me to Parramatta, and two years after his return he mustered his tribe and set off to the East Cape to perform the oath which he had sworn to his father. He killed the chief of the island where his sister had been murdered, and brought away his wife a prisoner and gave her to his brother with whom she now lives.

"Mr. Kendall informs me that there is always some either remote or immediate cause that induces the chiefs to go to war, and that it is not for the mere motive of plunder and blood but to obtain satisfaction for some real injury done to them or to their tribe."

In the above canoe I met with Hooratookie (Huru), 15 his two brothers, and uncle, who were all officers under Korro Korro. Hooratookie was the first New Zealander who was introduced into civil society. About twenty-five years ago he had been landed at Norfolk Island with another of his countrymen by some vessel which had touched at New Zealand. The late Governor King had the command at Norfolk Island at the time. He received these two strangers with great kindness; they lived at his table, and received from him every attention. After remaining a considerable time with the Governor the Britannia whaler touched at Norfolk Island, when the Governor agreed with the master to take Hooratookie and his companion to New Zealand, and accompanied them himself to see that they were properly treated and safely landed in their own country. The great kindness of Governor King towards these New Zealanders made the most favourable impression upon all the natives who heard of it, and to the present day they always speak of it with gratitude and pleasure, and make enquiries after Governor King's oldest daughter, whose name is Maria and who was only a few years old when Hooratookie was at Norfolk Island. When he asked me about Maria, I told him she now lived at Parramatta. He said he would go and live with her till he died. Hooratookie was much rejoiced to see me. He left his war canoe, and some of the chiefs with him, and accompanied us to Manowowra.

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On our landing, I selected a small spot of ground to sow a little English flax seed upon, which was immediately cleared and broken up, and afterwards I sowed the seed. I then examined the ground for building upon, and staked out an house about forty feet by thirteen for the workpeople, and in the evening returned to Rangheehoo.

On Saturday (August 28th) all hands were busy either in cutting timber for the intended new buildings or working at the punt.

On the Sabbath (August 29th) Divine worship was performed in the new shed, where we enjoyed the administration of God's Word with little molestation. It was very interesting to see the eager countenances of the natives who surrounded the shed, and to hear them frequently repeat the word as it was delivered though they could not as yet understand it.

After morning service I and the Rev. Mr. Butler visited the native village and conversed with the natives. In walking over the ground near the village I had some conversation with a young woman who lives with a Mr. Hansen, brother-in-law to Mr. King. On asking if her father was alive, she told me he was killed and eaten at the East Cape by Shunghee's people, and that she was a prisoner of war. 16 I was also informed that it had also been determined to kill her since she was brought to Rangheehoo. A few months ago the brother of the present chief at Rangheehoo died. The people believed that he was killed by incantation or charm, as he told them before he died that this was the cause of his death. Towha (Taua?), the son of the late Tippahee, lived with me at the time of this man's death. He had two female slaves which he had left at Rangheehoo. When the chief's brother died, in order to give satisfaction to his departed spirit and to appease his anger, to prevent him coming again and destroying them, these two young women were killed by the relatives of the departed chief. They were both belonging to the school under Mr. Kendall at the time. Another relation of the chief demanded the death of the young woman who lived with Mr. Hansen as a satisfaction on his part, that the spirit of the departed chief might not injure him, and as it was the custom of the country she delivered herself up to be killed. But the chief, before he died, knowing that some would be sacrificed for him, had given directions that she should not be one of them, and on that account her life was spared. When the Active returned to Port Jackson the two young men who had been appointed to kill Towha's female slaves came in her. Towha was with me at the time. Mr. Kendall informed me of the above circumstances, fearing that Towha might be angry with them when he heard of the death of his servants. The young men when they arrived appeared alarmed: I spoke to Towha and told him what had taken place. He was much concerned for the death of his servants, but assured me he should show no anger to the young men who had killed them for he knew better now than to do so; which promise he strictly kept. These incidents will tend to show the superstition and character of these people.

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In passing along the village we stopped to speak to a man and his wife. There were some fowls running on the premises. The man told me they had been bred from some fowls which I had given Terra, the head chief on the south side of the harbour, when I was first there, and that, when Terra died, his wife had taken Terra's nephew for her husband, who succeeded to the authority of his uncle. As this was contrary to the established custom of the natives, for a chief's wife to marry again, a party from Rangheehoo went over to punish her for the violation of their laws and stripped her of what property she possessed. 17 The fowls we then saw were part of the plunder which he had taken at the time.

We then returned from the village and had Divine service in the evening.

On Monday (August 30th) the weather was very stormy: we could do nothing out of doors. After dark, in the evening, I was called out by a chief named Towhee (Tau-hi) who informed me that Shunghee had made an attack upon a village between Wangarooa and the North Cape and had killed six persons, and told me neither to be angry nor afraid. I expressed my concern for what had happened. Towhee said the cause of the difference between Shunghee and those people was the; following:--His wife's father had died some years ago. The people had spoiled his sepulchre, and had taken his bones and made fish hooks of them for the express purpose of cruelly and wantonly sporting with the feelings of Shunghee and his relations, and had put his skull upon a pole to provoke him to revenge. Shunghee told me he was not going to fight when he left Rangheehoo, but only to remove the bones of his father's wife. When he returns we shall learn whether he knew previous to his departure that the sacred tomb in which the bones of his father-in-law were deposited had been spoiled or not.

On Tuesday, the 31st, about sixty men, women, and children arrived at Rangheehoo from a village situated on the banks of the River Shokee Hangha (Hokianga) distant between fifty and sixty miles. This river empties itself into the sea on the west side of the island about 100 miles to the south of Cape Van Diemen. They brought with them a few hogs for sale, and a large quantity of sweet potatoes as presents for their friends and relatives at Rangheehoo, where many of them reside. The complexion of these natives was fairer than any I had seen. They are a very fine race of people.

I told them it was my intention to visit them before I left New Zealand, which gratified them much. The chief wished to know how long it would be before I went, and said he would show me the way and carry me over the intermediate swamps. I promised to visit them in one moon, if I could. He expressed his fears that Shunghee would be offended if I went to Shokee Hangha lest any ship at a future time, when the river and harbour were known, should come to them. I replied that before he came to Rangheehoo I had formed an intention to visit them, and had already mentioned the circumstance to Shunghee,

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who approved of my design, and would not be displeased with me or them for my visiting the inhabitants on the banks of the River Shokee Hangha. He expressed his satisfaction that Shunghee approved of my going, and said that he would supply the settlement with pigs and potatoes, when formed at Kiddee Kiddee, as it would be nearer to Shokee Hangha. I gave him a spade, and promised his people some fish hooks when I went to their settlement, which pleased them all.

On Wednesday, September 1st, the Rev. Mr. Butler accompanied me on a visit to the chiefs on the south side of the harbour. We arrived at Corroraddicca (Kororareka), the residence of the late chief Terra, who was at all times a kind and warm friend to Europeans. When I first visited New Zealand Terra wept much for joy, and both he and his wife showed us the greatest kindness. Mr. Kendall informed me that he died last November, and expressed his happiness on his dying bed that no European had ever been killed in his district.

We found his successor at home and who has long been known by the name of King George (Kingi Hori or Te Uru-ti) and Terra's former wife, with several of their people. They were overjoyed to see us. Terra's widow requested me to sit down by her, which I did. She then told me what troubles she had met since I was there,--that, when Terra was alive, they had plenty of hoes, axes, spades, fish-hooks, tokees, pork, sweet and common potatoes, and fowls from those I had given them, and clothing; but that now they were completely destitute. They had not a nail, fish hook, spade, axe, or hoe, and that she had not any clothes but the mat she had on. She wept as she related her misfortunes and spoke in a very feeling manner. She is naturally a kind, tender-hearted woman. Many instances of this I saw when first at New Zealand.

I told her that I had been informed that she had married King George, since Terra's death, which was contrary to the customs of their country, which offence against their laws had furnished her countrymen with a pretence to plunder her of all she possessed at the time of Terra's death. She admitted she had consented to marry King George, but as yet they were not united with the public sanction nor could they be for some time to come. When Terra died she wrapped up his dead body in mats, performed every other necessary service for the dead, and had the body deposited in the ahoodoo pa (uru pa) or sepulchre, in which the dead are laid till their bones are finally removed to the family vaults belonging to their tribe. She showed me where Terra was laid, and said she had his bones to remove before she could be married to King George, which ceremony she would perform in a little time. In consequence of having performed the above services and what she had still to do for Terra's remains, she was polluted and was compelled to eat and live with the common people, and could not enter into King George's house nor have any particular intimacy with him as man and wife; but when Terra's bones were removed she would then be received by King George as his wife and raised from her present low state. She said that what King George possessed at the time of Terra's death had also been taken from him in consequence of taking her for his wife.

King George confirmed what she said, and lamented that he had no pork nor anything to give us for our supper but fern-root; and also

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regretted that he had not an English house for us to sleep in. He reminded me how he had been treated when living with me at Parramatta, which favours he could not return, but said we should have the best accommodation he could give us and should sleep with him and one of his wives in his own house.

We spent the evening very pleasantly with these poor heathens. At length King George informed us our lodgings were ready. I went to see where we were to sleep. He had prepared his hut in the best manner, spread new clean mats upon the ground for us to sleep upon, and a clean mat at the entrance. The hut might be about fourteen feet by ten. He had made a fire in the centre, which made it hot like an oven as there was no vent for the smoke or heat but at the entrance, which was very small, so small that I could not creep in without taking my coat off. I requested him to have the fire taken out, as we should not be able to bear the heat, which was done. When all was ready we crept into the hut along with King George, his wife, and nephew, a fine youth named Racow (Rakau) who succeeds King George in his authority should he survive him. Though the fire had been removed the hut was extremely hot. We perspired profusely when we lay down, and requested that the door of the hut might be kept open for a little air, as the hut was naturally, from its construction, as warm as a bee-hive.

The next morning (September 2nd) when we awoke we observed Terra's widow sitting at the outside of the door waiting for our rising. Our berth had been very warm though clean, yet we willingly left it on the return of day and crept out to breathe the morning air.

We ordered Teeterree to prepare our breakfast. While it was getting ready Terra's widow was sitting on a log with two or three females. She requested me to sit down by them, which I did. The conversation turned upon Terra and the former time when I was there. A fine young girl sat by as we conversed together; she burst into a flood of silent tears. They ran in streams down her cheeks upon her mat. She sat, wept, and never spake. Her grief was too excessive. I called the Rev. Mr. Butler to witness the scene. It was more than his feelings could support. He was melted into tears. We then turned to King George, who was sitting with his wife, Racow and Racow's mother, and some others. Mr. Butler inquired if they knew Mowhee (Maui): 18 he did not know at the time he was speaking to Mowhee's relations. The fine youth was Mowhee's first cousin, and his mother Mowhee's mother's sister. When she heard his name she was greatly agitated and wept bitterly, as did also his other relations, and told us that his mother was dead. The account Mr. Butler gave them of Mowhee having been at his house, etc., was very gratifying to them, and they did not know how to express their affection for Mr. Butler.

Racow is a tall, fine, handsome youth as can be seen in any country. His countenance is rather fair, and very noble, open, and placid. I told King George that he must not tattoo Racow--that it would spoil his countenance and disfigure his face. King George laughed at my advice, and said he must be tattooed, that this would give him a noble, masculine,

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and warlike appearance. He would not be fit for his successor with a smooth face. The New Zealanders would look upon him merely as a woman if he was not tattooed. Poor Racow has much to suffer before his face is carved like his uncle's, and other parts of his body.

When we had breakfasted on the provisions we had with us we prepared to visit another chief on the opposite side of the harbour, named Tekokee (Te Koki), about five miles distant, not knowing at the time that King George had provided anything for us to eat. When we informed him that we must leave him, he told us his cooks had been providing for us some sweet potatoes and we must not depart till they came. We remonstrated with him for detaining us, but we resolved we should not go till we had partaken of his hospitality. We had every reason to believe that King George had sent a messenger in the night to Pomarree 19 to procure for us some sweet potatoes for our entertainment, as two of Pomarree's daughters arrived very early, and shortly after their arrival we saw King George's servants kindling the fires at a distance. In about half an hour six cooks arrived with a number of baskets of sweet potatoes, ready dressed, for ourselves and people. King George said we must take the whole of them, and what we could not eat we must take in the canoe, which order was complied with. King George expressed his regret that there were no Europeans to reside with him; he said he wanted a carpenter, a smith, and a clergyman. We promised that he should have a European to live with him as soon as we could spare one.

When we left Corroraddica (Kororareka) he accompanied us to the opposite side, where we were very kindly received by the chief and his people who were busy preparing their land for potatoes. The chief's name is Tekokee (Te Koki). He was much rejoiced with our visit, as well as his wife and people. He told me that since I was there he had buried four of his children, and had only one son remaining, and he was gone in the Active on a visit to me. I told him he had arrived safe at Port Jackson and was well, which gave him much satisfaction and his wife. He expressed a very ardent desire to have some Europeans to live with him, and pointed out the situation where a European house would stand to great advantage and be an accommodation to the ships which came into the harbour, as they could easily water on his shore from a stream of fresh water which runs into the cove. We promised to build him an house as soon as we could on the spot he fixed upon.

Tekokee is the chief of the timber district. Much timber will be wanted for the intended buildings, with which it was necessary to acquaint him. We promised him a few tools of agriculture, which he was much in want of, as he had only wooden tools to work with. He was much pleased with our promise and said he would come to Rangheehoo for them.

After staying about two hours we set off for Whytanghee (Waitangi) where Mr. Hall formerly lived. It lay in our way about three miles from Tekokee's. When we landed and the people observed us they ran in all directions to inform the natives of our arrival. They met us with great joy. The head chief's wife was much affected. Her

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husband was gone to Parramatta on a visit to me. I told her he was well and would return in the Active, which gave her and the other natives much satisfaction. They earnestly solicited some Europeans to live with them, but were apprehensive from what had happened to Mr. Hall when there that none would come to them. 20 Their land is rich, and the finest fall of water for mills is here that perhaps has ever been seen. We were much gratified with these poor heathens while we remained with them.

In the evening we had a stormy passage to Rangheehoo in a small canoe with six natives to work it. The water was rough and the wind fresh. We were not without our fears till safe on shore at the settlement, where we arrived after dark, highly gratified with our visit to the natives and very thankful for our preservation, having for some time almost despaired of reaching the shore as we had about seven miles to pass through a rough sea, the water frequently over the sides of the canoe.

When we arrived I learned that Shunghee had returned from his expedition. I inquired what he had done in his absence. He informed me he had been told, some time previous to his present voyage towards the North Cape, that the inhabitants not far from Wangarooa had taken the bones of his wife's father from the sacred sepulchre and made fish hooks of them, as already mentioned, but he did not believe the report but went first to examine the sepulchre, where he only found a few ribs and the upper part of the skull, which was broken. The thigh and arm bones, and also the jaw bones, had been all broken and made up into fish hooks. Having satisfied himself of the fact he proceeded to the village where the people lived who had committed the above sacrilege, and went up within gunshot of them in the open day, and informed them that he was come to punish them for spoiling the

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sepulchre where his wife's father's bones were deposited and for making his bones into fish hooks. They admitted the charge and the justice of his conduct. Shunghee did not enter the village, but fired upon them and killed five men. When the party who were attacked requested Shunghee to fire no more, that the death of those who were shot was a sufficient atonement for the offence committed, Shunghee answered he was satisfied and the business was decided with the mutual consent of both parties; and Shunghee returned after visiting the people who had taken the dead whale cast upon his shores and breaking the canoe in which they had gone.

Shunghee appealed to me, wishing to know if we did not consider it a high crime to rob the sepulchre of the dead and to offer such indignities to their remains, and if the people whom he had been to punish had not merited their punishment by their crimes. I replied I was sorry that any lives had been taken, and at the same time admitted that it was just to punish such offences; but I was apprehensive that what he had done would excite the other party to revenge the deaths of their friends. Shunghee said they were not able to make war upon him, and therefore would be quiet.

On Saturday (September 4th) Ahoodee O Gunna (Te Uri-o-Kanae), the chief from whom the land had been purchased where the present settlement stands, informed me that Mr. Kendall had insulted him and his brother by turning them out of his house. I assured him that Mr. Kendall had no intention to offend him at the time, as I was there and saw what passed. I was shortly after informed that his brother had gone to Mr. Hall's and stolen two earthen pots. In the afternoon I met Ahoodee O Gunna and his brother and charged them with the theft. Ahoodee O Gunna replied his brother had not stolen them, but had taken them away with an intention to bring on an explanation respecting Mr. Kendall's conduct, as he demanded some compensation for the insult and he should refuse to give up the pots till the compensation was given. I told him Mr. Hall was not to be punished for what Mr. Kendall had done, and that the pots ought to be immediately returned to the owner. Ahoodee O Gunna was willing to give them up, but his brother demanded an axe, not as a favour but as a reward for them. We conceived that if we complied with this demand it would open a door for future robberies, and therefore told him he might keep the pots for we would not purchase them because they were stolen.

Ahoodee O Gunna was much hurt at his brother's conduct. In the course of the following week they differed seriously. Ahoodee O Gunna, in order to show his disapprobation, set his house on fire and burnt it and left Rangheehoo with a determination to return no more to his brother; he was so much ashamed of the theft after our kindness to him and his wife. A few days afterwards the Rev. Mr. Butler and I were walking through the village and met Ahoodee O Gunna's brother. He told us he had but one pot, which he would give up; the other had been taken by another native and was gone into the country. We pointed out to him the evil of stealing and that it was a crime we could not reward whatever we lost. He sent his son with us with the pot. We gave the boy six fish hooks, who soon returned with them and said

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his father would take nothing for the pot. Thus by firmness we gained our point. We are concerned for Ahoodee O Gunna, and shall heal his grief and vexation by some act of kindness the first opportunity.

Our punt not being complete, the master of the General Gates brought up the remaining stores in a large canoe belonging to Korro Korro. The casks being chiefly filled with tools of agriculture, such as hoes, axes, etc., we could not land them without opening and exposing the contents to the natives. A miser never valued gold so much as they do edge tools. These are a temptation they cannot withstand. We now expected to be robbed, more or less, as the natives could not be kept from the canoe nor from the casks when opened. We were obliged to employ some of them to carry the stores to the public store. When about half of them had been landed a report was spread that the natives had stolen some of the axes, billhooks, etc. An immediate stop was put to the natives carrying any of the articles from the canoe, and several of them were charged with theft, which created general tumult and fermentation amongst them. We could not ascertain what they had stolen, but knew that some axes, sickles, etc., were missing. We remonstrated with them for their ungrateful conduct, and told them that we had come there to do them good--that we wanted nothing that they could give us as we had plenty in our own country--and that, as we had no object but to serve them, we could not allow them to rob us of our property. I told them that King George and the gentlemen in England would be ashamed of them when they heard of their thefts, and that I could allow no thief to go in the Active to Parramatta; and if they were there and stole there Governor Macquarie would hang them, and if any of them should come to Port Jackson in any other ship I should then catch them. After a long debate, some recommending the stolen property to be given up, others alleging that it was too valuable to be returned, the honest party prevailed and ran off in different directions for the axes, etc. A number were brought in on Saturday evening and laid down publicly on the beach, where we were assembled to discuss this important subject. Our object was to convince them of the injustice and immorality of their conduct, and to check as much as we could their disposition to steal.

Before we allowed the casks to be opened and the natives to carry the stores, I asked Mr. Kendall publicly if they would not steal them. Mr. Kendall said they would not, for he had never known them steal anything from him. When they were charged with theft, Towha (Taua?), Tippahee's son, who had resided twelve months at Parramatta, reprobated their conduct, told them that they had covered Mr. Kendall with shame, that he had given them a good character for honesty, but their theft proved that he was a liar when he said they were honest. At length they said they would return all they had taken excepting one axe, which was the first stolen, and that the man who had stolen it should be banished from Rangheehoo and not allowed to return again. The thief offered to return his axe, but the others said that if he was allowed to remain he would steal again, and therefore desired him to leave the place and take his stolen axe with him.

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The remainder of the stores were safely landed, and the natives promised to return on Monday what property they could not recover on Saturday night, and thus ended the business to our mutual satisfaction.

I spoke to Shunghee upon the heinousness of their crime in stealing the axes. Shunghee said they were not his people, and that it was very wrong to take so many, and observed with a smile that, if they had taken one axe, he should not have thought much of it; which convinced me Shunghee himself could not have withstood the temptation had it lain in his way.

Sunday, September 5th, 1819.--Early this morning arrived King George and Racow, Mowhee's cousin, with their relations, and at the same time Pomarree with part of his tribe. I was walking on the beach when they landed, and told them it was the Sabbath day and on that account we could not do any business with them. They said they could not stop as they had brought no provisions. We ordered them what was necessary, and afterwards performed Divine service in the shed, where the four great men in New Zealand--Shunghee, King George, and Pomarree, with Racow, the young king--attended and many other natives. All behaved with decorum, and we hope the day is not far distant when they will know the joyful sound of the Gospel and have the Lord for their God in the fullest sense.

In the evening we had Divine service; and afterwards the Holy Sacrament was administered in this distant land, the solemnity of which did not fail to excite in our breasts sensations and feelings corresponding with the peculiar situation in which we were. We had retrospect to the period when this Holy Ordinance was first instituted in Jerusalem in the presence of our Lord's disciples, and adverted to the peculiar circumstances under which it was now administered at the very ends of the earth where a single ray of Divine revelation had never till now dawned upon the inhabitants.

Monday, September 6th.--This morning the greatest part of the articles stolen on Saturday were returned. We expressed our approbation of their conduct in attending to our remonstrances, recommending them to act honestly in future, and rewarded such as had given us information of thefts or exerted their influence to obtain the stolen property. A good understanding was soon established again between us and the natives, and they joined their respective work as before--to saw timber, etc.

Pomarree paid us an early visit with King George. He told me he was very angry that I had not brought a blacksmith for him; that when he heard there was no blacksmith for him he sat down and wept much, and also his wives. I assured him he should have one as soon as one could be got for him. He replied it would be of no use to him to send a blacksmith when he was dead; that he was at present in the greatest distress. His wooden spades were all broke and he had not an axe to make any more. His canoes were all broke, and he had not a nail or gimlet to mend them with. His potato grounds were uncultivated, and he had not a hoe to break them up with, nor a tool to employ his people; and for want of cultivation he and his people would have nothing to eat. He begged me to compare the land of Tippoonah (Te

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Puna) with his, which belonged to the inhabitants of Rangheehoo and Shunghee, observing that their land was already prepared for planting because there was a smith there and they could get hoes, etc. I endeavoured to pacify his mind with promises, but he paid little attention to what I said with respect to sending a smith at a future period. He was so angry with me for not giving him a blacksmith that he had taken twenty-five hogs to the brig General Gates and had brought none for us. I endeavoured to direct his mind from his disappointment in receiving no smith and asked him if he should wish to go to England. I asked the question merely to turn his mind from former conversation. Pomarree replied he should not, and observed he was a little man when at Port Jackson and should be less in England; but in his own country he was a great king. We then promised him a few hoes, etc., which operated like a cordial on his wounded mind. He begged hard for three hoes, one axe, a few nails, and a gimlet. I told him he should have them. The Rev. Mr. Butler, when he accompanied me to Corroraddica (Kororareka), had seen the distress King George was in for want of a few tools, and told us if he did not get an axe he would hang himself. We therefore agreed to give these chiefs fifteen hoes, two spades, two axes, four gimlets, a few nails, twelve combs, two looking glasses, two plane-irons, and nearly one hundred fish-hooks. They received this present with the greatest joy and gratitude, and returned to their own districts as happy as kings with the spoils of war.

Tuesday, September 7th.--The Rev. Mr. Butler and Mr. Francis Hall accompanied me to Tippoonah (Te Puna), a native settlement about two miles distant from the residence of the Europeans (Rangihoua). The land there is chiefly planted with sweet potatoes, which constitute the choicest food of the natives; the soil is generally rich and light and well adapted for the growth of this root. The principal inhabitants of Rangheehoo have their sweet potato gardens here. We found numbers of them at work in their respective allotments, some with spades and hoes, which they had received from us, and others with wooden spades with long handles to them, the mouth made about the same size as an English spade; and such as had got neither spade nor hoe turned up the ground with small spatulas about three feet long. The wooden spades and spatulas can only be used where the land is light and has been previously turned up. They have another wooden tool about seven feet long, pointed like a hedge stake, and a piece of wood lashed on about two feet from the ground to place the foot upon to aid in thrusting the instrument into the ground. They call the tool koko. With their hands they pull up all the weeds, and then cover them over with the spatula or wooden spade as they proceed in digging.

They were overjoyed to see us, and their universal cry was for hoes and spades. We regretted much that it was not in our power to gratify all their laudable wishes. We saw with pain the hard toil they endured and the little progress they made in cultivation with their rude instruments, and were convinced by ocular demonstration that the earth can never be subdued and made to bring forth its increase to reward the sweat and toil of man without iron, and that this valuable article is the only thing in the creation that can relieve the temporal miseries of this people.

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In passing over these potato grounds we were informed Shunghee had an extensive allotment and was in his garden. We went to visit him, and found him in the midst of his people who were all at work preparing the land for planting. Shunghee received us with great politeness. I observed his head wife at work with a spatula, and her little daughter between four and five years old sitting on the bed which her mother was digging. I knew the age of this little girl, for she was born at Shunghee's hippah about thirty miles from Rangheehoo the very night I slept there when first at New Zealand. Shunghee's wife 21 reminded me of this circumstance, and said she had called the child Marsden from my being with them at the birth.

This woman is about thirty-five years old, and is quite blind. She lost her sight from an inflammation in her eyes about three years ago. She appeared to dig the ground as fast as those who had their sight and as well. She first pulled up the weeds with her hands as she went on, then set her feet upon them that she might know where they were, afterwards dug up the ground, and covered the weeds with the mould with her hands. I told her if she would give me the kahedu (kaheru) or spatula we would give her a hoe. The offer was immediately accepted with joy, and her daughter was sent immediately with the spatula along with the Rev. Mr. Butler for the promised hoe. 22

When we viewed the head wife of one of the greatest chiefs in New Zealand--a man possessed of a very large and extensive territory of rich land, and one whose name as a soldier strikes terror into all the inhabitants from the North to the East Cape--labouring hard, though completely blind, with a wooden spade, to gain a scanty subsistence upon potatoes, this sight naturally excited in our breasts new sensations and reflections which created both pleasure and pain, and kindled within us the best feelings of the human heart. We most ardently wished that the Christian World could see this sight with all the surrounding scene. The means would then soon be raised to furnish every blind-woman, whether of high or low rank, who are willing to labour for their bread, with a hoe or spade, as well as to afford general relief to all that are in distress for these necessary instruments.

We have found in every district we have visited the body of the inhabitants industrious as far as their means extended; but their industry is universally checked for want of tools of agriculture. We need adduce no other proof of their habits of industry than the above. If a woman of the first rank and, at the same time, blind, can, from habit, labour in the field with her servants and children, what will not these people rise

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to if they can procure the means of improving their country and bettering their situation. Their temporal situation must be improved by agriculture and the simple arts in order to lay a permanent foundation for the introduction of Christianity. It may be reasonably expected that their moral and religious advancement will keep pace with the increase of their temporal comforts. They are at present naked and hungry, and if we should say unto them: "Be ye warmed and filled" notwithstanding we give them not those things that be needful for the body, what doth it profit? I am sure the bowels of the Christian World would yearn over their temporal and spiritual miseries was it possible to make them known. Our God and Saviour Who is "loving unto every man, and Whose tender mercies are over all His works" (Psalm cxlv, 9) is now, blessed be His name, moving the hearts of His Church and people to send relief to the poor heathens, even to the very ends of the earth, which must cause the hearts of all who wish well to Zion to rejoice.

Wednesday, September 8th.--Early this morning several canoes left Rangheehoo for Wangarooa in consequence of some information that arrived in the night from the people who had been attacked by Shunghee. A number of our sawyers, we found, were gone with them. The report is that the natives in these districts are going to muster their tribes and demand satisfaction from Shunghee for the men he shot in his late attack upon the village. Shunghee has a hippah in the harbour (the Bay of Islands) about two miles from Rangheehoo which he is fortifying and preparing for the enemy. As they have no regular established government, all the crimes apparently are punished either by an appeal to the sword or by plundering the offender of his little property and laying waste his potato grounds.

Thursday, September 9th.--Last evening Tooi and his brother Teranghee (Te Rangi) paid us a visit. Tooi informed us that his brother Korro Korro wished him to be tattooed. We told him that it was a very foolish and ridiculous custom, and as he had seen so much of civil life he should now lay aside the barbarous customs of his country and adopt those of civilized nations. Tooi replied that he wished to do so himself, but his brother urged him to be tattooed as he could not support his rank and character as a gentleman amongst his countrymen unless he was tattooed; without this mark of distinction they would consider him timid and effeminate. At the same time he promised he would not be tattooed unless compelled by his friends.

I understand that in time of war great honour is paid to the head of a warrior if he is properly tattooed when killed in battle. His head is taken to the conqueror and preserved as the spoils of war, with respect, as a standard when taken from a regiment is respected by the victor. It is gratifying to the vanquished to know that the heads of their chiefs are preserved by the enemy, for, when the conqueror wishes to make peace, he takes the heads of the chiefs along with him and exhibits them to their tribe. If the tribe are desirous to put an end to the contest, at the sight of the heads of their chiefs they cry aloud and all hostilities terminate. This is the signal that the conqueror will grant them any terms they may require. If the tribe do not cry at the sight of the heads of their chiefs, they are determined to renew the contest and to risk the

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issue of another battle. The head of a chief may be considered as the standard of the tribe to which he belonged and the signal of peace or war.

If the conqueror never intends to make peace, he will dispose of the heads of those chiefs whom he kills in battle to ships or any persons who will buy them. Sometimes they are purchased by the friends of the vanquished from the conqueror and returned to their surviving relations, who hold them in the highest veneration and indulge their natural feelings by reviewing them and weeping over them.

When a chief is killed in a regular battle the victors call aloud, "Throw us the man!" as soon as he falls--if he falls within the lines of his party. If the party whose chief is dead are intimidated, they immediately comply with the demand. As soon as the victim is received, his head is immediately cut off and a proclamation issued for all the chiefs to attend who belong to the victorious party to assist in performing the accustomed religious ceremony in order to ascertain by auguration whether their god will prosper them in the present battle. If the priest, after the performance of the ceremony, says their god is propitious, this assurance inspires them with fresh courage to attack the enemy. If the priest returns an answer that their god will not be propitious, they will then quit the field of battle in sullen silence. The head already taken is preserved for the chief on whose account the war was undertaken as a satisfaction for the injury he had received, or some of his tribe, from the enemy.

When the war is over, and the head properly cured, it is sent round to all the chief's friends as a gratification to them and to show them that justice has been obtained from the offending party.

With respect to the dead body of the chief, this is cut up into small portions and dressed for those who were in the battle under the immediate direction of the chief who retains the head. If he wishes to gratify any of his friends who were not present small portions are reserved for them, on the receipt of which they give thanks to their god for the victory obtained over the enemy. If the flesh should be so putrid, from the length of time before it is received, that it cannot be eaten, a substitute is eaten in lieu.

They not only eat the flesh of the chief but are wont to take the bones and distribute them amongst their friends, who make whistles of some of them and fish hooks of others. These they value and preserve with care as memorials of the death of their enemies.

It is also customary with them for a man when he kills another in battle to taste the blood of the slain. He imagines he shall then be safe from the wrath of the god of him who is fallen, believing that from the moment he tastes the blood of the man he has killed the dead man becomes a part of himself and places him under the protection of the atua, or god, of the departed spirit.

On one occasion, Mr. Kendall informed me, Shunghee ate the left eye of a great chief whom he killed in battle at Shokee Hangha (Hokianga). The New Zealanders believe that the left eye, some time after death, ascends to the heavens and becomes a star in the firmament. Shunghee ate the chief's left eye from present revenge and the idea of increasing his own future glory and brightness after death, when his own left eye should become a star.

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From all that I have been able to learn, relative to the New Zealanders eating human flesh, this custom appears to have its origin in religious superstition. I could hear of no instance of any man ever being killed merely to gratify the appetite; nor of any killed for the purpose of selling their heads to the Europeans or other nations. The heads which are cured and sold are those of the slain in war which are not intended to be returned to their friends. At the same time I am of opinion that it is not safe or prudent for masters of vessels, or any of the crews, to purchase heads from the natives; for if a tribe knew that the head of their chief was on board any vessel it is more than probable they would make an attempt upon the vessel in order to obtain the head, from the high veneration and esteem in which they hold these relics of their departed leaders.

Sunday, September 12th.--Divine service was performed this morning upon the beach, in the shed, when some chiefs from distant districts attended. We met with no molestation from the natives. They behaved with decorum, and we trust they will ere long esteem this day above all other days and become true worshippers of the only true and living God. Then shall this heathen land in every sense "bring forth its increase and God will give them His blessing."

This morning (September 13th) Ahoodee O Gunna came to take his leave of us; he had been upon the spot where his house stood before he burnt it to weep with his friends. He had cut and lacerated his face, arms, and other parts of his body very much to express his grief according to their custom, and his friends had followed his example. We gave him a spade, hoe, axe, gimlet, looking glass, file, and two knives --one for himself and one for his wife. These presents contributed to heal his distressed mind. He told me he should never return to Rangheehoo but would take up his residence with his relation Tekokee, and pressed me much to send a European to live at Cowa Cowa (Kawakawa) with him and his friends. I promised his wishes should be granted as soon as we could. Whenever he turned his eyes upon his presents of tools his joy was visible in his countenance and appeared to swallow up all his late sorrows.

Ahoodee O Gunna is much attached to the Europeans, and was very serviceable when I first visited New Zealand.

We had also a number of chiefs to visit us to-day from different districts, some arriving last night and others this morning. Their object was to obtain a hoe or spade; some had come more than twenty miles. They urged their distresses with every argument in their power. We distributed about three dozen hoes amongst them and a few other tools, and regretted much that it was not in our power to give them 300, which number would only be like a drop in the bucket. They danced for joy when they were presented with these tools. A number of them will immediately be at work with those hoes, which will greatly increase the quantity of corn and potatoes the next season, as this is the Spring and the proper time for planting both, by which means their comforts will be increased and the settlers more abundantly supplied with pork, corn, and potatoes.

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As the comforts of the native inhabitants increase so will their civilization be proportionately improved. All they seem to want is the means of procuring the comforts of civil life. They neither want industry nor natural ability of mind nor strength of body. All these they possess, perhaps, in a superior degree to any other barbarous nation upon earth. And as their climate and soil are both favourable for all the purposes of agriculture, they no doubt will make a very rapid progress in the attainment of the necessary comforts of civil life.

We this evening had the pleasure to launch our flat-bottomed boat, in the presence of the joyful natives, which is estimated to carry twenty tons. It is the first vessel ever built upon the northern island of New Zealand. We may view it merely like a grain of mustard seed if we anticipate the naval power and strength which the country is capable of attaining from the energy of its native inhabitants--their bold and enterprising spirit--with their harbours, rivers, and naval stores.

It was impossible to prevent the human mind from contemplating with secret pleasure on viewing the launching of this little bark into the bosom of the great deep, the infinite blessings the Christian world would impart to this nation by the introduction of the arts of civilization and the Gospel. It is not possible for persons in civil life to conceive the wants of those who are in a state of nature; nor can they estimate the blessings they themselves enjoy when compared with the miseries of a barbarous state.

This morning (September 14th) I met Korro Korro at Rangheehoo. He informed me he had been spending the night with Shunghee at Tippoonah. Knowing the jealousy that existed between these two chiefs, I wished to know what was the nature of his visit to Shunghee. He said he went to arrange some public matters with Shunghee previous to his own departure for the River Thames, where he was going on an embassy of peace, and intended to take the greatest part of the men of his tribe with him. He was apprehensive Shunghee might take advantage of his absence and attack his people whom he left behind unless Shunghee and he came to a good understanding before he went. I inquired if Shunghee and he had settled their differences to their mutual satisfaction. He replied they had, and that Shunghee had engaged not to molest his people during the period he was from home, which he expected would be about four months.

The object of his present visit to the River Thames was to make peace between some of the chiefs there and his uncle Kaipo. 23 Some months ago the son of Kaipo was poisoned, or supposed to be so, by some of the chiefs at the River Thames where he was on a visit. For this real or supposed offence Kaipo wanted satisfaction, and Korro Korro was going with all his fighting men, with his uncle, to settle this business, not with a view to fight but to bring the offending party to some honourable terms of settlement according to their customs.

Korro Korro is a very brave and sensible man. I have seen no chief who has his people under such subjection and good order as himself. Yet he is tired of war; he wishes there were no fighting at New Zealand, and we have reason to believe he will prevent war as much as he can.

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After conversing with Korro Korro I set off for Kiddee Kiddee with our new boat full of scantling boards for the new settlement, accompanied by Mr. William Hall, the three carpenters, and Mr. Samuel Butler. 24 We arrived in the evening in the midst of a crowd of joyful natives, who immediately discharged the boat and conveyed the timber to the spot where we intended to erect the public store, smith's shop, etc. We set the natives to work to clear away the brushwood and clear the ground, when we marked out three buildings--the public store (sixty feet), the smith's house (thirty feet), and shop (twenty feet long by fourteen feet wide). The Rev. Mr. Butler could not attend us, being confined to his bed from a fit of the gout from a cold caught in consequence of having to sit for some hours in his own wet clothes when we were visiting some districts. After the boat was discharged and the ground marked out, I left Mr. Hall and the carpenters to begin the buildings, and returned with Mr. Samuel Butler in the boat to Rangheehoo where we arrived near eleven o'clock that night. The boat will prove of the most essential service to the settlement from the burden of timber, lime, and stores which she carries.

Wednesday, September 15th.--This morning I met some of the people who had returned from Wangarooa, and inquired how they had settled the difference relative to Shunghee having shot some of the people in his late attack on the village on account of his wife's father's bones. They informed me there had been a very large meeting of natives from different parts and several hundreds from the North Cape. The object of their meeting was to mourn and weep with Topira (Toupiro), the chief of Wangarooa, and to comfort him for the loss of his people. One of the chiefs from Rangheehoo informed me Topira wished me to go to Wangarooa and see him. If I could not go he would come to Rangheehoo before I returned to Port Jackson. He wished to obtain a hoe, spade, adze, and a few fish-hooks. Topira is considered as a very mild, sensible man, and much averse to war, and is greatly respected by his countrymen as well as by the settlers.

It is not intended to call upon Shunghee for satisfaction for his attack upon the village, the inhabitants having given the first offence by spoiling the sepulchres of the bones of his wife's father, as already mentioned.

In walking through the village of Rangheehoo this morning I observed the chief Towhee tattooing the son of the great Tippahee on the seat and upper part of the thigh. The operation was very painful. It was performed with a small chisel made of the wing bone of a pigeon or wild fowl. The instrument (the uhi) was about one quarter of an inch broad. It was fixed upon a little handle four inches long so as to form an acute angle at the head, something like a little pick with one end. With this chisel he cut all the straight and spiral lines by striking the head with a stick about one foot long, in the same manner as a farrier opens the vein of a horse with the fleam. One end of this stick was cut flat like a knife, to scrape off the blood as it gushed from the cuts. The chisel seemed to pass through the skin at every stroke and cut it as a carver cuts a piece of wood. The chisel was constantly dipped in a

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liquid made of soot from a particular tree, 25 and afterwards mixed with water, which communicates the blackness or, as they call it, the amoko (moko). I observed proud flesh rising in some part of the breech which had been cut almost one month before. The operation is too painful to bear the whole tattooing at one time. They appear to be several years before they are perfectly tattooed.

On my return through the village in company with Mr. Kendall I observed the heads of four chiefs stuck on four poles at one of the huts. I requested Mr. Kendall to accompany me to the hut in order that I might ascertain the cause of the death of these chiefs and from whence they had been brought. On making my inquiries of the people I received the following account:--Some years ago a vessel from Port Jackson called the Venus, which has been already mentioned, touched at the Bay of Islands, from which the crew took a woman belonging to Shunghee's tribe and afterwards landed her at or near the East Cape on the mainland. After Temmarangha had heard of the fate of his sister, who was taken at the same time, he sent spies towards the East Cape to ascertain the particulars and the situation of the people who had killed her. Temmarangha's spies travelled as traders all along the coast. When they returned they brought information of what had become of those two women: one had been killed and eaten on an island and the other on the mainland at a greater distance.

Temmarangha set off to revenge the death of his sister, as already stated, and Shunghee followed when he was ready. 26 They both returned, without meeting, after taking vengeance on the respective people who had committed the above murders. The heads I saw were the heads of four chiefs whom Shunghee had killed in battle. He also brought with him two chiefs as prisoners and many more heads. Mr. Kendall tells me Shunghee was eleven months on his voyage, and returned eight months ago with about 300 prisoners of war which were shared between him and his subordinate chiefs.

I could not but reflect with pain and grief and shame upon the crimes of my countrymen who, by their wanton atrocities, spread war, misery, and death even amongst the poor heathen nations who

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have never done them the smallest injury. What an amazing day that will be when God shall bring to light the hidden things of darkness.

Almost sixteen years now have elapsed since the Venus was pirated at Port Dalrymple, and, in consequence of that piracy and the crimes afterwards committed by the pirates, the heads of the fathers of families and leaders of tribes are this day exhibited in the town of Rangheehoo, and their wives, children, and servants either slain or delivered over to captivity.

Previous to closing this day's observations I accidentally met with Shunghee and Temmarangha. Wishing to know every particular relative to their late expedition towards the East Cape, I requested them to accompany me to Mr. Kendall that I might, with his assistance, examine them very minutely. After a conversation of nearly two hours, I collected the following particulars relative to their expedition and customs:--Temmarangha went mostly to revenge the death of his sister, as already mentioned. He took with him 400 fighting men and, after attaining his object, he returned with a few prisoners of war. He went on his expedition previous to Shunghee, but they never met on any part of the coast.

Shunghee had two objects in view--the one was to revenge the murder of the woman belonging to his tribe who had been taken away by the Venus, as already stated, the other to assist Houpah's party (Te Haupa), 27 a chief at the River Thames, to revenge three murders I which had been committed on their tribe several years before. 28 Houpah had long solicited Shunghee to aid him to punish the tribe who had cut off his people.

Shunghee left the Bay of Islands on the 7th of February, 1818, with his fighting men to join Houpah at the River Thames. When they sailed from the River Thames their forces amounted to 800 men.

On their arrival at the districts where they intended to make war, such of the natives as were able fled into the interior, leaving their habitations. Shunghee says they burnt 500 villages. The inhabitants are very numerous on the coast between the River Thames and the East Cape. Many of them were taken by surprise and had not time to muster, and therefore were compelled to fly for safety to the country as Shunghee advanced. A number of chiefs were killed, either by surprise or in defending their towns and people, and many of their heads brought away by the conquering party. The settlers informed me that about seventy heads arrived at Rangheehoo in one canoe. They also took 2,000 prisoners of war, which they brought back with them as their spoils, consisting of men, women, and children. These prisoners were shared amongst the chiefs and their officers and made slaves of.

I was anxious to know whether or not they eat those slain in battle, and therefore requested Shunghee and Temmarangha to inform me how they acted in the field, when the enemy met them, and also if they eat their enemies when killed. In answer to my request they gave me the following account:--They said that when a chief of the enemy's

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party is killed his body is immediately demanded by the assailants, and, if the party attacked are intimidated, it is immediately delivered up. If the chief is a married man his wife is then called for, and she is also delivered into the hands of the enemy. She is taken along with the dead body of her husband and killed. If she loved her husband she voluntarily resigns herself up and her children, and desires the victors to do to her and her children as they had done to her husband. If the party refuse to give up the chief's wife, they are immediately attacked by the enemy who will not give up the contest till they obtain her, unless overpowered.

When they have got possession of a chief and his wife, after the woman is killed, their bodies are placed in order before the chiefs. The areekee (ariki), or high priest, then calls out to the chiefs to dress him the body of the man for his god. The priestess, who is also an areekee (ariki), then gives the command to the wives of the chiefs to dress the woman for her god. The bodies are then placed on the fires and roasted by the chiefs and their wives, none of the common people being allowed to touch them as they are tabooed.

When the bodies are dressed, the areekees take each a piece of the flesh in a small basket, which they hang upon two sticks stuck into the ground, as food for their god, to whom they are going to offer up their prayers and to consult relative to the present contest in order that their god may partake first of the sacrifices.

While these ceremonies are performing all the chiefs sit in profound silence in a circle round the dead bodies with their faces covered with their hands or mats, as they are not permitted to look on these holy mysteries during the time the areekees are praying and picking small pieces of the flesh from their sacrifices, which they eat at the same time. These consecrated bodies are only to be eaten by the areekees. When all the sacred services are completed, the areekees return the answer of their gods to their prayers and offerings. If their prayers and offerings are accepted the battle is immediately renewed, as was formerly mentioned, and all in common feed upon the after slain. They eat the slain, not so much as an object of food but as a mental gratification and to display publicly to the enemy their bitter revenge.

Wishing to know if the areekees prayed secretly to their gods at the time of performing the above sacred ceremonies, I asked them the question; to which they replied, No, but publicly, and with an audible voice, that all might hear what was prayed for, unless the areekees disapproved of their proceedings. In that case their prayers were not heard.

The New Zealanders are not only afraid of being killed in battle if they enter upon war without the permission of their god, but they are also afraid of spiritual consequences: that they will either afterwards be killed by the anger of their own god or the enemy's. They fully believe that a priest has power to take away their lives by incantation or charm, and attribute many of their deaths to this cause.

I may observe here that I never discovered that the New Zealanders offered up human sacrifices to their gods upon any occasion before Shunghee and Temmarangha made the above statement. I am now satisfied they do perform these cruel rites.

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After we had ended our conversation, I was walking on the beach when I was met by a young woman of a very interesting countenance and address. She asked me to give her a hoe. I inquired who she was and from whence she came. She told me she was a prisoner of war, and had been taken between the East Cape and the River Thames by Shunghee's party and brought to Rangheehoo, and that her aunt's name was Heena (Hine-mati-oro) 29 and a great queen. I have often heard the natives when at Parramatta speak of this woman as possessing a large territory and numerous subjects. Mr. Kendall has occasionally mentioned her in his correspondence with me. This young woman informed me Shunghee attacked their settlement by surprise. She was taken prisoner in the town: her father, mother, and seven sisters escaped into the country. None of them were killed. The cause of the attack being made upon them was that her forefathers had formerly killed three persons belonging to Houpah's tribe at the River Thames and they came to revenge their deaths. This account confirmed what Shunghee had just stated.

While she was stating these circumstances the young man was standing by who had taken her in the attack upon the town, and she was part of his spoil. I observed that when the Active returned I might visit, if I had time, the place she came from. The young man said if she went in the Active he would go too, and would allow her to see the place but not to land as she would run away.

Thursday, September 16th.--In consequence of many of the principal inhabitants of Rangheehoo having never been able to obtain either an axe or a hoe since the settlement was formed, we resolved to make a few presents of these articles as far as our means would allow this morning, and for that purpose we requested the settlers to give us the names of those persons whom they knew to be the most needy and deserving. Our intention was soon known in the village, when the natives in great numbers collected about the public school which at present contains our stores. When the list was completed I went to deliver the presents, assisted by Mr. Francis Hall and Mr. Kendall, the Rev. Mr. Butler being confined to the house by sickness. The crowd was so great that I could not get into the school for some time. I told them I should be obliged to return if they would not make a way for me through the crowd. At length I got in. The schoolyard was as full of men and women calling out for an axe or a hoe as a sheep-pen. When no more natives could get in they got upon the roofs of the school and outhouses. After distributing twenty-three hoes and thirty-seven axes, I was obliged to steal away through a back door, as we had not the means to meet all their urgent wants, in order to avoid the painful importunities of those whom we could not relieve. No hungry beggars ever craved more earnestly for a morsel of bread than those poor needy heathens did for an axe or a hoe. Nothing could exceed the gratification of those who were so fortunate as to obtain one. Though many hundreds of axes and hoes and thousands of tokees have been distributed amongst these distressed people since the formation of the settlement, yet all that

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have been received hitherto is only like a single passing shower falling upon some favoured spot in a barren and thirsty land. Many years must roll away before every native in this country is worth an axe or a hoe, notwithstanding the readiness of the Christian world to contribute to their relief.

Friday, September 17th.--I remained the principal part of this day in the house in order to avoid the importunities of those natives to whom we had not the means of giving an axe or a hoe. It was not possible to walk without being surrounded by them on all sides, some urging their request with savage rudeness and others with pleasing civility. Their universal cry is: "Give me a hoe, axe, or spade." In order to move compassion they will show their hands, and represent how sore their fingers are with scratching out the earth in opening the water furrows through the potato grounds. It is exceeding painful to refuse any of their requests, for their wants are real and their toil and sufferings great, in consequence of their not being able to procure those necessary implements of agriculture. When we consider that all their country produces which they can convert into any kind of tools is wood and shells alone, we cannot wonder at their distress. With stone axes they cut all their timber for making their huts, fencing in their potato grounds, forming their wooden spades and spatulas, and making their canoes. Hence it is totally out of their power to build permanent or even comfortable huts or to make fences, etc., for want of iron. Little can be done in cultivation for the same reason.

I believe there is ten times more land in cultivation at the present time in the districts round the Bay of Islands than there was in 1814, when the missionary settlement was first formed. This improvement in cultivation is wholly owing to the tools of agriculture which have been sent out from time to time by the Church Missionary Society.

The mortality amongst the natives was very great the first winter after the settlement was formed, for want of food. It is gratifying to say there have been for the last two years very few deaths amongst the natives in the above districts, which is to be attributed, under the Divine Providence, to the extensive cultivation, by which means the natives have been more abundantly supplied with provisions. Cultivation and the temporal comforts of the natives will most certainly keep pace with the means afforded for improving the agriculture of the country. Hoes and spades are the tools that will be principally wanted till the country is supplied with cattle and the plough is set to work. Cattle can easily be supplied from New South Wales, and, in a short time, the plough may be employed in cultivation, as the land is generally clear from timber, excepting small brushwood and fern, which can with little trouble be cut down and burnt off.

Saturday, September 18th.--The weather has been very stormy to-day, the wind easterly with heavy rain, so that we were not able to leave the house.

Sunday, September 19th.--In consequence of the wet we had Divine service both morning and evening in Mr. Hall's house.

Monday, September 20th.--This morning the gale abated. We began early to load the punt with boards and scantling for Kiddee Kiddee

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for erecting the house there. We hope to get one or more buildings up this week for the present accommodation of the carpenters, etc. A number of natives arrived at a very early hour from remote districts, some twenty and others fifty miles distant. They were ready to tear us to pieces for hoes and axes. One of them said his heart would burst if he did not get a hoe. We are wearied with their importunities and exceedingly distressed that our means are so small that it is totally out of our power to meet their wants at the present time.

I told many of them this morning that I had written to England for a great number, and, as soon as the ship arrived, they should have some given them. They replied that many of them would be in their graves before the ship could come from England, and the hoes and axes would be of no advantage to them when dead. They wanted them now. They had no tools at present but wooden ones to work their potato grounds with, and requested we would relieve their present distress. It is exceeding difficult, nay, I may add impossible, to convince them by any argument that we have it not in our power to comply with their wishes. It would take 5,000 hoes and axes at the present period to meet the demand, and it is more than probable that when that number is distributed it would take as many more. The natives are so poor at present that they have no means to purchase a hoe or axe if we had them to dispose of, but when we can obtain these tools in sufficient quantities for general culture the produce of their labour will soon furnish the means to procure these necessary articles.

In the evening I walked over to Tippoonah (Te Puna), accompanied by Messrs. Kendall and Hall, to see what progress the natives were making in preparing their potato grounds for planting. We found more than one hundred in the field, men and women, and most of them at work-- some with the hoes and spades they had received from the missionary stores and others with wooden tools. Very considerable portions of land were cleared and broke up in different places and ready for planting since our last visit. Shunghee has built a small village here, on the ground which he is cultivating, for the accommodation of his workpeople. We visited his village. He was gone to Kiddee Kiddee. We found his three wives at home; two of them had been prisoners of war. His head wife, who is blind and has been already mentioned, told us with a smile that Shunghee was not so kind in his attentions to her since he had taken the two new wives, who were present. His head wife has a very fine family of children.

In this village I observed the heads of eleven chiefs stuck up on poles as trophies of victory. On enquiry I learned they were part of those Shunghee brought with him in his last expedition to the southwards. He had cured them all. Their countenances were very natural, excepting their lips and teeth which had all a ghastly grin as if they had been fixed by the last agonies of death. How painful must these exhibitions be to the wives, children, and subjects of these departed chiefs, who are prisoners of war and labouring upon the same spot with these heads in full view! My mind was filled with horror and disgust at the sight of this Golgotha; at the same time I anticipated with pleasing sensations that glorious period when, through the influence of the Gospel,

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the voice of joy and melody would be heard in these habitations of darkness and cruelty, where nothing now reigns but savage joy on one hand and weeping and mourning on the other.

In returning through the potato grounds we met with the chief Racow (Rakau), Duaterra's father-in-law. I wished to visit the sacred grove, which was near, where he died, but, as I understood it was tabooed, I could not presume to enter without permission of the chief. Mr. Kendall spoke to him and told him what I wanted. He came and pointed out the tree where his daughter, Duaterra's wife, hung herself, and showed us the spot where both their bodies were deposited. The sacred spot was enclosed with a fence about three yards square. Here the bodies remained together till the flesh was decayed, when their bones were carefully collected and carried to their respective family sepulchres.

How mysterious are the ways of God! Duaterra once prided himself in the prospect of raising his country to the rank of a civilized nation, and was cut down like a flower in his first attempt to put his benevolent intentions into execution. The ground where he intended the church and European town to stand is now under cultivation, 30 and divided amongst different families by his successors; while about half an acre is reserved as sacred to his memory, where no shrub or tree is suffered to be cut down, and where apparently no foot had trod before ours this evening since the last funeral rites were performed for him and his faithful partner.

In passing through the village of Rangheehoo on our return I stopped to speak to the chief Werrie, and observed the head of a woman upon a sacred ark near the hut. I inquired whose head it was formerly. Werrie said it was the head of his wife's sister; that his wife and her sister had been brought as prisoners of war by Shunghee to Rangheehoo. He obtained them both as his slaves. One of them he took for his wife and the other for his servant. The servant died a natural death. At the time of her death his wife requested to have her sister's head preserved, in order that she might relieve her mind by weeping over it, and it was kept for that purpose. Having never seen anything like the ark when last at New Zealand on which the head was placed, I wished to know the origin and use of it. Mr. Kendall and Werrie informed me that nearly two years ago the caterpillars made great ravages amongst the growing crops of sweet potatoes. The natives conceived this public calamity came upon them by the anger of their god. The inhabitants of Rangheehoo sent to Cowa Cowa (Kawakawa) for a great priest in order that he might, by offering up his prayers and ceremonies, avert from them this heavy judgment. The priest came and stopped several months; he performed his religious rites, and directed every principal cultivator to make an ark for his god, and to deposit in it sacred food for his god to feed upon.

In compliance with this order of the priest this ark and others were made. It is about five feet long, two wide, and eleven and a half inches deep. It is painted and ornamented with carving and various

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figures, and within are placed the sacred provisions. 31 The caterpillars left their potato grounds in a short time, and the natives attributed their departure to the influence of the priest and not to any natural cause; and hence they preserve these sacred arks. Mr. Kendall informed me he had never seen or heard of any custom of this kind before the above.

Thursday, September 23rd.--This morning several chiefs arrived from the River Thames. When they landed they all sat down in solemn silence in one group on the beach. Shortly after the fighting men of Rangheehoo came running in a body from the village, quite naked, like so many furies, with their spears fixed in a threatening posture and making the most horrid noise. They advanced towards the chiefs on the beach as if they were going to make an immediate attack. When they came within a few paces they stopped and performed the war dance, distorting their features in the most frightful manner and making at the same time the most horrid yells. 32 When they had gone through all their martial movements they returned to the village, when the head chief Racow, an old man about eighty, came forward and made a speech to the chiefs. The chiefs had never moved from their place during these transactions.

I inquired what was the meaning of the fighting men coming so furiously out of the village, with their spears fixed, on the arrival of the chiefs from the River Thames. They replied that this was done as a mark of military honour and respect, and the oration of the chief afterwards was to assure them of his cordial friendship. He told them he was glad to see them, and that they had done well to pay him and his people a visit, and that all future hostilities between them and his people should cease.

On my asking why the chiefs on their arrival kept at such a distance, they told me that some time ago a man belonging to a friend of the people at Rangheehoo had been killed by their tribe; that the people of Rangheehoo had gone to revenge his death, and had killed two chiefs and two common men. The chiefs who now arrived were afraid lest the people of Rangheehoo should still retain their resentment against them and would not receive them with proper attention. At length a full explanation took place between them, and mutual confidence was apparently restored. The chiefs from the River Thames admitted that their tribe ought to be punished for the murder of the man they had killed, but contended that the people of Rangheehoo had taken more than ample justice for they had killed four persons belonging to them, which was more than justice required, and that they felt themselves the injured party.

After all matters were arranged, they went into the village to feast with the chief. They afterwards paid us a visit and requested an axe or a hoe, but we could only spare one axe for the head chief and a knife for his son. We were much distressed that we had it not in our power to give them the tools they so much wanted. I promised to visit them when the Active returned if my time would permit.

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Friday, September 24th.--This morning we loaded the punt with sawed timber for the new settlement, when the Rev. Mr. Butler, Mr. Francis Hall, and myself set off in her to Kiddee Kiddee. When we had got about halfway up the river the tide turned, when the boat anchored and Mr. Hall accompanied me on shore. We walked upon the beach towards the settlement with an intention of visiting the natives on the shore.

We observed in one place a deep cavern under the rocks, the mouth of which was neatly hedged up. We looked into this cave and observed a dead body laying on a mat upon the ground with a mat thrown over it. There was also a stage raised about three feet from the ground upon which there appeared some human bones. This was the first sepulchre we had seen where the dead appear to be finally deposited. This sepulchre must belong to some neighbouring tribe.

A short distance from the sepulchre we met with a native village. The inhabitants were overjoyed to see us. They had got some very good hogs running about. We made them a few presents of fish-hooks and passed on to another village about a mile distant. In this were a number of very fine children. They had got a tame cock which was very familiar with the children, sat with them, walked with them, and appeared to live entirely with them without fear. I promised the chief a hen when he came to the settlement. They urged us to give them an axe or a hoe, but we had none with us. Opposite this village, in the middle of the river, is a very large cockle bed which is dry at low water. Upon this bed about a hundred women were busy collecting cockles for food. Here we got a canoe to carry us up to Kiddee Kiddee, where we arrived about five o'clock.

About seven the punt arrived with Mr. Butler. We were much gratified to find that the carpenter had completed one building twenty feet by fifteen where we could be comfortably accommodated for the night. We found the work going on to our satisfaction, and our new settlement begun to put on a civil appearance--sawpits having been dug, timber lying in different directions, and a new European house built. We read a portion of the Scripture, sang a hymn, returned thanks to God for all His mercies in the midst of the wondering natives, and then lay down to rest.

Saturday, September 25th.--This morning we examined more particularly the ground in the neighbourhood, and set the natives to clear and burn off the brushwood, etc., where it is intended the town should stand and gardens be laid out. We had a small spot of land cleared and broken up, in which I planted about a hundred grape vines of different kinds brought from Port Jackson. New Zealand promises to be very favourable to the vine, as far as I can judge at present of the nature of the soil and climate. Should the vine succeed, it will prove of vast importance in this part of the globe. As the grapes blight so much in New South Wales, there is little prospect that New Holland will become a wine country.

Sunday, September 26th.--This day we returned to Rangheehoo and had a very stormy passage with heavy rain. We were about ten hours in the boat and were very wet and cold.

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During the residence of the late Duaterra with me at Parramatta, he often mentioned a river called Shokee Hangha (Hokianga) which empties itself into the sea on the west side of the island, and described it as a very fine river, the land rich, the timber good, and the inhabitants numerous on its banks and neighbourhood. It was my intention when at New Zealand in 1815 to have visited this river, but my leave of absence being limited I had not time to gratify my wish in this respect. On my arrival in August last I learned from Messrs. Kendall and King that they had visited Shokee Hangha about a fortnight before and found that Duaterra's information was correct. 33 I had conversed with several natives of New Zealand at Parramatta relative to the harbour, wishing to know if there was any entrance for a ship. They all were of opinion that no ship could enter, as there was a bar across the harbour mouth upon which the surf broke with such violence as to prevent a vessel getting in. Messrs. Kendall and King had not the means to ascertain this point when they were at the river. I therefore resolved to put my original intention into execution, and to visit Shokee Hangha and to examine the entrance and the harbour to see how far it would be prudent at a future period to make a missionary station upon its banks.

As Mr. William Puckey, 34 whom I had hired in Port Jackson and brought with me to assist in putting up the necessary buildings at the new settlement, had commanded a vessel for several years out of England and was better versed in the knowledge of navigation than any other person at New Zealand, I determined to take him with me to examine the mouth of the river and the harbour, in order that he might ascertain whether or not the entrance was safe for shipping and good anchorage in the river, and requested Mr. Kendall to accompany us as he was acquainted with several chiefs and could speak the native language.

Accordingly on Tuesday (September 28th) we took our passage to Kiddee Kiddee with the Rev. John Butler, Messrs. Francis and William Hall, and the carpenters and labourers who were going to the settlement to forward the buildings, prepare the ground for sowing such seeds and planting such fruit trees as had been brought with us from Port Jackson; where we arrived about one o'clock and immediately proceeded on our tour, accompanied by three chiefs--Shunghee's son, Werree Pork (Whare Poaka) from Rangheehoo, and Rora (Rora or Roraka of Te Roroa) from the River Shokee Hangha--with six natives to carry our baggage and more who accompanied us on their own accord--our whole party of natives amounting to seventeen.

About four miles from Kiddee Kiddee we rested and took some refreshment. Here we met the daughter of Shunghee's brother and her husband with two servants laden with potatoes. They immediately put down their baskets and presented us with a portion for ourselves and another for the servants who attended us, and compelled us to receive them. They were much pleased with meeting us and greeted us with every mark of attention.

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About four o'clock we left our present station. The day had been very fine, but now the clouds began to gather very black and threatened very heavy rain. We had passed over about four miles of very fine land and fit for the plough as soon as the fern and brushwood is cut and burnt. There is not a single tree upon some thousands of acres of good land to the right and left of the path, and in general the ground is very level.

We had not walked more than a mile before we came to a swamp lying upon some rising ground. The swamp was about one mile across and our road directly through it. It was covered very thick with bushes and other aquatic plants, with the water generally from one to three feet deep. The native chiefs proposed to carry us over, but the distance was so great that we should have been more fatigued by being carried than by wading through. We therefore stripped off part of our apparel and waded through.

After we had passed the swamp we came into a very open country, for many miles round, covered with fern. The part through which we walked was gravelly and not very good in general.

The wind increased towards evening and blew strong from the rainy quarter; so that we had the prospect of a very wet night without a single tree to shelter us from the storm, for about eight miles from the swamp we had passed. At this distance was a wood through which our road lay which we were anxious to reach, if possible, in order to shelter ourselves from the wind and rain, under the trees. With this hope we pushed forward and arrived at the edge of the wood about nine o'clock. The rain now began to fall heavily. The natives cut down some branches of fern and boughs of trees and made us a little shed under the trees to shelter us a little from the wind and rain. The blackness of the heavens, the gloomy darkness of the wood, the roaring of the wind amongst the trees, the sound of the falling rain upon the thick foliage, united with the idea that we were literally at the ends of the earth, with relation to our native land, surrounded with cannibals whom we knew had fed on human flesh and wholly in their power, and yet our minds free from fear of danger--all excited in my breast such new, pleasing, and at the same time, various, sensations as I cannot describe.

While I sat musing under the shelter of a lofty pine, my thoughts were lost in wonder and surprise in taking a retrospective view of the wisdom and goodness of God's providential care, which had attended all my steps to that very hour. If busy imagination inquired what I did there, I had not an answer to seek in wild conjecture. I felt with gratitude that I had not come by chance, but had been sent to prepare the way of the Lord in this dreary wilderness where the voice of joy and gladness had never been heard; and I anticipated with joyful hope the period when the Day-star from on high would dawn upon this dark and heathen land and cause the very earth on which we then reposed to bring forth its increase, when God Himself would give the poor inhabitants His blessing. After reflecting upon the different ideas which crowded themselves upon the mind, I wrapt myself up in my greatcoat and lay down to sleep.

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Wednesday, September 29th.--Arose this morning at the dawn of day. The natives immediately kindled their fires and prepared for breakfast, which was no sooner over than we prepared for our journey. After walking through the wood for about a mile, through a very difficult and bad path, partly from the heavy rain and partly from the roots of the trees which cover the road, we came once more into an open country. The rain fell very heavily. After walking about six miles we arrived at the edge of another wood through which we had to pass. Before we entered the wood the rays of the sun, from under the edges of a cloud, gilded the side of a distant hill. A New Zealander who was walking by me called my attention to the spot where the sun shone and asked me if I saw it. I answered in the affirmative; he replied, "That is the whydua (wairua) or spirit of Shunghee's father."

The chiefs of New Zealand are full of pride, and many of them assume to themselves the attributes of the Deity while living and are called gods by their people. The natives will occasionally call Shunghee a god when he approaches them, in the following terms: "Hairemi, hairemi, Atua! "--Come hither, come hither, thou God! 35 These Divine honours being paid to the chiefs fill their minds with the most proud and profane notions of their own dignity and consequence. When they die their posterity deify their departed spirits and offer up their prayers to them. The above New Zealander compared the departed spirit of Shunghee's father to the glory of the sun, which evidently showed what veneration they paid to the manes of their ancestors and what dominion the Prince of this World hath obtained over their minds. The observations of the native furnished my mind with serious reflections on the miserable state of these poor heathens.

As we walked along through this dreary wood the whole road was the worst I had ever walked over. The roots of the trees entwined themselves over the whole path which made it painful to travel upon-- as if we had to walk upon bars of round iron. We were several hours before we got through.

Within about a mile of one of the branches of the Shokee Hangha river, the wood rises to a very high summit from which there is an extensive view of the river and the western shore. On the left hand of the hill a large plain appears covered with pine and various timber. The tops of the trees below are like a level sea as far as the eye could reach, but our prospect was in some degree obstructed by the heavy clouds and rain which fell in torrents; at the same time it thundered aloud.

The descent from the hill into the river is very difficult from its exceeding steepness. When we arrived upon the banks we had this branch to wade through several times before we reached the first village, Ko Raka (Oraka). 36 As soon as the inhabitants discovered us, they invited us to visit them and, as a signal of welcome, immediately fired a musket; which was returned by one of the chiefs who accompanied us. Our guide directed us to proceed first and the natives to follow us,

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The chiefs were seated upon the ground. The old chief, Warree Maddoo (Te Wharemaru), I had seen at the Bay of Islands when I was there the first time, and had made him some small present. His son Matanghee (Matangi) and his son-in-law Te-Tau-Nuee (Te Taonui) I was not acquainted with.

Their first inquiry was to know what was the object of our visit. We informed them that we had a desire to see the river Shokee Hangha and to examine the mouth of the harbour to see if a ship could come in with safety, and at the same time to visit the chiefs and see the different inhabitants. Warree Maddoo and Te-Tau-Nuee were very much pleased, and expressed their earnest wish that a ship might visit their river and some Europeans come to reside with them to learn them agriculture and to make good roads.

Matanghee, who has now the supreme authority, his father being a very old man apparently eighty years old, told us we had better go no further at present. We wished to know his reason. He said there was a serious difference between him and a neighbouring chief named Moodee Why (Muriwai) and that Moodee Why had speared a young man in the thigh the preceding day, who was lying upon the ground, and showed us where the spear had entered. He stated that the following was the cause of their quarrel:--Their lands lay contiguous. Moodee Why's slaves had carried away part of Matanghee's fence for firewood, in consequence of which Moodee Why's pigs had got into Matanghee's sweet potato grounds, and he had shot several of them. Moodee Why in retaliation had shot some of his pigs. They had met the preceding day to settle the difference, when the young man mentioned above was speared. We replied we had nothing to do with their quarrels and should proceed on our journey.

When they found we were resolved to visit the river they insisted we should not leave them for two nights. To this demand we agreed, as we were very wet and weary, having been travelling through bad roads from an early hour till about four o'clock in the evening. The chief accommodated us with the best hut he had and our people with another. He also gave us an hog and plenty of common and sweet potatoes. I presented the chief with an axe and a few trifles with which he was much gratified. We spent the evening in conversing on various subjects, such as agriculture, commerce, and religion.

Te-Tau-Nuee is a very well informed man. He appeared to have lost no opportunities of gaining instruction, was very anxious for some European to reside with them, and hoped we would consider them at some future period and send a missionary to them.

Matanghee, though very kind to us, seemed deeply involved in thought and uneasy in his mind from what had taken place between Moodee Why and him.

Before we retired to rest we read a portion of Scripture, sang an hymn, and committed ourselves to the protection of Him Who keepeth Israel.

Thursday, September 30th.--Early this morning a chief arrived to inform Matanghee how Moodee Why was affected towards him and his people, and how they were resolved to act. We now learned that Moodee Why had been speared in the arm, but the wound was slight.

[Inserted unpaginated map]

THE BAY OF ISLANDS AND HOKIANGA RIVER.
To illustrate Marsden's journeys of 1819 and 1823.
N. G. BUCHANAN

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Soon after this messenger had given his information, several chiefs arrived on the same business. One of them began to make an oration, while all the other chiefs sat on the ground in profound silence. He spake with great force. His action was warlike and graceful, and his weapon of war, which he brandished in his hand, added emphasis to every expression and gesture. He exhorted Matanghee to act with courage and firmness and to vindicate his own and his tribe's rights. He stated that he was a friend to both parties and, as one had been wounded on both sides, he recommended the difference should be settled as amicably as they could, consistent with their rights.

After this chief had ended his address another principal man belonging to the village started up, and taking a long spear in his hand began to state all the particulars of the present difference. He spake with great feeling, stamped with his foot at every turn and brandished his spear, while warlike indignation fired his countenance. The whole of his manner and dress reminded me of what I had read of the chiefs of the ancient Britons. I am of opinion the New Zealand chief resembles very much the character of our ancestors.

Shortly after this chief had ended his speech they all, in a moment, threw off their mats, girt up their loins with their war belts, took their muskets, spears, and pattoo-pattoos, and left us in the village with old Warree Maddoo and his son-in-law, and ran off towards Moodee Why's.

In about three hours the hostile party returned. We then learned that the cause of their sudden departure was in consequence of hearing that Moodee Why had been killing their pigs, and that Matanghee had gone with his party to ascertain the truth of the report. They appeared very indignant at the conduct of Moodee Why and threatened to punish him.

In the evening old Warree Maddoo threw off his mat, took his spear, and began to address his tribe and the chiefs. He made strong appeals to them against the injustice and ingratitude of Moodee Why's conduct towards them. He recited many injuries which he and his tribe had suffered from Moodee Why for a long period: mentioned instances of his bad conduct at the time his father's bones were removed from the ahoodoo pa (uru pa) to their family vault. He also stated acts of kindness which he had shown to Moodee Why at different times, and said he had twice saved his tribe from total ruin. In the present instance Moodee Why had killed three of his hogs--one of them was very large and fat, being two years old. Every time he mentioned the large hog the recollection of his loss seemed to nerve afresh his aged sinews: he shook his hoary beard, stampt with indignant rage, and poised his quivering spear. He exhorted his tribe to be bold and courageous, and declared that he would head them in the morning against the enemy, and before he would submit he would be killed and eaten. All they wanted was firmness and courage: he knew well the enemies they had to meet, their hearts did not lie deep, and if they were resolutely opposed they would yield. His oration continued nearly an hour: all listened to him with great attention.

When he sat down I requested Mr. Kendall to tell him that I was very anxious for a reconciliation to take place between Matanghee and Moodee Why, and proposed to give each of them an adze on

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condition of peace being made between them. In reply Matanghee said his young man had been severely wounded and Moodee Why only slightly. If Moodee Why had been equally wounded he would have come to terms of peace. However, we still urged our request for peace.

In the meantime the chief Werree Pork (Whare Poaka) had been to visit some of Moodee Why's people, and brought us a message from Moodee Why saying that he could not visit us at Matanghee's but wished to see us at his village in the morning. We therefore informed Matanghee that we should proceed to Moodee Why's in the morning, as we had nothing to do with their differences but were friends to both parties, and wished as far as we could to reconcile them. Matanghee said he and Moodee Why were to meet in the morning and we might go with them. If they could not settle their differences without fighting, no injury would happen to us as they would direct us how we were to act. After this conversation we retired to rest.

Friday, October ist.--Very early this morning old Warree Maddoo appeared fully armed for battle. His long beard was painted with red ochre to show that his mind was thirsting for blood. His loins were girt with a broad war belt in which he carried his pattoo, and his spear was in his hand. In a few moments Matanghee and all his tribe and friends were ready, some armed with muskets, others with spears, pattoos, and other warlike weapons.

With this feudal clan we marched from Koraka towards Moodee Why's village, which was situated about four miles distant. We were joined on the road by numbers of men, women, and children, and some chiefs, amongst whom was the brother of Moodee Why, which induced us to hope that matters would be accommodated. One chief spake to me and Mr. Kendall and requested us to make peace, or, in their own language, "to make Matanghee and Moodee Why both alike inside." This observation struck me as very strong and worthy of being recorded.

When we reached a field about a quarter of a mile from Moodee Why's village (Utakura), the fighting men stopped and arranged the plan of their future operations. As soon as this was settled all marched forward till we came near Moodee Why's residence, our party being on one side of the river that runs through the village and Moodee Why's on the other. Moodee Why's was ready to meet them. After some parley across the river, our party discharged all their muskets and saluted Moodee Why. They then performed the war dance, and returned into the ground where the young man and Moodee Why had been wounded. Moodee Why and his men marched five abreast, all naked and armed, with him by their side. Mrs. Moodee Why marched in front with a long spear in her hand, and her daughter in the rear waving a white mat as a flag.

There appeared 300 of Moodee Why's tribe in this body. Their spears were very long--more than twenty feet. The men marched in a very close body, and Moodee Why, with a long spear, regulated their movements. When they came opposite to Matanghee's party Moodee Why and some of his men plunged into the river. Matanghee's party made a sham opposition to their landing, and the whole scene closed with savage shouting and dancing. Old Warree Maddoo led on

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Matanghee's party. When the public confusion was a little over, Moodee Why and the hoary warrior rubbed noses as a token of reconciliation, but Matanghee refused this salutation and appeared sullen.

No sooner were matters adjusted than old Warree Maddoo with his slaves began to burn and destroy the fence of the enclosure belonging to Moodee Why, in which we were assembled. Moodee Why took no notice. I asked Mr. Kendall if he knew the reason why they destroyed Moodee Why's fence and burnt it before his face. He told me it was a satisfaction required for the fence, which Moodee Why's slaves had destroyed in the first instance, and that the New Zealanders, if they make peace, always demand satisfaction as an invariable condition-- life for life, wound for wound, property for property.

We now accompanied Moodee Why to his village called Hoota Koora (Utakura). 37 It is very populous, and situated in a rich valley. A branch of the Shokee Hangha, navigable for large canoes, runs through it. Moodee Why received us with great kindness and hospitality, and gave us an hog and abundance of sweet and common potatoes for ourselves and our attendants. The place was all bustle and confusion. Nothing was to be seen, in all directions, but weapons of war. Several chiefs from other districts were assembled on account of the difference between Moodee Why and Matanghee, who were all eager to gain information of our object in coming to Shokee Hangha, and were much gratified when we told them, as they hoped at some period to see a ship in their river.

In about half an hour after our arrival, while talking with Moodee Why and his friend, a sudden noise and tumult started up in the village on the opposite side of the river. All flew to their arms, threw off their mats and rushed like furies into the river in a moment, and Moodee Why amongst them, leaving us without taking time to tell us the cause. There was nothing to be seen or heard but noise and spears. We inquired the reason, and were told that a married woman had been acting improperly. The natives continued tearing and pulling one another about the hair of the head for about an hour, and some got a few blows.

After this business was settled a chief came to salute me with his bloody nose, having got part of the skin knocked off in the bustle. I laughed at him presenting his bloody nose for me to rub with mine, and pointed to the wound he had received; he smiled and said it was New Zealand fashion.

When Moodee Why returned we asked him if the woman had been guilty of adultery; he replied, No, but she had been seen playing wantonly with another man.

We spent the afternoon very pleasantly in conversing upon various important subjects, such as the education of their children, the advantages of commerce and agriculture, and the richness of the soil around their village. The number of children in this village is great, and of a proper age to be taught the English language. Moodee Why was very urgent for a missionary to reside with him, and begged we would send him one soon, as he would be of no use to him if he came after his death.

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I never saw a finer race of men than in this village, nor finer children. Hoota Koora would be an important missionary station, as an easy communication could be had with all the inhabitants upon the banks of the river of Shokee Hangha for forty miles.

After the noise of the day was over we read a chapter, praised God, and committed ourselves to His gracious keeping.

Saturday, October 2nd.--This morning we requested Moodee Why to accommodate us with a canoe to visit the different chiefs on the banks of the river; this he readily granted and said he would accompany us. He, his wife, daughter, and two small children, with some of his slaves were immediately ready to embark in his war canoe, which measured sixty-three feet and was very safe and commodious for ourselves and servants. At the top of the tide, about seven o'clock in the morning, we left Hoota Koora. On the eve of our departure a priest performed certain religious ceremonies, praying for our success and that we might accomplish the object of our visit. The war canoe, with the tide and more than twenty natives to paddle, went swiftly down the stream.

About ten miles from the village, in the middle of the river, is a small island 38 of little more than half an acre. This island is formed by the meeting at a certain point of the tide from two rivers--the main river Shokee Hangha, and a river that falls into it on the north-east side. On this island stands a little village full of inhabitants. The chief is a very old man. We stopped to speak to him. He appeared to have his children and his children's children around him. He was much pleased to see us. I presented him with a plane-iron. He would not let us leave the shore till he had presented us with about 300lbs. of potatoes for the present he had received. It is more than probable he esteemed the plane-iron the greatest present he had ever received. I was anxious to reach the heads of the river as soon as possible, as the weather was now fine, and therefore left the venerable chief.

When we had gone about three miles further we came opposite to a village called We-te-wha-hetee (Te Whaiti) 39 situated upon an hill. As soon as the people saw us they waved a mat as a flag, and called aloud for us to visit them. The fighting men came running down with muskets, spears, etc. They fired their muskets and danced the war dance in order to pay us military honours, according to their custom. We stopped to speak to them; we told them we could not visit them on our way down the river, but promised when we returned to spend a night with them. I gave the chief a plane-iron, and we passed on.

About four o'clock we got within a mile of our journey's end. Our servants were hungry and tired and wished to go on shore to cook some provisions. We therefore landed near the residence of the chief who had accompanied us from Rangheehoo. He immediately caught an hog and, having killed it, our servants dressed it for themselves in a short time. While we were having some refreshment the inhabitants of the village nearest the Heads, called Weedeea (Wiria), had observed us, and immediately a great priest named Ta-man-hena (Te Manene), who is priest of the Heads of Shokee Hangha and supposed to have

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absolute command of the winds and waves, came to visit us and to invite us into the village to the chief Mowenna (Mauwhena) who is the head chief of the river. When we had dined we proceeded to the village, where we were cordially received by the joyful inhabitants. Mowenna had heard of our coming to see him and had prepared a good shed for us.

We spent the evening in conversation with the priest and the chiefs upon the works of creation, the being and attributes of God, on the institution of the Sabbath Day, and the resurrection of the dead. The priest was a very sensible man as far as the law of nature could direct him. He spake of having communication with atua of New Zealand, that he answered him when he prayed unto him. I told him that I had never heard the atua of New Zealand, nor could I believe he had, unless I could hear him myself, and I wished him to pray while I was with him that I might hear him. He replied that when he came to see me at Rangheehoo I should hear him. He believed all the New Zealand chiefs went to a place of happiness when they died.

The power of their chiefs, the rites and ceremonies of their religion, and the glory of war are the grand subjects of their conversation. Their memories are very strong, and they show a great anxiety to increase their knowledge. They are very great and enterprising travellers in their own country: many of them are absent on their journeys ten and twelve months at a time. We learned from them a more particular account of a river called Why-coto (Waikato) about the centre of the island where the great body of the inhabitants appear to reside. They describe them as innumerable.

The chiefs and priest wished to know what our business was. We informed them our first object was to examine the mouth of the harbour to see if any vessel could get in. They asked us if we had mentioned our coming to Shunghee, for they feared the chiefs on the east side would not be pleased if any ship should visit them. I told them; I had acquainted Shunghee with our intention, and he had sent his son to show us the way. They were much pleased at this information and remarked that, as we had come of our own accord, without invitation, the chiefs had no ground to be offended with them.

The priest then stated the situation of the entrance of the river, and described the rocks on each side, and a sandbank on the right hand out at sea, as one got out of the mouth of the river. He stated how many fathoms of water there were on the bank and in the channel, and said that he would accompany us in the morning to examine the entrance and sound the depth of water. We told him that we could not go in the morning, for to-morrow was sacred--a day appointed for us to pray to our God; but the morning after we should wish him to go with us if the weather would permit. He said he was priest of the winds and waves and would command them to be still.

After talking upon various subjects till a late hour, we sang an hymn as usual and thanked our God for the blessings we enjoyed in an heathen land, and then lay down to rest. Our place was very full of natives who remained with us all night, and the priest never left us for an hour, night or day, till we arrived at Rangheehoo.

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Sunday, October 3rd.--Being the Sabbath, after breakfast I read the church service and made a few observations on the eleventh chapter of the Epistle to the Romans. The chiefs and their people behaved with great propriety. The head chief ordered all the children away lest they should disturb us. Great numbers of men and women crowded round our shed.

The priest said he wished to learn to pray as we did, but he did not understand the reason why we prayed to our God when we appeared not to want his assistance. He said he never prayed but at those times when he wanted the aid of the atua. We endeavoured to explain to him that our God made everything, that He was always present with us and continually took care of us, and heard and saw all that we did or said. The chief wished that an European would come to teach them, and said he would give him a farm and that he should live near him.

Mowenna and his people live in a rich and fertile valley. Here are a great number of fine children, and a very important station might be established in this valley for missionaries; and I cannot doubt but they would be kindly received. We had much conversation on this subject with the priest and Mowenna, who appeared a very mild man.

After dinner, in order to relieve ourselves from the pressure of the people, we took a walk upon the beach. The natives followed us in crowds. We desired them to return as we wished to be more alone. They immediately complied with our request. We returned in a few hours and spent the evening in useful conversation.

Monday, October 4th.--We rose early this morning with an intention to examine the entrance into the river. It blew very fresh. The priest said we should have his war canoe, and he would accompany us and prevent the winds and waves from rising. As soon as breakfast was over, the priest, Mr. William Puckey, and a very fine crew of native young men launched the canoe, and we set off for the Heads which were about four miles distant. Ta-man-hena told me not to be afraid; he would not allow the winds and waves to rise. There are two large rocks at the Heads in which the gods of the sea reside, according to the opinion of the priest and the inhabitants on the banks of the river. The priest said he would command the gods to be still and not to disturb the sea till we had made our examination and sounded the shoal and channel.

We were no sooner in the canoe than the priest began to exert all his powers to still the gods, the winds, and waves. He spake in an angry, commanding tone; however, I did not perceive either the winds or waves to yield to his authority, and when we reached the Heads I requested to go on shore, as the water was rough, till the priest and Mr. Puckey went out to sea to sound the sandbank. I landed near a sacred rock, and had one chief with me who expressed great alarm lest I should tread on the consecrated ground, and said the god would kill him if he suffered me to do so; and he frequently laid hold of me in great agitation when he thought I approached too near. I was obliged to take advantage of every retiring wave and run on the beach till I had passed the residence of this imaginary deity.

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After Mr. Puckey had taken the necessary bearings and soundings, I returned again to the village and prepared for leaving our hospitable chief, who had supplied us and our followers with the greatest abundance of potatoes and such provisions as he had. About seven o'clock the chief, his brother, and many of the people with the priest, were determined to accompany us in our visit to the other chiefs till we finally left the river. The canoes were immediately got ready, and we set off for the next village called Weedenakke (Whirinaki), about eighteen or twenty miles distant, where we arrived about twelve o'clock that evening.

When we landed I felt very cold, having sat in the canoe for about five hours. One of the chiefs of Weedenakke was waiting to receive us. This village is situated, literally, in a very dark corner of the earth behind some lofty hills which are mentioned by Captain Cook. 40 It stands at the head of a large salt-water creek which runs up from the main river for about ten miles, and is there met by a very beautiful fresh-water stream which comes down from the neighbouring hills and passes through an extensive valley of rich land.

When we arrived there were very few inhabitants in this village. The chief informed us that the body of his people were living in the valley with the head chief, preparing their grounds for planting their sweet potatoes, and that we should visit them in the morning. He then conducted us into a very close hut, where we were to remain till the return of day. The entrance was just sufficient for a man to creep into. Being very cold we were glad to occupy such a warm berth. I judged the hut to be about eight feet wide and twelve long, with a fire in the centre, and no vent either for the smoke or heat. The chiefs who were with us threw off their mats and lay down close together in a state of perfect nudity.

I had not been many minutes in this oven before I experienced the heat and smoke--above, below, and on every side--to be insufferable. The heat under the roof of the hut was excessive. Though the night was cold, Mr. Kendall and myself were compelled to quit our habitation. I crept out of the hut and walked in the village to see if I could meet with a shed that would keep me from the damp air till the return of day. I found one empty, into which I entered.

I had not been long under my present cover before I observed a chief who had come with us from the last village come out of the hut I had left, perfectly naked. The moon shone very bright. I saw him run from hut to hut till at length he found me under my shed and urged me to return. I told him I could not bear the heat, and requested him to allow me to remain where I was. At length he consented with reluctance. I was surprised to see how little effect either heat or cold seemed

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to have upon him. He had come out of the heat smoking like an hot loaf drawn from the oven, walked about till he found me, and then sat down to converse for some time, without any clothing, though the night was cold. Mr. Kendall remained sitting under his mat in the open air till morning.

Tuesday, October 5th.--As soon as the day dawned we heard the distant sound of native music through the woods, and in a short time observed men, women, and children peeping through the trees--most of the men armed with spears. Many of them slowly advanced towards us as we were preparing to proceed to the village where the head chief resided.

At the moment we were ready to walk, a messenger arrived to say that we were to remain at our present station for further orders as the chief and his people were not quite ready to receive us. This information was not very welcome: as we had had no rest all night we wished to get to our journey's end. At length another messenger came to inform us they were ready. We then proceeded. Our party now consisted of about 100 persons.

When we came within about a quarter of a mile of the chief's residence, the natives began to salute us with the discharge of muskets, and continued to fire till we came up to the head chief, who was seated with his subordinate chiefs at the entrance of a very commodious shed which had been expressly prepared for us. A chief who had attended us where we spent the night walked before us and introduced us to the head chief.

This village is situated in a very rich and extensive valley, which rang with the welcome salutations of the inhabitants. The chiefs expressed their joy at our visit. After breakfast I walked with them through their cultivated grounds. The land is very good and produces great crops of common and sweet potatoes. A fine stream of fresh water runs through the village. Here we found a greater population than in any other part we had visited--one hundred children of a proper age might be taken at once into a school. They have also plenty of provisions, and their land is fit for all the purposes of agriculture or gardening. Many hundreds of acres of land are here that would repay the labours of the husbandman.

I walked to the head of the valley and followed the stream of fresh water, which descends from the hills, till I met with a fine situation for a water-mill where the natural fall appeared to be not less than twenty feet, which, at a future period, may be of infinite service in grinding grain when the growing of corn is generally introduced amongst the inhabitants. The inhabitants of this valley appeared to live in peace and plenty, and quietly to enjoy the fruits of their industry. Whether their security depended upon the strength of their tribe or their secluded situation I cannot say. The chief presented us with two large fat hogs, each about 200lbs. weight, one of which we had killed for ourselves and people, and also many hundredweight of potatoes.

There was nothing but feasting and rejoicing all that and the following day 111 we took our departure. There were more than 200 baskets of potatoes dressed at one time. I had never seen such heaps

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of sweet and common potatoes before. A certain number of baskets were dressed for every chief, his friends, and his servants; and every party sits in a circle round their provisions, by themselves, when they eat.

After feasting, dancing, and conversing all day, in the evening, before they retired to rest, the cooks heated their ovens in the ground in which they put pork, potatoes, and greens, all in heaps, in large quantities sufficient for 200 or 300 persons, and covered them up, leaving them till morning to roast.

At the early dawn (Wednesday, October 6th) the New Zealanders were up. The cooks opened their ovens and served all their separate portions.

The chief of this tribe appeared a very mild man. He expressed an ardent desire for some Europeans to reside with him to instruct his people. He offered each of us a farm all ready for planting. We thanked him for his kindness, but told him that it was of no use for us to accept as we could not attend to their cultivation. This valley would be an excellent station for missionaries from its population, the richness of the soil, and from its apparent tranquility. It enjoys many advantages as a missionary post which time will not allow me to point out at present. While we remained here we had long conversations upon the advantages of education, agriculture, commerce, navigation, etc.

The chiefs are in general very sensible men and wish for information upon all subjects. They are accustomed to public discussions from their infancy. The chiefs take their children from their mother's breast to all their public assemblies, where they hear all that is said upon politics, religion, war, etc., by the oldest men. Children will frequently ask questions in public conversation and are answered by the chiefs. I have often been surprised to see the sons of the chiefs at the age of four or five years sitting amongst the chiefs and paying close attention to what was said. The children never appear under any embarrassment when they address a stranger whom they never saw. In every village the children, as soon as they learned any of our names, came up to us and spake to us with the greatest familiarity.

At the age of eight or ten years, they appear to be initiated into all the customs and manners of their ancestors by being the constant companions of their fathers, and attending them in all their public councils and in the field of military glory. In this village the number of children is very great and ready for instruction.

While we remained in this village we found much pleasure in the conversation of the priest of the Heads of Shokee Hangha. I, on one occasion, asked him if the winds and waves would not take advantage of his absence and do much injury to the Heads of the river. He replied he should prevent them by his prayers till he returned. I observed he was so great a man that some of the chiefs would wish him dead in order that they might succeed to his dignity. He then pointed to his son who was sitting by him, and said that he was preparing him for the sacred office, and that he was to succeed him in the command over the winds and waves.

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Thursday, October 7th.--After breakfast this morning we intended to take our departure, but the chief wished to detain us till the middle of the day in order that he might give another great feast. About eight o'clock numbers of slaves arrived laden with potatoes and some large snappers just caught. They were preceded by a company dancing and shouting. As soon as they had laid down their baskets, all the cooks went to work immediately, and as soon as the potatoes were dressed each party sat down to their portion. When the feast was ended a musket was fired; all the fighting men flew to their arms in a moment, some armed with muskets, others with spears, clubs, etc., and entertained us with a sham-fight and war dance which closed the scene.

We now packed up our baggage and walked about a mile to our canoes, where we were to embark, attended by more than 200 natives. In our large canoe we estimated the pork and potatoes with which the chiefs of the former villages and this had laden us at more than three tons. Besides our provisions and baggage we had thirty-six persons. We took our leave of this friendly chief and his people about one o'clock, thanking him for his attentions and expressing our highest approbation of the conduct of his people while we remained with them, which much gratified him.

We now proceeded to the village on the banks of the main river, called We-te-wha-hetee (Te Whaiti), which was distant about twenty miles, where we had promised to spend a night on our return. We arrived about six o'clock in the evening. Tarawheka (Taraweka), the chief, had built a neat shed for us ten feet wide by twenty-four feet long; it was very clean and neat. He had built also a convenient place for the sake of decency in a retired situation, sufficient for the accommodation of at least ten persons, about forty yards from our shed, and had made a clean walk to it. He received us with great kindness. I went with him to the summit of the hill where his castle or hip pah is situated; his village is built on the lowest side. From the top of the hill there is a very extensive prospect of the river Shokee Hangha and the surrounding country.

As we passed along I observed a chief's wife making loud lamentations and mourning. On inquiring the cause of her deep distress, they informed me that since our passing down the river she had lost her two sons, and one child belonging to the village with them. The children had been sent to gather cockles in a canoe on a sandbank in the river, which is dry at low water. The wind rose on the flow of the tide and carried away the canoe, leaving the children upon the bank: when the tide rose it swept them all away. She added that her husband was also lately dead. She was a young woman. Her mother was sitting beside her mourning and weeping with her. They had cut themselves after their manner for their dead. I felt for her affliction and would gladly have relieved her distress. I had nothing to give her but a few fish-hooks and my pocket knife, with which I presented her and which she thankfully received.

This chief, like the rest, presented us with large quantities of potatoes, giving a certain number of baskets to us, and then to the chiefs and their servants and also to our party of common people, with a good hog. Tarawheka is a very stout man and very modest, with little of the

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appearance of a savage about him. His people also were well behaved. We told him we wished to visit the river Poonakketerre (Punakitere) but the crew of our canoe were very tired and were not able, without a day's rest, to go with us. He offered his services, and said he would supply us with a crew in the morning and accompany us himself. We thankfully accepted his kind offer.

We spent the evening as usual in conversing upon various subjects and in gaining all the information we could relative to the rivers in New Zealand, the number of inhabitants upon their banks, upon what they lived, and the mode of communication which they had with distant parts of the island. We could seldom ask them a question but before they answered it they would inquire our reason for asking. If we asked how far any mountain or river was off, they would say, "What do you want to know for?" "Are you going there?" When we had satisfied them they would give us every information we required. When we had conversed till late in the evening we performed our evening service of prayer and praise, and then lay down to rest.

Friday, October 8th.--This morning we prepared early to visit, according to our intention, some villages on the banks of a river called Poonakketerre (Punakitere) lying on the south side of Shokee Hangha, in two canoes, accompanied by about fifty persons. As we went up the river we saw several villages which we had not time to visit. The inhabitants fired their muskets and hailed us as we passed. Our wish was to go as far up the river as we could, with a strong tide in our favour, so as to return in the evening. The river is very beautiful, and will be very convenient for the navigation of small vessels should this country ever become a commercial nation.

About one o'clock we came to two villages situated near to each other upon the high bank on the south side of the river, one of these villages being under the authority of an old woman--a chief's wife-- the chief being dead. Many of these people had never seen a white person. They received us with a war dance, and presented us with several baskets of potatoes which were immediately dressed. While the cooks were doing their duty, we walked into the villages and conversed with the people and made the principals presents of a few fish hooks. One of these villages is called Otaheite (Otahiti); Ranghee Wakka-Takka (Rangi-whakataka) is the name of the other. These villages stand at the head of a most beautiful valley into which a small creek, navigable for canoes, runs from the river. In this valley we observed several small villages and a large portion of land cultivated with potatoes. In this part there is a large quantity of good land that never has been in cultivation and which would make a beautiful settlement. There appeared a great number of people here in this very retired nook. As I passed along the village I observed a young man lying and a chief tattooing or carving his breech. The operation appears to be painful: he cut deep every stroke and continually wiped away the flowing blood. This is a very barbarous custom.

After remaining a few hours we left these villages with the return of the tide. An old chief with a very long beard and his face tattooed all over had accompanied us from where we slept last night. He wanted

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an axe very much. At last he said if we would give him an axe he would give us his head. Nothing is held in so much veneration by the natives as the head of their chief. I asked him who should have the axe when I had got his head. He replied I might give it to his son. At length he said, "Perhaps you will trust me a little time, and when I die you shall have my head." I promised him he should have an axe, and he gave me two mats in order to secure one. I told him I had not one left--they were all at Rangheehoo. He said he would send a man for it, which he did, when we finally left the river. We hastened back as fast as possible and arrived at our lodgings at about eight o'clock, having gone by estimation little less than forty miles by water. The war canoes go at a great pace when well manned.

We told the chief Tarawheka that we must leave him in the morning. He provided us with his presents of potatoes and two hogs to take with us. The priest of the Heads was our constant companion. As he was so well informed upon all subjects relative to his country and religion, I wished to learn from him who was the first man at New Zealand. He answered that the first man who visited New Zealand, from whence all originated, was Mowhee (Maui); that he had left his own country with his followers on account of public troubles, and was afterwards conducted by the god of thunder to Showrakkee (Hauraki) or what we call the river Thames. He said that Taurekke (Tawhaki), the god of thunder, sat at the head of his canoe and brought him safe to land. His name is held in great veneration and he is worshipped as a deity.

For several miles on the south-west side of the river the beach is covered with round stones of various descriptions, from one to six feet in diameter. I asked the priest whence they came, as I had seen nothing like them in any part. He said Mowhee dug them out of the bed of the river at the time he made the channel. They attribute to Mowhee many of the natural productions in the island. We conversed with them on the motion of the earth, the relative situation of other countries to their own, the number of moons a ship would be sailing to different parts, what countries produced iron, coal, wheat, wine, spirits, tea, sugar, rice; etc., and what articles their own country was capable of producing when once they had means to grow them, and all these subjects gratified them very much. During the conversation they often made many judicious observations, expressing their ardent desire that they might only be able to try what their country would do. We closed the day with reading a portion of Scripture, singing a hymn, and prayer.

At daybreak this morning (Saturday, October 9th) we heard the lamentations of the poor widow on the summit of the hill, weeping for her children. Her affliction of mind was very heavy. She was left wholly to the feelings of nature, which appeared to be intolerable. The consolations of religion could not pour the oil of joy into her wounded spirit. She knew not God, and evidently had no refuge to fly to for relief. In the fullest sense of the Apostle's meaning she was "without hope and without God in the world." Her situation will apply to the whole of her countrymen when under any affliction. I am informed they will sit for months, night and day, mourning in a similar manner for the loss of their dearest relations.

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What infinite blessings Divine revelation communicates to the whole body of a nation who are favoured with it, can never be estimated. The knowledge of the only true God spreads its genial influences to the king on the throne and through all the different ranks of his subjects, down to the condemned felon in his cell. The wickedness of men, however great, in a Christian country, cannot prevent Divine revelation from imparting its common blessings to them, any more than the barren soil can prevent the sun from imparting its genial rays. I have been accustomed to attend for more than twenty years condemned criminals, and I never met with an instance, however great the guilt of the felon might be, but his mind was relieved from the common knowledge of God when under the prospect of a speedy execution. He would plead God was merciful and upon that attribute he built his hope, and that hope would support his mind, more or less, till he was launched into eternity.

In a Christian country, to whom do ungodly persons in the day of trouble fly for relief, when they are deprived of their children or friends by death, but to the wisdom and righteous government of God, and console their minds with the hope that their dearest connections are in a better world, and whatever the living have lost the dead have gained? But the widow and the fatherless in a heathen country have none of those sources of consolation. Their wounds are only healed by the hand of time, and if this fails their last resource is suicide, which is common amongst the New Zealanders. The knowledge of the true God, Who made and still governs the world, is the only remedy that can relieve the immortal mind in this respect. Though no comparison can be drawn in a moral point of view between the better part of society in New Zealand and the worst in a civilized Christian country, yet the latter have greatly the advantage in this world over the former, inasmuch as they derive consolation in the day of trouble from Divine revelation, which the poor heathen, from his total ignorance of the true God, cannot do.

I have been led to make the above observations from what I have repeatedly seen, not only in this afflicted widow but also in others under distress of mind. By reflecting upon the infinite blessings bestowed upon a nation which is favoured with the knowledge of Divine revelation, we may see the force and justice of our Saviour's declaration when He said that it shall be more tolerable for Sodom and Gomorrah in the Day of Judgment than for those who are favoured with the Gospel and despise its gracious invitations.

After commiserating the affliction of the above poor widow I returned to breakfast, which was no sooner over than we prepared for our departure to a village about eighteen or twenty miles distant up the river called Ta Pappa (Te Papa). Our company now was large. We left We-te-wha-heetee (Te Whaiti) in fine canoes, all laden more or less with provisions and with several live hogs. On our passage up the river we were joined by the brother of Poro and his son. Poro is a great chief not far from the North Cape. None of the men in the canoe belonging to Poro were tattooed. I made inquiries after Poro, though I had never seen him. About three years ago he had sent one of his people over to Port Jackson in the Active, when I sent him a few presents.

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I gave Poro's brother a plane-iron and a pocket knife, having nothing more left, and promised to give him an axe. He said he would go to Rangheehoo with us for it, but as this would be a great and laborious journey I told him I would send him one to Moodee Why's, with which he was satisfied.

Poro and Moodee Why were friends. Poro had heard of the difference between Moodee Why and Matanghee, and had sent his son and brother to know the particulars and to offer his assistance, if wanted.

I wished to know how they had come from their own place, whether by land or sea, as the distance must be very considerable. They replied by land. I wished to know if there were no rivers to obstruct them. They answered, none but such as they could easily swim across.

When he came to the branch of the river that led to Hoota Koora, Moodee Why's village, he left us, and we proceeded towards Ta Pappa where we intended to rest for the night. The chief's name of this valley is Patu-ona. 41

We arrived at Ta Pappa in the afternoon. Patu-ona had made every preparation for our reception. He had constructed a new and commodious hut for us and was greatly rejoiced to see us. Our party was large. Patu-ona is one of the most pleasant chiefs I had met with. He has a fine open countenance in which the greatest kindness and good nature are expressed. He told me that he had a great desire to visit Port Jackson in the Active, and would be glad to go over even in the capacity of a cook, which is one of the meanest situations that their slaves are placed in, and added if I considered him a gentleman he would then go as my friend. I promised him that his wish should be granted when an opportunity offered. He made inquiry about the growth of grain. He had a small patch of wheat growing from seed which he had received from the missionary settlement. Patu-ona was very anxious to improve his countrymen and to better their situation. Should he ever visit Port Jackson, he will derive the greatest advantage from seeing the comforts of civil life and the improvements going on there in building, agriculture, etc.

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Moodee Why, whom we found with Patu-ona, was very urgent with me to send him a red flannel shirt, a night cap, and a pair of spectacles: observing if he could only get those articles he should be a great man. 42

We had not been long with Patu-ona before a messenger arrived and informed Moodee Why that Matanghee had been removing the bones of his ancestors from the sepulchre where they had been deposited, which greatly wounded Moodee Why's feelings and roused his indignation. When he received the information of the circumstance he was greatly distressed. The news pierced his very heart. He said that if it was not for the respect he had for us he would go that night and kill Matanghee. He further observed that it had been his intention to have visited Port Jackson in the Active, but now his distress would be so great and of long continuance that he could not go. He had no prospect of relieving his mind but by travelling from place to place in his own country and amongst his friends. He wished to know our opinion--whether he should go immediately and kill Matanghee or not. We told him that we could not interfere with the customs of their country; but in England great men did nothing hastily but always took time to deliberate, and we thought he had better not be in too much haste to punish the offence.

Moodee Why never recovered his spirits while we stayed. His mind was gloomy and oppressed. Matanghee and he were near relatives, or there would not have been that forbearance in either party which there had been. They would soon have settled their difference by an appeal to arms, but family connections prevented them from indulging their natural feelings and their love of war. Shunghee had punished with death five men for sacrilege since my arrival, as already mentioned, and no doubt but Moodee Why, from the same influence of superstition upon his mind, would, to relieve his own distress and as a satisfaction to the spirits of his departed ancestors, act in the same way was it in his power to do so.

Patu-ona was a relation and friend to both parties. He was concerned for the quarrel, but said that they were both wrong. Matanghee was wrong in shooting Moodee Why's pigs, and Moodee Why was equally wrong in shooting Matanghee's. Patu-ona said if Matanghee had shot his pigs he would not have retaliated upon him by shooting Matanghee's, but would have had no connection with him in future --he would have considered him to have acted so unlike a chief. But he observed that his brother, who was by, would have acted as Moodee Why did. How they will accommodate their difference we cannot say. We were obliged to them for suppressing their mutual resentments while we were with them. This was an attention we could not have expected from savages.

We spent our time at this village very pleasantly: our accommodations were comparatively good and our companions were very entertaining, particularly the priest of the winds and waves.

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October 10th.--This morning we prepared for our final departure from the River Shokee Hangha. We had left several villages and chiefs whom, for want of time, we could not visit though they had provided for us.

We were now to part with Moodee Why and Mowenna, the head chief of the river, who had never left us since we met. Mowenna wept at our departure, and directed the priest to accompany us to Rangheehoo and to learn if the Active had arrived and whether there was any prospect of her visiting their river, in order that they might prepare the timber for her. It would have been impossible for any civilized nation to have paid us more attention, as far as their means and knowledge extended, than those poor heathens did.

When we left Patu-ona's village we were more than fifty in company; the most of them were going for an axe, or hoe, or some small edge tool. They would have to travel by land and water, from 100 to 140 miles, in some of the worst paths through woods that can be conceived, and to carry their provisions for their journey. A chief's wife came with us all the way, and I believe her load could not be less than 100lbs., and many carried much more than that weight. We had to travel upon the banks of the upper part of the river Shokee Hangha. Patu-ona took myself, Messrs. Kendall and Puckey in his canoe for some miles up the river till we came to a fall, when we landed in a wood about the middle of the day. We estimated our distance from the Heads to be between forty and fifty miles, or upwards. The body of our party had gone on.

We had now to travel through a very thick wood on the banks, and at particular points had to wade the river. Some very fine young men went before us and cleared the way, as well as they could, by treading and breaking down the brush and branches of trees. It was very fatiguing to walk in this wood, and, from the very heavy rain that fell in the morning, very wet and dreary.

Near dusk in the evening we came to the last station on the banks of the river, where we put up for the night under a little shed open both to the wind and rain. The party with us made a shed for themselves. The night was cold, and we were very wet and weary. Our servants kindled the fires and dressed some pork and potatoes on which we dined. The chiefs had sent nine hogs with us and many hundredweight of potatoes. One hog we killed and dressed this evening.

All had now returned home who did not intend to accompany us to the end of our journey, though we still mustered in our little camp between fifty and sixty persons.

This was a very solitary station--on the banks of a river in a very deep valley surrounded with lofty timber of various kinds, and a day's journey from any native village or farm--our only companions being men in a state of nature, some of them having never seen a vessel or ever visited the missionary settlement.

October 11th.--We arose early this morning after a very cold and uncomfortable night, and prepared for our journey in hopes of reaching Kiddee Kiddee in the evening, which we estimated to be twenty-six miles from our station. We had still a very difficult part of the wood

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to pass. After walking for almost two hours we reached the open ground, near which stands a large stump of a pine, the remains of a tree cut down by the great Tippahee for his canoe. The chips still remain round the place where he made the canoe. I sat down upon the stump and reflected upon the conversations I had had with Tippahee fourteen years before, and the events that had since occurred relative to his country. How would he have rejoiced had he now been alive to see the present opening prospect for the benefit of his native land! I may here observe that he just planted the acorn, but died before the sturdy oak appeared above the surface of the ground. When Tippahee had completed the canoe he had more than twenty miles to carry it overland by mere muscular strength.

When we left this wood we had a clear open country before us, through which our road lay for more than twenty miles, some of the soil good, some gravelly, and others swampy. Some of the swamps we passed may be easily drained as there appeared sufficient fall. Our road was very good excepting the swamps, and, in general, level. We found it easy and pleasant to travel compared to what we had passed the preceding day.

After walking very hard till about six o'clock in the evening, with only resting once for a short period, we arrived at Kiddee Kiddee very tired and weary. When we arrived at Kiddee Kiddee we found Shunghee there. The Rev. Mr. Butler and carpenters were at Rangheehoo. I immediately laid down to rest in the only building yet completed.

Shunghee informed me five days before a chief, Tenana (Tinana), had killed his wife for adultery. She had been caught in the act, and acknowledged her guilt, when her husband knocked her on the head with a pattoo. The punishment, he said, was just. Her brother had been and taken away the dead body, which was conveyed to the sepulchre of her friends. She was a woman of rank. Her friends would not punish the surviving husband, as he had acted according to the established customs of their country, further than taking away a few baskets of potatoes as a satisfaction for the death of the woman. A man will sometimes put away his wife for adultery, but he may put her to death when the fact is fully proved, if he wishes to do so, and his conduct will meet with the approbation of the public.

After conversing with Shunghee, we read a portion of God's word, sang an hymn, returned our grateful thanks to God Who had preserved our going out and coming in, and had prospered us in our journey and brought us in health to our resting place. Shunghee and several of the natives remained with us while we paid our praise and thanksgiving to God. I pointed out to Shunghee that it was our duty to pray to our God--to thank Him for keeping us by night and day; that His eye was over us and His ear heard us when we prayed, and that He did us good at all times. Shunghee behaved with much propriety and said it was right we should pray. We then lay down and enjoyed a good night's rest.

October 12th.--This morning we intended to return to Rangheehoo after breakfast. Shunghee had a quantity of sweet potatoes dressed for us and our friends. I was much gratified with the progress that

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had been made in our new settlement. During our absence a considerable quantity of ground had been broken up and part planted with maize. A number of seeds had been sown in the garden, which had been brought from England to Port Jackson, and were up. The vines were many of them in leaf. The fruit trees had also been planted, and the whole settlement began to put on the appearance of civilization than which nothing could be more gratifying to the mind. A building had also been erected for the accommodation of the labouring natives. From what I saw I was convinced all hands had been very busy, and much done in a short time with the small means that Mr. Butler and his colleagues can command.

About nine o'clock we left Kiddee Kiddee, and in our way down the river we called at a village on the south side of the river called Moo-too-etee (Motuiti) belonging to a chief named Showrakkee (Hauraki) 43 whom I had promised to visit. We found him at home with several chiefs from other parts. He was much pleased with our calling to see him. While we stopped, the wind rose very strong and it began to rain heavily. After waiting till evening without any prospect of the weather clearing up, and the waters being rough, I resolved to remain till the next day. Showrakkee told me that it was not safe for me to venture in the canoe, as it would be in great danger of upsetting, and recommended us to stay till morning. Mr. Kendall was very anxious to get home, and therefore I left him to act as he pleased, when he embarked for Rangheehoo, having about seven miles to pass through a very open and rough sea, leaving me with the chiefs, where I remained all night.

I here met with Moyanger (Moehanga) a chief who had visited England about twelve years ago with Mr. Savage. 44 He made particular inquiries after the Queen, whom he had seen, said she was an old woman, and wished to know if she was alive. I told him she died about eight moons before. He wished to know if the Prince of Wales, the Duke of York, and the other parts of the Royal family were well. He gave the surrounding chiefs a particular account of what he had seen in England, mentioned London Bridge and the waterworks there, told them how the water was conveyed by pipes into the different houses in the city, and many other particulars relative to our mode of living, houses, carriages, shipping, churches, roads, agriculture, etc., and how the cooks dressed the food for the gentlemen's tables, and that they never ate it but only tasted it in the kitchen before it was served up. They heard him with great attention.

There was an old chief called Teekopedee (Te Kopiri) who was a cripple in both his legs, and a man as proud of his consequence and dignity as I had ever seen. He informed me that his land and subjects extended from Shokee Hangha (Hokianga) to the Why-Coto (Waikato), near 150 miles, and that he had heard King George was so great a man that he never went on board a ship, and that he was equally great in New Zealand and, for that reason, he never went on board any vessel.

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They talked nearly the whole night upon various subjects relative to civil fife, and were very anxious I should visit the very long river Why-Coto, on the banks of which, according to all the statements of the natives, there is a very great population. I promised to go if my time would admit, and the chiefs agreed to accompany me.

October 13th.--On the return of day Showrakkee ordered his large canoe, when himself, Moyanger, and some of his people accompanied me to Rangheehoo, where I found Mr. Kendall arrived in safety. The chiefs of Shokee Hangha who accompanied us on our return were waiting for my arrival, in order to receive those presents which we had promised to them. They all assembled at the store, where we gave them twenty-one axes, seventeen hoes, fifteen flat tokees, two dozen plane-irons, two adzes, and a quantity of fish-hooks with a few pocket knives and Jew's harps. Ta-man-hena, the priest of the winds and waves, was in the number. He had promised that when he came to Rangheehoo I should hear his god speak to him, as I told him that I could not believe he ever did converse with him unless I heard him myself. I now called upon him for the fulfilment of his promise, as I wished to hear his god, Ta-man-hena replied that his god was not at Rangheehoo at that time, and therefore that I could not hear him. I smiled at him and told him I believed he never heard him himself.

When they had all received their presents they returned much gratified with our visit and conduct to them.

October 14th.--On my return to the settlement (Rangihoua) Mr. Butler informed me that a chief from Ti-Ami (Tai-a-mai) had been very turbulent and troublesome when he was up at Kiddee Kiddee, by going to the house of Mr. William Hall in a very threatening manner and demanding an axe. On Mr. Butler's return he renewed his application, when Mr. Butler gave him two hoes and an axe. He came again on the Thursday following, bringing with him two hogs for sale, which were purchased from him. He was still dissatisfied and wanted another axe.

There were several chiefs belonging to his tribe with him, who remained upon the beach, and though they did not appear to countenance his violent conduct yet they took no steps to check him. We could not but infer from their silence that what he did was with their consent, and, if he could not obtain by fair means the articles he wanted, they did not disapprove of his trying what threatening would do. We remonstrated with them on the impropriety of his conduct, and told them that the Europeans would not remain in New Zealand if they were not protected from insult. We came for their good, and not for our own. They expressed their regard for us, and pretended to be displeased with the conduct of the chief which was so extremely violent. At length I told them Mr. Kendall and myself would visit their district and hear what the different chiefs had to say, and if they had any complaints to make we would hear them and redress them as far as we had the means to do so. With this assurance they were well satisfied, and the following Monday was fixed upon for our departure from Rangheehoo to Ti-Ami.

On Saturday (October 16th) five of the principal chiefs came to conduct us, with their slaves to carry our provisions.

On Monday (October 18th) we were prevented by heavy rain from leaving the settlement.

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On Tuesday morning (October 19th) we prepared for our departure. When we had got our boxes all ready for the canoes an old chief took them up in order to examine their weight. From their lightness he suspected there were no axes in the boxes. His countenance lowered immediately, and he kicked the boxes away from him with indignation. I remonstrated with the chiefs, and told them that if they behaved in that disrespectful manner I would not go amongst them. When they found that we were not likely to visit them they became very earnest in their entreaties. As they had now been anxiously waiting for us for three days, I was as anxious to meet their wishes as they were: at the same time I was determined we would not go until all matters were finally arranged relative to our visit--what we should pay for the canoes, for the slaves to carry our baggage, and what presents the chiefs belonging to the different villages would expect us to make them. These were all finally settled before we embarked to prevent any disputes when we returned. After every arrangement was made to our mutual satisfaction we left Rangheehoo about eleven o'clock in the morning in two canoes.

On our passage up the river Kiddee Kiddee a canoe, very beautifully carved, from the river Thames, passed us. Those canoes are well made, will live in a rough sea, and go very fast. In our canoes were several young slaves from the southward and one from near the East Cape. I inquired what price the chief had paid for them. For one, a fine youth, he had given twenty baskets of sweet potatoes, and an axe for another; the others, I believe, were prisoners of war. 45

We arrived at the village Okoora (Okura) of the head chief Whytarow (Whatarau) about six o'clock, where we landed, and where we were to sleep for the night. The chief had got one of the neatest huts I had seen in New Zealand. 46 At each corner stands a carved wooden image, one representing a man, the other a woman, painted red, both naked. They are placed there to perpetuate two victories which the chief obtained over two islands in the Bay of Plenty, and are named after these islands. The chief himself has assumed the name also of one of them.

After we had taken some refreshment and the darkness of the evening had closed upon us, the chief ordered a fire to be made around which we all sat down. We then desired the chiefs to state the grounds of their grievances. They began by saying that they had no private complaints to make--that their grievances were of a public nature. They stated that when the Europeans first came to New Zealand they all settled with Duaterra and Shunghee: by this means the power and wealth of Shunghee were greatly increased--that when the last Europeans came, they expected to have got one to reside with them; but these also were appropriated to Shunghee, which threw all the trade into his hands. They alleged that they could not go to trade with the missionaries within Shunghee's jurisdiction: on one hand this would lower their dignity, and on the other Shunghee's people would not allow them, as this was contrary to the custom of their country for one

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chief to interfere in matters of trade with another within his own district. What they wanted was an equal advantage of trade, which they could not enjoy without the residence of a missionary amongst them to whom they could dispose of their property without any of those degrading restraints which they were now under. What they have to sell is a few potatoes and hogs. These are their principal commodities. They further alleged that people had cast reflections upon them and charged some of their people with theft, which had made them very angry. They did not attempt to deny that some of their tribe had, with or without their knowledge, taken some trifling things from the Europeans; but that Shunghee's people had been more guilty in this respect. They asked us who had put up the boys to steal our chisels, etc., when we landed the stores, intimating that this had been done privately--either by Shunghee himself or his secret agents. They thought it hard they should be equally blamed with Shunghee's people for theft, without deriving any of those profits from trade which Shunghee's people enjoyed. They conceived that they had not been treated with that respect and attention which their rank and power in New Zealand entitled them to--that the Europeans were equally indebted to them as they were to Shunghee for their protection; that their tribe was as powerful and respectable as his and their lands more extensive; and that they had the same right to the harbour where the ships anchored and the shores where the boats landed. They said they were not offended that we had made a new settlement at Kiddee Kiddee, where Shunghee resided; all that they wished was that Shunghee should not monopolize the whole of the trade by having all the Europeans living under his authority, as this made him and his people assume more consequence than they were entitled to, and tended to lower their tribe in the public opinion. The principal articles of trade are spades, hoes, axes, etc., which are missionary stores and the articles they are so urgent for. These and many other strong arguments they urged to convince us that they had sufficient public grounds to be dissatisfied.

I could not but admit the justness of their reasonings, and regretted much that they should have any just cause of complaint, and in answer to their statements I wished to lay before them the real reason of this apparent partiality. At the same time I assured them that we were equally anxious to administer to their wants and to the wants of all their countrymen as we were to Shunghee's, as far as we had the means to do so.

In the first place I stated the cause why we paid our attentions to Shunghee--that Tippahee was a near relation to Shunghee and the first New Zealand chief I had seen at Port Jackson, and with whom I had formed a particular intimacy--that when I returned from England I brought Messrs. Hall and King with me, with the intention to send them immediately to New Zealand--to Tippahee--to teach his people, but when I arrived at Port Jackson I was informed that the Boyd had been cut off by the people of Wangarooa and all her crew killed and eaten; and soon afterwards Tippahee died, and a number of his people were killed by the Europeans in consequence of the destruction of the Boyd. Shortly after these events the New Zealanders killed and ate three men belonging to the ship called the New Zealander, a whaler.

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These dreadful crimes which their countrymen had been guilty of struck the Europeans with horror. I was afraid to send Messrs. Hall and King lest they should kill and eat them also.

After they had waited more than four years in Port Jackson, Mr. Kendall came from England with the intention of coming to teach the New Zealanders, and, after he had remained for some time at Port Jackson, I then sent him and Mr. Hall to visit Duaterra to know if they wished any of the Europeans to come to live with them. If they did, I wished him and two or three chiefs to come over with Messrs. Kendall and Hall to Port Jackson for their families. Duaterra returned, and Shunghee and Korro Korro accompanied him, with Messrs. Kendall and Hall. Tippahee being dead, and Shunghee promising, with Duaterra, that he would take care of the missionaries, they came, and were placed under their protection by me. I told them that I should have come the first time the Active came if Governor Macquarie would have allowed me; but he would not give his permission, fearing they would kill me and eat me as they had done the crew of the Boyd.

We further stated to them that their crimes were viewed with horror by all Europeans, which made them afraid to come amongst them; that if they wished for any Europeans to live in their country they must show great kindness to those who are now with them, in order to remove the bad impressions from the minds of the Europeans which their past conduct had made.

In answer to the above, they said it was right that the first settlers should come to Shunghee, and they did not wish to have any of the missionaries who lived under his protection; but they were very desirous to have one at least of those that had lately come. I replied that the number were so few that I could not divide them--if I did we should not be able to show them the advantages of a farm and other improvements which we intended to make--but assured them if they behaved well to the missionaries in the island at present, I would, as soon as I could, get them one or more to live in their district, but I could not make them a full promise; adding if one should come he might be unwilling to live with them. They answered they would not wish to compel a missionary against his will to live with them, but if he was sent for their benefit, and did not, they should request that he might be sent back again to Port Jackson and not permitted to live with Shunghee. Temmarangha (Te Morenga), who is one of the principal chiefs and had lived with me a short time at Parramatta, said he wanted a man who could preach, teach little children to read and write, administer medicine when they were sick, and show them how to cultivate their land.

With regard to the charges of cruelty against them, they stated that the Europeans had killed many of their countrymen upon the most trivial occasions, and some instances they mentioned where they had been shot without committing any offence. They had also often defrauded them of their property and ill-treated their women. The Boyd was cut off in consequence of the chief being flogged by the captain. And with respect to the ship New Zealander, they said a chief--a near relation to Tippahee, named Tarria (Taraia)--stole a musket from the people who were wooding upon his land, as a satisfaction for the Europeans storming Tippahee's island and killing his people. When the

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men returned to the vessel and informed the captain, he sent two armed boats, which fell in with a party belonging to the chiefs who were giving us this account. They informed the sailors that they were not the people who had stolen the musket; but the sailors, either through ignorance of the language or from wantonness, fired upon the innocent party twice, when the natives attacked them and two of the white people were killed. Afterwards the sailors shot Tarria's uncle, in which fray an European was killed. The chiefs on the south side of the harbour, as three white men had been killed and only one New Zealander, demanded satisfaction according to the law of retaliation for the death of two Europeans; when two New Zealanders were killed by themselves, belonging to the tribe who had killed the two Europeans, and afterwards their dead bodies were taken in a canoe alongside the ship to show the master that they had done further justice to his crew by punishing with death their own countrymen for the murder of his men.

They mentioned instances where their own people had been shot, and no satisfaction made for their lives by the Europeans; and that a great number had been killed by Captain Howel, who commanded a vessel out of Port Jackson, in an harbour between the river Thames and Mercury Bay, and intimated that these people would take satisfaction at some future period for the lives of their relatives, when opportunity offered.

I then told them that a law had been passed in England for the punishment of any European who should wantonly kill a New Zealander, and that if any of the New Zealanders killed an European, if they came to Port Jackson afterwards they would be hung. They were much gratified with this information. I told them that King George wished to protect them from violence as well as his own people, and that he would punish the guilty whenever they could be caught, whether they were Englishmen or New Zealanders. They said if any European should kill a New Zealander they should wish to see him executed.

After conversing till a late hour upon all these subjects, in which we received mutual satisfaction, we lay down in our clothes to rest.

We rose early this morning (October 20th) and prepared for our journey to Ti-Ami where we arrived in the evening, about half past five o'clock, very weary with our walk. The distance we estimated at more than twenty miles. In our way lay several swamps, through some of which we waded, and through others we were carried. One of them is about one mile through. We passed through only two small woods; the country is very open, some of the land is exceeding good and other parts either gravelly, stony, or swampy. The swamps in most places might be drained. The land in general is pretty level. It is well watered in all directions, with fine falls of water for mills of any kind. The whole country through which we passed belonged to the chiefs who accompanied us.

About five miles before we came to any of the villages in the district of Ti-Ami we passed through a very fine plain where the soil appeared very rich, though stony. The whole, from the grass that was upon it, appeared to have been in cultivation at some former period, and there were evident traces of a large population. We passed near

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the ruins of two villages on the edge of this plain. They are now wholly uninhabited. A few potatoes I observed growing upon the sides of the hills on which they stood. They had been strongly fortified at no very distant period. The chief informed us they belonged to him and his friends, and at one time contained 1,000 inhabitants; but the inhabitants had been besieged, and were compelled at length to yield to the enemy and to quit their stronghold. The hills are very high upon which the villages stood, and so strong by nature that they could not be easily taken unless the inhabitants were starved out for want of water and provisions.

When we arrived at the first village of Ti-Ami we were introduced to the old chief, who appeared to be more than eighty years old but was all life and spirits. He danced for joy when we gave him a chisel. He expressed the greatest satisfaction at our visit. From his hands he appeared to have just returned from labour in the potato grounds. He informed us that he remained upon the farm to attend to its cultivation, but that he would come to Rangheehoo to see us. He told us he had seen three generations and was in the middle of life when the first ship came to New Zealand. The captain's name he said was Stivers. 47 Two other ships came afterwards before Captain Cook. The captains of the two ships before the arrival of Captain Cook were killed by the natives near Cape Bret (Brett). Before their death they had killed many of the natives and destroyed one whole village in the Bay of Islands. This old chief appeared in perfect health. 48

This village stands in a fertile spot, sheltered by lofty pines, and watered by many beautiful small streams sufficient to turn a mill. Here we spent the evening in conversing upon agriculture and other useful arts, the laws and customs of other countries, the object of the missionaries in coming to live amongst them, the manner in which they should treat them if they expected others to come to live in their country, and the advantages they would derive from the richness of their soil when once wheat and barley were introduced amongst them. We told them it was not the custom in England for gentlemen's wives to cultivate the land, whereas their wives were working from morning to night in the field; that gentlemen in England had only one wife while some of

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them had ten, that so many wives created much trouble and quarrels. They observed that what we said was very true, that such a number of wives caused great disputes amongst them, that it often happened that the women in those quarrels would go and hang themselves; but they alleged that, notwithstanding those evils, they could not dispense with their number of wives, for they had no money to pay for the cultivation of their land and without the assistance of their wives, either as labourers or overseers, they could not cultivate their lands at all. If they had the same means that the gentlemen had in England of cultivating their land with cattle, their wives should be employed in a different way, but they could not alter their present plan till they could get the means.

We told them that we hoped in time they would have those advantages, but much would depend upon their own conduct towards the Europeans. If they behaved well to them, others would be encouraged to come to live amongst them; if ill, those that were now in New Zealand would return to their own country. They only wished for an opportunity to show their attention by having two or three with them. The New Zealanders are eager to gain instruction, have a quick conception and a very retentive memory.

We conversed till a late hour, when we sang an hymn, returned thanks to God for His goodness, and committed ourselves to His gracious protection for the night.

Thursday, October 21st.--We rose early this morning, and afterwards walked over the potato grounds with the chief, where his people were at work. Some were planting maize, but did not understand how that grain was planted. They put the grains near together, which would prevent the growth of the plant. I showed them how we planted our maize, by planting some. The chief saw immediately the advantage of giving the plant sufficient room, and directed his people to follow the instructions I had given them.

The chief treated us with every mark of attention in his power. On our arrival he addressed his people with much warmth, commanded them not to steal the smallest articles from us on any account; if they did, Shunghee's people would hear of it and they would be disgraced. He said if they behaved well to us, I, perhaps, would send an European to live amongst them. He would not say I should, but perhaps I might. If they did not behave well they would have no hope of ever having any Europeans in their district.

After breakfast our next visit was to the village of the chief who had been so sulky and shoved the boxes about at the settlement previous to our setting off on our journey. This old chief made an apology for his conduct, and said he was not angry but he had heard of our generosity and had come to see if we would bestow an axe upon him; thinking there were none in the boxes, his mind was hurt as he was afraid of being disappointed. He now showed his anxiety to do all he could to make our visit to him pleasant. We were attended by a large number of natives. He gave us an hog, which we ordered to be killed for our attendants, and abundance of sweet and common potatoes were dressed for all present. He prepared a clean shed for us to sleep in and exerted all his ability to make us comfortable.

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After dinner I went to see an hot spring in a wood about four miles distant. 49 The water was warm and very offensive; it sent forth a continual steam. There was a thick scum upon the surface like yellow ochre, with which the natives paint themselves. It has rather a redder cast than common yellow ochre. The water has a strong sulphurous smell. I brought away with me some of the stone about it, which is hard and flinty. 50 The natives informed me there was another spring about six miles from the village, where the water was white and very offensive; no wild ducks or fowls were ever seen on this water.

After returning to the village and performing our evening devotions, we conversed with the chiefs on various subjects till a late hour. The night was cold and dark, and our shed open on three sides and no roof, which made our accommodation very uncomfortable. The New Zealanders lay down--men, women, and children--round about the shed like the cattle in a farmyard, and apparently as unconcerned about the rain and cold.

Friday, October 22nd.--After breakfast I visited the white spring. It is a small lake about half a mile round. At a distance it appears white like milk, but not quite so white when at the edge of the lake. About a mile before I came to this lake, I fell in with a lake of clear water upon which were a number of wild ducks. A quantity of brimstone was lying upon the ground in different directions, specimens of which I brought away with me. The whole surface of the country for miles appears as if there had been some volcanic eruption--swamps, lakes, and barren soil. It appears as if there had been a wood of pines, which is now all burnt, not so much as one tree remaining. There is here and there the root of a pine which has been burnt into the surface of the ground, and pieces of rosing, 51 which have come from the pine tree, are lying on the ground in all directions. The soil is extremely poor, spongy and wet, and of a white nature like pipe clay.

The natives told me, as we walked along, where there were other springs of a similar nature not far distant. A quantity of rosin lies upon the banks of the white lake, and in various parts of the lake there is a froth upon the surface like yeast upon new beer when working in the vat. I brought a bottle of the water with me with an intention to take it to Port Jackson, as perhaps it may be analyzed there. The stony creek through which the water from the lake continually runs appears as if it was covered with lime, from the sediment left by the water in its course through the rocks, and all the stone in the creek was hard as flint, specimens also of which I brought with me.

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Before we left this village for the next I took a fire-stick into a shed, where our boxes stood with our provisions, and laid a little brimstone upon it to see what effect the fire would have. As soon as the chiefs saw the smoke they were all dreadfully alarmed, and called aloud to me to take the fire out of the shed. I asked them why they were so afraid. They replied their god would kill them all, for there were provisions in our boxes in the shed, and if fire was taken into the shed where there were provisions they would all die. To allay their fears I threw the fire-stick down, and then endeavoured to convince them that all their fears were groundless and that their tabooing their provisions, the vessels they eat out of, their houses, etc., were all a delusion --that there was no such thing in Europe--that I was not afraid to eat anything, nor to sleep in any house, nor to have fire and provisions in the same house.

They said if they did not pay very particular attention to all that their priests told them they would die. If they went to battle and neglected any ceremony relative to their food, etc., and a spear only touched them they would die immediately; but if they observed the ceremonies and a spear should go through their body they would not die. I told them that the observance of those things would have no effect in preserving their lives in battle. They contended warmly that it would; and one of the chiefs came forward and showed me where a spear had passed through his lungs, and both his blood and his breath came through the orifice of the wound, and yet he recovered because he paid attention to the injunctions of the priest. In answer to this I said that I had seen a large barbed spear taken out of the body of a white man at Parramatta, which had been thrown at him by a native and had wounded the intestines so much that the food which he ate for a considerable time came through the wound which the spear had made; and yet he recovered and was alive and well when I left Parramatta, though he had never been tabooed, nor his food, nor his house. They expressed their astonishment at this--that he should recover from such a wound without attending to similar ceremonies with themselves, upon the observance of which they believed the issue of life or death depended. I further told them that instances had occurred where soldiers in battle had been shot through the lungs with a ball, as the chief had been speared, and nevertheless had recovered, and yet they were not tabooed. I asked them if the chief had been speared through the heart or through the temples of the head whether he would have recovered or not, admitting he had been tabooed; they replied he would not. I then wanted to know of what use their tabooing was, as Europeans recovered from similar wounds with themselves without tabooing.

They said that some time ago one of their tribe went on board a ship where he ate some provisions contrary to their customs, when their god in his anger slew a great many of them. I inquired in what manner those who died were affected. They represented their tongues to be foul, and their whole bodies in a burning heat. 52 The natives, supposing the heat they experienced to proceed from a secret fire within

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them, threw off all their mats, drank cold water, bathed themselves in cold water, and exposed themselves as much as they could to cold, under the idea that the cold would quench the heat which they felt. We informed them that this was the way to increase the heat and to kill them, and that, instead of exposing themselves to cold and going naked and lying naked in the open air in the nights, they should have kept themselves warm in order to make them perspire, as the perspiration would carry off the burning heat from their bodies and not cold air and water. They laughed at this idea, and supposed that this would increase their complaint. I then asked them if they remembered any time, when they perspired freely, feeling that burning heat in their bodies which they mentioned. After some reflection and consultation together, they thought from what they felt when they perspired freely we might be right in our opinion.

They then asked me how Duaterra came to die. I told them that, by great exertions and lying out in the air, he had got a violent cold, which brought on that burning heat which they spake of and a violent complaint in his bowels. The priest then tabooed him, would let him have nothing to eat or drink for five days, and would not let me see him for fear their god should kill him and them. Duaterra had been accustomed to eat our bread, rice, and sugar, and to drink tea and wine, and when he was ill the priest would not allow him to have any of these articles which he had been accustomed to and which might have relieved him. On account of the taboo and for want of proper nourishment it was not possible for him to live, and many of their countrymen, like Duaterra, died in consequence of the taboo and lying in the wet and cold when they felt that burning heat.

These arguments had some weight with them and appeared to convince them that they were mistaken.

We further told them that Pomarree (Pomare), King of Otaheite, thought some time ago as they did: he tabooed his houses and his provisions, and was continually under fear lest his god should kill him and his people; but, since the missionaries have lived at Otaheite, and he and his people had been taught the meaning of God's Book, he had abolished all tabooing, and had eaten any proper food, and had slept anywhere, like the Europeans; and was under no fears of being killed by his former gods. They were much surprised at this information, and inquired how long it was since Pomarree had ceased to taboo. We told them that it was more than three years ago since Pomarree had embraced our religion. The chiefs then replied that if we would send missionaries to instruct them and to convince them that their religion was wrong, and to prevent their gods from killing them, they would think and act as we did. Several of them expressed an ardent desire to visit Port Jackson as they wished to see how we lived. I promised them that some of them should be permitted to go when opportunity offered.

After dinner we left this village in order to visit another about four miles distant, at the foot of a very high hill, called Pooka Newee. 53

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During our walk we passed through some of the richest land I had ever seen in this island, free from timber and fit for all the purposes of agriculture.

We arrived about sunset, when an old venerable chief, upright as a column and his teeth as white as ivory, came forward with a long spear in his hand and stood at a distance, where he offered up an oration and prayer according to the New Zealand custom in receiving strangers, bidding us welcome and entreating that his gods would be propitious during our interview, meaning the manes (wairua) of his departed ancestors. He invoked the heavens above and the earth below to render our visit advantageous to his people and agreeable to us, and that no harm might happen to us, whom he esteemed as gods of another country. We heard the profane adulations with silent grief, and could not but wish most ardently for the light of Divine truth to shine upon such a dark and superstitious mind.

As we could say nothing at that moment to the profanation which shocked our feelings, Mr. Kendall took an opportunity afterwards in the course of conversation to explain to them--as we made a practice to do at all times--that there was only one God--Jehovah--Who made and upholds all things and Whom we acknowledged as our God; and that we were but men, looking for happiness in Him in consequence of what His Son Jesus Christ had suffered for us; and that after death we were not considered as gods, as they considered their departed friends, 54 but merely as the creatures of God brought by His goodness into a state of happiness; and that we did not cut ourselves for the dead, as they did, nor mourn without hope, but went quietly into the grave in the assurance of meeting our friends again.

In the course of the evening Mr. Kendall had a long conversation with the chiefs Too-Hoo (Tuohu), Temmarangha, and Whytarow, in consequence of the two latter chiefs speaking to Too-Hoo on the different subjects that had been discussed the preceding evening. They had accompanied us from Rangheehoo and had been with us all the time. When they informed him of what we had said of the burning heat in their bodies and how they should act under it, he said we were gods. Amongst other things, they had ignorantly supposed that I had it in my power to command Europeans to live amongst them; but Mr. Kendall fully explained to them that this was not the case--that I, Mr. Kendall, and my colleagues were only members of a general body, the chiefs of which resided in England, and their united numbers consisted of some thousands who were influenced by motives of gratitude to their God for the blessings which had been conferred upon us and them and on our ancestors, who were formerly in the same situation that they were at present, to impart unto them that knowledge which had been so productive of their happiness both in this world and in the next.

Mr. Kendall further told them that the Society in England had never thought upon them till after I had seen Tippahee, when I informed the Society what situation they were in, and stated that they were men of strong understandings and capable of improvement, and earnestly

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solicited the Society to send out some of their members to instruct them; and that, in consequence of my application to the Society in their behalf, an inquiry was made and persons were asked who would go into this foreign country to instruct them.

Mr. Kendall stated further that there was a doubt amongst the members of the Society whether or not any European could safely live amongst a people who were in the habit of eating human flesh, which caused a general fear and hesitation. At length, however, Messrs. Hall and King offered their voluntary services, as none are compelled to come without their free consent. They accordingly accompanied me to Port Jackson. When they arrived there they were under considerable distress of mind on account of the destruction of the Boyd, and waited four years until Mr. Kendall's arrival (as has been already stated) when I purchased the Active and sent Mr. Kendall and Mr. Hall over to see whether or not they dared to venture to live amongst them. After Messrs. Kendall and Hall had visited them, they resolved to come, with their families; whether they were killed and eaten or not. Accordingly they came along with me. After remaining a short time and observing the conduct of their countrymen, they wrote to England for more Europeans. But masters of ships and other persons, who were prejudiced against them from the reports of their savageness and eating human flesh, wrote against them, which had intimidated the Society and had tended to discredit all that Mr. Kendall and I could say in their favour.

It was not until the missionaries had resided in New Zealand for more than three years that the Society ventured to send any more from England, and, if they wished those missionaries to remain in the island, they must be kind to them and not alarm them and make them uneasy by tedious applications for axes, hoes, etc., lest they should retire quietly from them--as the missionaries had formerly done from Otaheite, with an intention never to return, had not Pomarree from time to time solicited them to do so.

In answer to the above, the chiefs said that they had never understood the object of the missionaries so clearly before; and with respect to the main ground of the Europeans' fears--of being killed and eaten-- they contended that this was altogether on our part groundless, and that it was absurd to suppose that they would act so contrary to their own interests as to kill and eat people who came to live quietly amongst them and introduced so many articles of real value. Besides, they said, we lived here under the approbation and protection of all the chiefs, and if one chief was against us he could only trouble us by his vexatious applications; he would dread the power of the other chiefs, and durst not do us any further injury; but if all the chiefs, or the major part of them, were against us we could not live.

They further remarked that, as we had done them no injury, they had no satisfaction to demand from us and no just feelings of retaliation to gratify, and observed with a smile that, if they naturally craved after human flesh, we might make ourselves easy on that head, as the flesh of New Zealanders was much sweeter than that of an European in consequence of the white people eating so much salt.

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At length the conversation led to the origin of eating human flesh. They first alleged that it originated from the largest fishes of the sea eating other fishes, and of some even eating their own kind--that large fish eat small ones, small fish eat insects, dogs will eat men and men will eat dogs, and dogs devour each other. The birds of the air also devour one another--the louse that sucks the blood of man, that man will eat as a just retaliation--and one god will devour another god. I should not have understood how the gods could eat one another unless Shunghee had informed me, when he was to the southward and had killed a number of people, he was afraid their god would kill him in retaliation--esteeming himself a god; but he caught their god (being a reptile) and ate part of it, and reserved the other part for his friends, as this was sacred food, and by that means he rested satisfied that they were all secure from his resentment.

With respect to their tedious importunities for axes, etc., they said that their anger was merely feigned and that they were urged to their importunities by their pressing necessities for those things; that they had tried every method in their power to get an axe or hoe. When they had means to pay for an axe, etc., they were always ready to do so, and said we could scarcely bring forward a single instance where a man had troubled us for an article when he was able to purchase what he wanted. They then stated the general satisfaction that it would give the chiefs if two missionaries were sent to each district, as this would prevent all jealousies and tend to make the missionaries more comfortable. As for their children, they had no objections for them to be taught either reading or writing.

From all the information we could collect on our tour we were fully satisfied that missionaries would be kindly received amongst them, and that it was only the want of them that has created any discontent amongst the chiefs.

Saturday (October 23rd).--We rose early this morning in order to prepare for our return, as we wished, if possible, to reach the settlement before the Sabbath.

About six o'clock, while I was set taking my breakfast, on a sudden I heard the loudest lamentations. On turning to the place from whence they came I observed several women crying aloud and the blood streaming down their countenances. On inquiry I learned that the chief's wife, who had accompanied us, had buried a child a short time before, and these women were come to mourn and weep with her on this account. They held all their faces together, mingled their blood with their tears, and cried aloud, cutting themselves at the same time with pieces of flint stone. I was much shocked at the sight of the blood and cuts. The chief came to me and asked me if I was afraid. I answered I was not afraid, but I was much grieved to see them cut themselves in such a manner--that this custom did not prevail in any nation of Europe, and that it was a very bad one. The chief replied the New Zealanders loved their children very much, and could not show it sufficiently without shedding their blood. I replied, to weep was very good but not to cut themselves. This is a very barbarous custom d universally prevails amongst the natives of this island.

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New Zealand Chiefs.

Hongi, Tuhi, Tuhi's brother (probably Korokoro, his eldest brother), and a young woman.

From the Atlas of the Histoire du Voyage de la Coquille (Paris, 1826).

"Shongui (Hongi)," Dumont d'Urville remarks, "was the supreme chief of the tribe living at Kidi-Kidi (Kerikeri), better known under the name of Ngapouis (Ngapuhi), and the most powerful rangatira (chief) of those resident at the Bay of Islands. In spite of his long intercourse with the missionaries and his voyage to England he renounced none of his cruel practices and showed himself as vindictive and fierce as before his contact with civilisation. He was a fine looking man, full of dignity, whose appearance, nevertheless, proclaimed his falseness of character and wickedness. . . . Touai (Tuhi), in speaking of him, never failed to recall the fact that Shongui's family was less ancient than his own and reproached his rival, moreover, with several weaknesses, asserting especially that he never entered a combat without donning the armour given him by King George, whereas a brave warrior should have no other armour than his lance. . . . Mr. Kendall, however, was much attached to Shongui, whom he constantly praised, saying that when not engaged in warfare he was the best of men. . . . Although Touai took much more pains than Shongui to imitate European modes and manners, his character had not, in reality, profited by his voyage to England. He was only more adroit, more insinuating, and more anxious to pay court to Europeans, taking great care to disguise his real sentiments by a show of civilisation. During our stay we could not but praise his conduct; suave and insinuating, he hoped to obtain from us much powder and many muskets. Touai had acquired European manners to such an extent that, when he first came on board dressed in his 'gentleman's' clothes and spoke to me, I took him for an Englishman who had settled in New Zealand and, as sometimes happens, had himself tattooed. . . . Captain, officers, and sailors, all had nothing but praise for him; and I frequently admired the tact and adaptability shown by this Maori in judging the quality of those with whom he dealt and in using the necessary means to cause his advances to be welcomed by all."--Dumont d'Urville, Voyage de la corvette V Astrolabe (Paris, 1831), Vol. Ill, pp. 675-8.

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HABITANTS DE LA NOUVELLE ZELANDE
Jeune femme. Shonghi chef de Kidikidi. Toui chef de Kawera. Frere de Toui.
Lejeune et Chazal delint.

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As soon as we had finished our breakfast we were presented with a large hog and a few bushels of potatoes, and then took our leave of this fine old chief. Nothing material occurred during our return, and after a tedious journey by land and water we arrived at the settlement about twelve o'clock at night, very weary. The chiefs and their servants attended us home, and on Monday morning we paid the porters who had carried our baggage, and all returned, much satisfied, to their respective homes. We were equally satisfied with the whole of their conduct towards us, and happy that the object of our journey, which was that of conciliating the goodwill of the rival chiefs of those districts and convincing them that our good wishes were general, and not partial, towards them and their countrymen, had been accomplished.

Ti-Ami is a very rich part of the country and only wants a population to improve its natural soil, which at present is burdened with luxurious weeds and pines and other timber of various kinds. The chiefs informed us that they had a large number of people, one day's journey further, who were cultivating a rich soil with sweet and common potatoes. I should estimate the extent of their territory, from what I walked over and what they pointed to us belonging to them, at not less than fifty miles in extent.

On Sunday (November 7th) I preached, administered the Sacrament, and christened nine children belonging to the settlers born in the settlement.

I trust that the Divine Word and Ordinances will now continue in this land of darkness to the end of time. I have no doubt but that the Lord has a people which He will prepare for Himself in New Zealand. He never fed any nation with manna from Heaven but the Israelites, and as He has now sent the manna of His Word amongst the heathen we may fairly infer that He will provide Israelites in this wilderness to feed upon it. His promises are sure, and known unto Him are all His works from the beginning.

No permanent mission could have been established in New Zealand or in any other islands of the South Seas unless His overruling providence had led the British Nation to establish a Colony at New South Wales. Through the medium of the British Nation He has sent His Gospel now to the very ends of the earth, and the Gospel Trumpet of the Jubilee has been sounded from pole to pole.

What means has Infinite Wisdom adopted to accomplish the Divine purposes! Did it please God to send an army of pious Christians to prepare His way in this wilderness? Did He establish a Colony in New South Wales for the advancement of His glory and the salvation of the heathen nations in these distant parts of the globe from men of character and principle? On the contrary He takes men from the dregs of society, the sweepings of gaols, hulks, and prisons--men who had forfeited their lives to the laws of their country. He gives them their lives for a prey and sends them forth to make a way for His chosen, for them that should bring glad tidings--that should publish peace to the heathen world--that should say unto them: "In the name of the Lord, look unto Me and be ye saved, all the ends of the earth! for I am God, and there is none else." Well may we exclaim with the Apostle: "How unsearchable are His judgments, and His ways past finding out! "

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I cannot help combining the Colony in New South Wales, in the grand chain of Divine Providence, with all the missions to these islands, as they could not have been carried on without this settlement.

Monday (November 8th).--It was my intention to have sailed to-day for Port Jackson but, having returned late on Saturday evening from the interior, I had many secular affairs to arrange previous to my departure for the future government of the settlement. This occupied me all the day.

The Active weighed anchor and crossed over to the opposite side of the Bay in order that she might be ready to put to sea the moment I embarked.

Tuesday (November 9th).--This morning I prepared at an early hour to leave Rangheehoo; the natives flocked together from various parts to take their leave or to accompany us on board. Some wept much and wished to go with us to Port Jackson; others fired their muskets as a mark of respect when the boat left the shore.

It had been determined that Mr. Samuel Butler and Mr. William Hall's son should proceed to New South Wales in the Active, the former to instruct some native youths, sons of the chiefs at Parramatta, and the latter in order that he might be educated at some of the schools in the Colony.

We took our leave of our friends at Rangheehoo with mutual affection and respect. When I arrived at the Active, which lay off about seven miles, I found her crowded with natives and surrounded with canoes. It was pleasing to see the rival chiefs, from the North Cape to the River Thames, meet on board the Active in the most friendly manner as a common rendezvous, not armed with their patooes and spears as formerly but as men forming one civil body. They all claim an interest in the vessel, and therefore they are under no restraint in their visits. Their friendly meetings will tend much to their mutual confidence and friendship. The chiefs pressed me to take their sons with me to Port Jackson.

As the wind was against us, and wishing to visit a district up the River Cowa Cowa (Kawakawa), I ordered the boat and the Rev. Mr. Butler accompanied me. When we arrived at the native settlement, about ten miles up the river, we found the chief whom I wished to see was from home. The natives in the village gave us the most cordial welcome. Here we met with some of Mowhee's relations. When they knew Mr. Butler had seen him they were much affected, and Mr. Butler and the natives wept together while he gave them an account of Mowhee. They expressed the greatest affection for Mr. Butler and he was equally affected towards them. He promised to visit them again. We stopped and dined at the village, as there was plenty of fine fish, and we left the hospitable natives deeply affected with joy and sorrow when we departed. They rejoiced to see us, and mourned and wept at the remembrance of Mowhee.

We returned to the Active in the evening. After the sun had gone down the wind became fair, and we weighed anchor and got under way. The chiefs still remained on board with their sons. I had promised to take some of them, but was compelled to refuse others. The

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chiefs took leave of their sons with much firmness and dignity in the cabin; while on the deck the mothers and sisters of the boys were cutting themselves, after their manner, and mingling their blood with their tears. Shunghee, the head chief, parted with his favourite son in the cabin without a tear. I afterwards heard him on deck giving vent to his feelings with the loudest bursts of weeping.

I now ordered the Active to be searched and all the natives who had not permission to go to Port Jackson to be turned into the canoes. I promised some of the chiefs, who were very urgent for me to take their sons to Port Jackson, that their sons should come at a future time. By dint of promises and threats I got the Active cleared with much difficulty, and Mr. Butler and his colleagues left us in the mouth of the harbour about an hour after dark and returned to the settlement, and in a short time we were clear of the Heads.

From the time of my arrival in New Zealand to my departure I had spent about three months in the island, and regretted much that my time was so limited. I wished very anxiously to have visited Why Kotto (Waikato), a river to the southward and westward of the River Thames. A number of the chiefs urged me very much to see this river; they informed me it was of a very great length--that they were four months in going up it, that the population was very numerous upon its banks, and that there was no part of New Zealand where there were so many inhabitants. This river empties itself into the sea on the west side of the island, and it is there that all the fine mats are made. The natives also mention two rivers of great extent, 55 which run one into another at a great distance from the sea; whether these rivers are navigable for ships or not remains to be ascertained, but that the population is very great in this part of the island there can be no doubt.

With respect to the origin of the natives of these islands we are still in the dark. I could not learn that they had any traditions amongst them from whence they came. Such information as I was enabled to obtain with the assistance of Mr. Kendall or any of the chiefs of the island, I have stated in my journal. I am inclined to think that they have sprung from some dispersed Jews, at some period or other, from their religious superstitions and customs, and have by some means got into the island from Asia. They have like the Jews a great natural turn for traffic; they will buy and sell anything they have got. When they go to war the priest always accompanies them, and when they draw near to the enemy he addresses them in similar language to that which the Jewish High Priest addressed to the Jews of old, as recorded in the 20th Chapter of Deuteronomy, verses 2, 3 and 4.: "And it shall be when ye are come nigh unto the battle, that the Priest shall approach and speak unto the people and shall say unto them, Hear, O Israel! ye approach this day unto battle against your enemies: let not your hearts faint; fear not, and do not tremble, neither be ye terrified because of them. For the Lord your God is He that goeth with you, to fight for you against your enemies, to save you." When a chief falls in battle they cut off his head and preserve it as a trophy of victory, as David cut off the head of Goliath and took it to Jerusalem. The conquering

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chief at New Zealand carries the heads of the chiefs he kills into his own village, where they are exhibited to public view. The conqueror also burns the bodies of the chiefs he kills in battle, and the dead body when the head is cut off can only be handled by the chiefs. No common person is permitted to touch it, but it is placed on the fire by the chiefs. We find a similar custom mentioned in the 31st Chapter of the First Book of Samuel, verses 11 and 12, respecting the bodies of Saul and his sons when they were killed by the Philistines: "And when the inhabitants of Jabesh-gilead heard of that which the Philistines had done to Saul, all the valiant men arose, and went all night, and took the body of Saul and the bodies of his sons from the wall of Bethshan and came to Jabesh, and burnt them there."

When a chief is killed in battle and his body roasted by the chief who slew him, it is consecrated by the priest and no common person is permitted to taste it. The priest takes a portion of the flesh and sets it apart for his god. He then takes a portion for himself which he eats, and also tastes the blood. The chief follows his example. The New Zealanders believe that the soul of a chief, when departed from the body, becomes a god and has the power of life and death. They also believe that, by eating the flesh and drinking the blood of the departed chief, his system becomes incorporated into their system, and by that means they are secured from all danger from the departed ghost of the dead chief, and his spirit will then take up its residence in their bodies as being part of its former habitation. This is a singular idea, and one would be led to think that it had been derived from Divine revelation. Our Saviour told the Jews: "He that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood dwelleth in me and I in him." Their eating human flesh is a part of their religion. The New Zealanders cutting off the heads of the chiefs, their enemies, and collecting them together, is similar to what was done to Ahab's sons when Jehu rebelled against him. 56

They are also very particular in preserving the bones of their ancestors from generation to generation. To spoil the sepulchre of the dead by carrying away any of their bones is a very serious crime and often punished with death. Five men were killed when I was in New Zealand in August last for robbing the sepulchre of a chief's bones, as already mentioned in my journal. The Israelites were very particular about their bones. Joseph gave commandment concerning his bones before his death, and four hundred years afterwards, when the children of Israel departed from Egypt, they took the bones of Joseph with them, that they might perform the oath which Joseph had made them swear unto him before he died.

I now submit the preceding observations to your candour and judgment. You will make what use of them you please; I will vouch for their correctness in point of fact, for my object has been to relate simple facts as they occurred and to communicate as much information relative to these interesting people as my limited time and various other objects that called for my attention would allow. When I was in the different districts and wished to note anything down that appeared to me worthy of notice, I had to steal away into the thicket and conceal

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myself as well as I could from the eyes of the natives while I minuted down any circumstance or conversation that tended to throw any light upon their customs, manners, or religion; but it was seldom that I could steal away unobserved, and on that account was obliged often to write in the midst of a crowd what I wished to record. You will, I am sure, Sir, make due allowance for any tautology or want of arrangement you may meet with in these sheets, as these observations were not studied but merely originated from daily occurrences. Should they induce any friends to the heathens to cast their mite in aid of the Society's funds, and soften the prejudices of the civilized world towards the New Zealanders, my wishes will then be fully gratified. I am convinced that the wants of these poor heathens have only to be made known to the Christian World and then they will be relieved. Their country, which is now only an uncultivated wilderness, will then stand thick with corn, and the voice of joy and gladness will then be heard in these dreary regions of darkness, superstition, cruelty, and sin.

SAMUEL MARSDEN.
Rev. J. PRATT,
Secretary, Church Missionary Society.

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APPENDIX TO THE SECOND JOURNAL

CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE STATE OF THE NEW ZEALAND MISSION 1816-1819

THE FIRST SCHOOL IN NEW ZEALAND

Marsden, during his first visit to New Zealand in 1814-5, had the satisfaction of witnessing the opening of the first school in New Zealand by the Rev. Thomas Kendall. His influence with the natives, however, seems to have been necessary for the maintenance of the attendance of these first scholars and, upon his departure for New South Wales, they quickly fell away. William Hall, the carpenter, writing from the Bay of Islands to the Secretary of the Society on August 22nd, 1816, informed him of this. "When Mr. Marsden was here," he wrote, "there were a small number of children collected and a school commenced in Mr. Kendall's house, but after: Mr. Marsden went away they were dispersed and there has never been a school since. But now we have built a schoolhouse thirty feet by eighteen, with a small apartment raised seven inches above the floor intended for the teachers and the European children, divided off by a low partition about breast-high. The whole is nearly completed, and then as soon as provisions can be obtained, we hope that we will be able to give some account of a school. There has been a small book printed at Port Jackson for the use of the school, composed of words and sentences out of our vocabulary, which Mr. Kendall has put together, and although very defective yet it will be of some use, if it were but to teach them the alphabet and a beginning for further improvement. 57 I find it is almost impossible to make mechanics of them or to teach them the arts at New Zealand. They are not arrived at that stage yet. . . . They cannot let anything remain amongst them that has got any nails in it, neither do they make any use of a wheelbarrow. I had one at Wythangee that I used to wheel the stones off the ground with, but they would as willingly bear them off in baskets, and when I was robbed they chopped it all to pieces to get the nails out of it. 58 . . .

In this environment Kendall opened the first school building in New Zealand in August, 1816, with 33 children, the number increasing to 70 by April, 1817. William Carlisle of New South Wales, who had reached New Zealand early in 1816, acted as Kendall's assistant, 59 returning to New South Wales a year later to bring over his brother-in-law, Charles Gordon, who was employed as an agriculturist. Accompanied by their wives and families they reached New Zealand in April, 1817. 60

By April, 1817, the number of children on the roll had increased to 70, half boys, half girls, varying in age from seven to seventeen, and it still stood at this number when Marsden, in 1819, paid his second visit to the Bay of Islands. The scholars, as he indicates in his journal, were maintained by the Mission, their rations consisting chiefly of potatoes and fish, which they themselves cooked. 61

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William Carlisle and Charles Gordon remained in the Mission until 1820, when they resigned their positions and returned to New South Wales. A certificate granted by the Rev. John Butler to Charles Gordon, dated Sydney, January 24th, 1822, certifies that he served the Church Missionary Society in New Zealand "for two years and eleven months," and "did of his own free will give up his situation." 62 Carlisle was asked to resign by Marsden on account of his conduct. 63

THE STATE OF THE NEW ZEALAND MISSION, 1816

[The Revd. Samuel Marsden to Mr. Wm. Hall and Mr. J. King]

PARRAMATTA, December 7th, 1816.

DEAR SIRS,

I received your respective letters by the King George. I have carefully read them, and, after maturely considering their contents, I am sorry to say that I perceive there is a great want of mutual confidence, brotherly love, and Christian affection between you and your colleague Mr. Kendall. This want of unity of sentiment, mutual co-operation, and Christian forbearance will tend not only to injure but to defeat the great object of the Mission. Under this painful impression I feel it my indispensable duty, as Agent to the Church Missionary Society, to say that if you are dissatisfied with your present situation and conscious in your own breasts that you do not possess those kind, benevolent, and Christian feelings towards the natives that will call forth your cordial and willing exertions for their present and eternal welfare, you have my full approbation to return to Port Jackson and to retire from your engagements with the Society till I receive directions from the committee respecting you.

If you can lay aside all your prejudices and join hand and heart together in the great work, it is much to be wished. But if you cannot love as brethren and exert your respective abilities for the good and comfort of each other and the general benefit of the natives, it would be more for your happiness and the interest of the cause in which you are engaged for you to leave your stations to be supplied with others who may not meet with the same difficulties that you seem to imagine you have to struggle with. I am fully aware while you feel those sentiments expressed as implied in your letters, you will never be happy in New Zealand and can never discharge, from that cause, your duty to the Society. I have felt it my duty to express myself in this plain manner that you may no longer halt between two opinions, but either engage with all your talents in the work of the Lord, or retire from it as soon as you can judge yourselves. Therefore examine yourselves closely and see how you are affected towards the work, and act honestly as in the sight of God, that if your feelings are such that you cannot promote the welfare of the natives, you may not injure the cause. I shall leave what I have now said to your serious consideration. It is a matter of infinite importance to yourselves and to the Mission and probably to thousands yet unborn. In what way you determine to act may the Lord direct you in the right way, that, whatever your determination may be, you may never have cause to repent either in time or eternity.

This is the sincere prayer of,
Dear Sirs,
Your friend and well-wisher,
SAMUEL MARSDEN.

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MARSDEN'S DIFFICULTIES AND TRIALS, 1817

[The Revd. Samuel Marsden to the Secretary]

PARRAMATTA, March 3rd, 1817.

REVD. AND DEAR SIR,

Allow me now to write you a few lines of a private nature relative to myself. I have passed through very severe trials during the past eighteen months. The settlers at New Zealand from their improper conduct have given me much pain, with the exception of Mr. Kendall whose conduct I cannot too highly approve. When I was at New Zealand Mr. Hall formed a determination to remove from the place where I had fixed them. This I would not consent to. I considered the safety of the settlers and their usefulness to the natives to be the two grand considerations. Both these objects were sure where they were settled. They were settled in one of the largest villages and under the protection of one of the greatest chiefs. Mr. Hall had set his mind on a place called Whytanghee (Waitangi) because the land was rich and it possessed other local advantages. He had influenced both Messrs. King and Kendall for a time, and it was with some difficulty I could persuade them from their purpose. I made them promise that they would remain where I had fixed them and if they would not agree to this I would bring them and their families back again with me to Port Jackson; as I was sure they would be robbed, if not murdered, if they went to live in a lonely place where they could have no protection. At length, after considerable difficulty, they promised to remain where they were, and I saw them comfortably settled before I left them. Mr. Hall was to procure a cargo of spars for the Active against her return, Mr. King was to collect the flax which the natives brought for sale, and Mr. Kendall was to devote himself to the school. Messrs. Hall and King were also to instruct the natives in agriculture or anything they could for their general improvement. Under the idea that they would attend to these arrangements I left them, and returned to Port Jackson leaving them sawyers to cut timber for their houses and also to prepare some flax for the Active against her return. When the Active returned to New Zealand, Mr. Hall had left the settlement and had gone to Whytanghee (Waitangi); not a spar nor a plank had been procured for the vessel to bring back, which was a very great disappointment as well as a very heavy loss. I made up my mind to hear of Mr. Hall and his family being murdered for their property, and was apprehensive this might occasion civil war in the island, as the natives were so partial to the Europeans where they lived. I knew they would immediately seek revenge for any injury offered to the people I had left. Mr. Hall had employed the sawyers to build his house at Whytanghee (Waitangi) and neglected the whole of what he ought to have done, and incurred a heavy loss to me and also great expense to the Society.

When the Active returned and brought me these distressing accounts, as I was sure something serious would happen, I knew not what to do. Mr. Hall had too much property to live in a lonely place ten miles from the settlement without danger. He would have been murdered even in this Colony in situations not half so exposed to danger. I tremble for the consequences. At length information arrived that Mr. Hall had been robbed and that Mrs. Hall had been wounded, and that he had been compelled to return to the settlement. The chiefs rose in every direction to revenge the injury and destroy the houses of those who had come to rob Mr. Hall; and some of their countrymen to be put to death. The head chiefs recommended that they should not die but be punished some other way, and the business ended. The workmen had lost their property and claimed remuneration, and at Mr. Kendall's

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request I have paid them. All the buildings and other materials which the workmen and Mr. Hall had built at Whytanghee (Waitangi) were an expense that was now lost. Besides disappointing the vessel of a cargo of planks, I had sent over a carpenter and two pair of sawyers to assist in building the school, and from one circumstance and another the settlers disagreed amongst themselves and this brought on misunderstandings between the workmen, some preferring one and some another, so that there was no unity amongst them. The sending of the sawyers and workmen has been a very heavy expense, and had not answered what I had reason to expect. I had disappointment after disappointment and vexation after vexation that I knew not what to do. I had only one comfort, and that was that everything that the natives could do for the settlers where they lived they did with great pleasure, and the prospect of finally succeeding in the object was very gratifying to my mind even if the present settlers should relinquish the work. I have already expressed my approbation of Mr. Kendall's conduct, and a more proper man in my opinion could not be found. He will have had his trials and I feel for his situation; as his colleagues will not settle in the work but hinder him all they can, and traduce, I fear, his good name unless they should show a very different spirit from what they have hitherto done. Mrs. Hall is a good woman and a good missionary.

You will easily perceive how all these things must distress my mind and particularly from a pecuniary point of view, as the expenses have been so much increased by all these unpleasant circumstances.

The last time the Active went, the voyage proved very unfortunate. The master, who is an aged man and a good sailor, behaved very ill. After conveying supplies to New Zealand, the Active went on to Otaheite with the missionaries belonging to the London Missionary Society. He stood in the North Cape of New Zealand so close to land to trade with the natives that he got the Active aground twice. Her false keel was knocked off; and before they got to the Society Islands she became very leaky, and was afterwards obliged to be hove down upon one of the islands. The Active returned again to Port Jackson with very little cargo through the neglect and drunkenness of the master. I had fitted her out at a very heavy expense, and she was to have returned with a cargo of pork but brought about twelve tons. From the injury she has sustained I am compelled to new-sheath her bottom, which will be a very heavy expense in this Colony where labour is so high. All these things have been almost more than I could bear. I have none to assist me, either with advice or money. The cloud is at present so thick that I cannot see my way through, and what the end will be I cannot tell. My soul is pained within me and my sleep is often departed from me. None know what I suffer and what I fear.

In the midst of all, my enemies are many and powerful and they hate me with a tyrannous hatred. I know no cause that I have given offence by, excepting my endeavours to promote the welfare of the poor heathen. This is the only crime that they can lay to my charge. I feel fully confident that the Society will give all the support they can; but it will be out of my power ever to lay my real case before them. I am strongly inclined to return to England. If the same difficulties continue and the same opposition is made it will not be possible for me to remain. If it was not for my large family I could take up my residence in New Zealand immediately. I would not hold my public situation in the Colony

With respect to New Zealand, I have no doubt but the Mission will succeed. All is well with the natives. Some of the persons sent out as missionaries will always turn out bad characters when they arrive at their destination, and this must at all times be expected. Many missionaries sent out to Otaheite by the London

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Missionary Society have turned out men of very bad characters--have been guilty of drunkenness, etc. The missionaries at the Society Islands are men that can now be depended upon--the bad ones have been sorted out from time to time. This will be the case, with the greatest care, amongst those that are sent to New Zealand. Some will turn out bad men and will injure the cause. This I expect, but their misconduct will not prevent the Divine purposes from being accomplished. I shall feel much more happy when the time comes that my colleagues will feel themselves at liberty to espouse this important work. I do not hope for this favour under the present administration. However, whatever may be the issue of this Mission and whatever may be the opinion of the Society and my friends, I can solemnly declare that I have done all that my means or body or mind could do. Unforeseen and distressing circumstances could not be avoided, and the heavy expenses from the misconduct of others cannot be justly charged upon me. A vessel must be maintained for some time yet, for the benefit of the natives and the comfort of the settlers, and I hope the Society will see the necessity of this, and that the Head of the Church will open the hearts of those who have the means to assist in this glorious cause. Had I not persevered in urging the missionaries of the London Missionary Society from time to time to return to their work in the Society Islands, when they came despairing and had given up the cause altogether and told me it was no use, the poor heathens in these islands would not now have cast their gods, their idols, into the fire. Many of them now believe the Gospel, and nearly all profess it--nothing like this has happened since the Apostles' days. They are consoling thoughts to me in my trouble.

I am, dear Sir,
Yours truly,
SAMUEL MARSDEN.
Revd. J. PRATT.

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A COLONY IN NEW ZEALAND MOOTED, 1817

[The Revds. S. Marsden, Cartwright, and Youl to the Secretary]

PARRAMATTA, March 27th, 1817.

REVD. SIR,

We have maturely considered the plan of establishing a small colony at New Zealand as suggested by the Revd. Andrew Cheap, and have little doubt but it would answer, provided suitable persons could be met with who would act in unity and conduct themselves with propriety. All who are conversant with mankind know that this can hardly be expected in a body of people who are remote from all legal restraint and left so much at liberty to act and think for themselves. There are a thousand motives in a regular civil government that operate upon men's minds and induce them to live in subordination and good friendship, which exist not in uncivilized nations. To introduce the arts of civilization at New Zealand by the establishment of a small colony is a very desirable object, and we think there would be little difficulty in doing this as far as the New Zealanders would be concerned, since they are so anxious for Europeans to reside amongst them. The danger would be from the want of subordination amongst the colonists. When men are placed in new situations and do not meet with all those comforts and conveniences which they expected they generally become discontented, fretful, and ungovernable. This has been the case repeatedly in the Society Islands amongst the missionaries there, by

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which a very heavy expense has several times been brought upon the Society. We are of opinion that this evil, in the nature of things, cannot by any human wisdom be avoided, and therefore ought to be taken into estimation when a colony is formed. The vicinity of this country to New Zealand would no doubt greatly facilitate the establishment of such a colony, as many of the disaffected or disappointed might at a small expense be removed to New South Wales and relieve both themselves and the colony at New Zealand. Horses and horned cattle might easily be transported from hence to New Zealand, and here they are now becoming very cheap. The colonists might soon have all the common necessaries of life within themselves. They would have a good soil, a fine climate, a well watered country, plenty of timber, and would command what labour they might require at a small expense from the inhabitants to carry on all their various operations of agriculture, etc. With respect to the plan of the vessel which the Revd. Andrew Cheap also recommends, we think this could hardly fail of success and would greatly aid the exertions of your Society towards the civilization of the New Zealanders. Those who employed their money to such a benevolent purpose might upon fair grounds expect to reap some advantage in a commercial view. We have consulted some of the most intelligent merchants in this colony, who think such a plan would answer well. The vessel would no doubt be able to get a freight out, either from Government or private merchants who trade to this colony, if the owners should not send out a cargo themselves, but in case they should do this we enclose a list of such articles as are most in demand here and which would sell in general. The vessel might return to England with a cargo of wool and oil from this country and New Zealand. On the plan of a vessel the Active brig might then be profitably employed, making the Bay of Islands her regular station; during all the fishing season she might be procuring oil for England. We have sent you a letter upon this subject from the present master of the Active, a very respectable married man. If Mr. Cheap's plan was adopted many of the New Zealanders would be employed in the vessels, which would bring them forward very fast.

At present the articles of export from New Zealand would be sperm oil, timber of various kinds, and flax which might be made into cordage upon the spot for both the vessels and the natives. The Active cannot at present furnish the means to bring these articles to market to meet her own expenses, but if employed as Mr. Thompson points out she might clear herself and aid the Mission. Since the settlers have been so kindly treated by the natives, ships can now enter their harbour with safety. We strongly recommend the Revd. A. Cheap's plan both of a vessel and a small colony of select characters composed of agriculturists and mechanics. If this plan is not established by those who are real friends to religion, it is our decided opinion that some such measure will be adopted by others who have no pious feeling towards the heathens, which may prove injurious to the Mission. We regret that the expenses have been so heavy up to the present time. This has arisen partly from many untoward and unforeseen circumstances, and partly from the high prices of labour here and the difficulty there has been to induce workmen to go to New Zealand to assist in erecting the necessary buildings. As the buildings are now completed and the workmen withdrawn, the expenses will be proportionately decreased. No more stores need to be sent out for a long time, as we are now well supplied excepting a little clothing for the settlers and native children. We have engaged a very respectable young man, Charles Gordon, for the term of three years from the first of last January at £60 per annum, as superintendent of agriculture: his father came out originally a free settler. We hope by his exertions the settlement will soon be rendered independent of this country for supplies of grain. From the knowledge we have of the

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principal chiefs who are and have been at Parramatta, we can have no doubt but the New Zealanders will soon become a civilized nation.

We have the honour to be,
Revd. Sir,
Your obedient humble servants,
SAMUEL MARSDEN.
ROBERT CARTWRIGHT.
JOHN YOUL.
To the REVD. JOSIAH PRATT,
Secretary to the Church Missionary Society.

A TESTIMONY TO MARSDEN FROM AN AUSTRALIAN COLLEAGUE

[The Revd. John Youl to the Secretary]

LIVERPOOL, NEW SOUTH WALES,
March 29th, 1817

REVD. SIR,

You will see by Mr. Marsden's letters the state of things here, and what he has to endure for his active exertions in the Missions established in the South Seas. The attack on his character and reputation as well as that on the whole of the clergy is most unfounded, and proves that those concerned are not friendly to religion, however they attempt to do something in a public way.

If Mr. Marsden's conduct is weighed since he has been in the Colony amidst all his weakness, the world will find his worth to be of the higher order. The service he has done this Colony speaks very loud, but that done the Missions never ought to be forgotten. It was this zealous man of God who urged the exiled missionaries to return to Tahiti and we see the rich harvest. 64

And where have we an example in modern days of a man of like zeal who has left his family and dared dangers, unknown to most, as that we have seen in Mr. Marsden in his journey to New Zealand? You, Sir, as well as the Society, know his abilities and properly appreciate his worthiness.

I take the liberty further to observe that I fear Mr. Marsden has injured himself more than he will be able to recover in the Active's speculation. That vessel, with all your assistance, has never paid the disbursements by hundreds--it is said by many hundreds. Therefore, instead of the charge of being sordid or selfish, we should esteem his benevolence of a superior kind, and that God has raised him up for your joy and the spread of His Gospel; and if you were to see him and hear his daily conversation you would find he is a missionary in soul and in body, and this is why they hate him, calling him "the head of visionaries and sectarians," "the Christian Mahomet," etc., etc. 65 I trust Mr. Marsden will meet with all that assistance from the two Societies his active services claim, and that, as it is for their sakes he now suffers, every hand will be held up that the enemy may not triumph. I am of opinion that Mr. Marsden has many friends in the Colony and, as the attack is so odious and unfounded, many more will be found ready to step forward if required.

I have been detained by the Governor and at present do duty at Liverpool, an inland district about twenty miles from Sydney, where we have a tolerable attendance. This place was appointed for Mr. Vale who has returned to Europe. There is a very good parsonage house, and the Governor is preparing to build a neat church--we now

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assemble in a large schoolroom. This station leads to a very extensive country and will be a very populous town in a few years.

I am, with all due respect.
Your obliged servant,
JOHN YOUL.
To REVD. JOSIAH PRATT.
This letter is private to my friend the Revd. Mr. Pratt.

THE INTRODUCTION OF CATTLE

[The Revd. Samuel Marsden to the Secretary]

PARRAMATTA, March 30th, 1817.

REVD. SIR,

Should any small colony be sent to New Zealand, I shall have no objection to go there for a time to assist in forming the settlement and arranging matters with the natives. I am of opinion that New Zealand will repay, at a future period, any reasonable expenses if what its seas and land produce can be brought to market. I am well acquainted with the natives for one hundred and twenty miles on the east side of the island, and some of the chiefs I know as far as the River Thames. I should be under no apprehensions of danger in examining the country for the most advantageous situations for forming a colony. With a view to a settlement being formed at some distant period, I shall send over cattle from time to time as opportunity offers in the Active. I have six young cows which are now ready to embark when the vessel sails. These I shall send at my own expense and risk and as my own property. When the Colony (in New South Wales) was established it was a great oversight in the British Government the neglect of sending any quantity of cattle for many years. The Colony was victualled principally from England for more than twenty years, and so scarce were cattle that they sold at the highest prices. A cow would sell for £80 to £100 after the Colony had been established almost twenty years, and horses from £100 to £150. At length Government imported cattle from India and the Cape, and, though the first expense was very great, yet it was comparatively small to victualling the Colony from Europe. We have now the greatest abundance of animal food.

I am not afraid of the natives killing my cattle. I have no doubt but they will take care of them for a small reward. The horse and mare I took over with me are doing well. The mare has got two females. These are the property of the Society. There can be little doubt but the islands will be stocked with horses from these, if no more are imported in time. Cattle I consider of vast moment in a new colony, as they will supply so many of the real wants of the colonists. There are numbers of islands along the east coast upon which cattle might be put and taken off as they were wanted. Whether a colony is established or not, I have resolved to introduce a number of cattle into New Zealand and let them take their chance. The males may be killed to supply the English whalers or any other vessels with fresh meat if no Europeans should settle there, and if they should they will be ready to supply them with animal food, milk, and butter.

I have merely mentioned these circumstances to you in consequence of Mr. Cheap's letter. I am ready to render all the services I can to promote the object of the Society, and in any way that Divine Providence may point out. My long experience in this Colony might be of some service in the first instance.

I am, Revd. and dear Sir,
Yours affectionately,
SAMUEL MARSDEN.
Revd. J. PRATT.

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THE NEW ZEALAND MISSION, 1819

[The Revd. Samuel Marsden to the Secretary]

PARRAMATTA, February 24th, 1819.

REVD. AND DEAR SIR,

Wishing to ascertain as soon as it could be done what quantity of articles the settlers would require per annum to furnish them with pork, potatoes, fish, firewood, etc., I wrote to them on the subject, and received the enclosed answer from which the Society will be able to learn the expense of maintaining the settlement in these articles. The whole amount may cost in England about £100. I shall endeavour to supply them for one year with the stores that came out in the Tottenham, agreeable to their requisition. These supplies are wanted for the support of the settlers and families. In addition to these supplies, articles of a similar nature will be wanted for hiring labourers to cultivate their wheat and maize grounds. At present they must get the natives to work the land for wheat till cattle and ploughs can be introduced, which I hope will not be long before this takes place. I should think £30 per annum would supply all the articles necessary for agriculture.

As the timber from New Zealand from the heavy duty put upon it will not pay for bringing to the Colony, it is my present intention to employ the Active in procuring oil at the proper season, or any other natural production of the seas or land on the east coast of New Zealand, by which means the natives all along the coast will be visited and a communication opened as far as the East Cape, and a way prepared for any future establishments that the Society may think proper to make. Should the vessel be fortunate in procuring oil, she will cover much of her expense. The civilization of New Zealand could not be carried on without a regular communication, and therefore she must be for a time at least employed in the service. I have little doubt, if a change takes place in this Government, but we shall be able to do something for New Zealand in the Colony. Some are willing, others think that it would not be prudent at the present time as the opposition might be too strong. I am very happy God has been so gracious as to prosper all that we have set our hands unto. No accident has happened to the vessel nor to any belonging to her. No injury has been done to the natives, nor a single circumstance occurred that can give cause to the enemy to blaspheme. Difficulties have been very great and many, but they have not prevented the work from going on. Nothing has happened that can give the Society pain. Everything has succeeded better than the most sanguine hopes could have warranted us to expect in such a new and important undertaking.

I understand that the natives have killed two of the horses for trespassing in their gardens. I blame the settlers wholly for this accident. I understand the horses were very fond of sweet potatoes and rooted them up very much as they ran at large. These are the chief food which the natives value, and I am not surprised that they have killed them. They have been suffered to run where they pleased for two years. Had the settlers fenced a part of land off for them, they would then have done no injury and the natives would not have molested them. The natives with me are much distressed at this circumstance, as they are very fond of horses. Since they have been with me they have learned their value in all agricultural purposes. I have promised to send them some more and to give them into their own charge, and then I shall be sure they will take care of them. I am happy to learn from the settlers that they will have wheat for their support and will only want a little seed wheat this year. When agriculture comes to flourish amongst them, schools may then be maintained at a very little expense. The children will want no clothing; bread will be

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the principal article they will require, but rice as yet is the cheapest. This will not be the case when they get plenty of wheat. I shall send over all kinds of fruit trees, vines, etc. I have no doubt but New Zealand will be the finest country in the world for wine from what I saw. If grape vines get into the island they will be ready for anyone who may come afterwards and turn his attention to these things. The chief's sons who are with me visit our orchard and vineyards, and are much astonished to see the fruit and anxious to promote their growth in their own country. Various things here which they had never seen furnish us with much conversation about God. They cannot be persuaded that the same God made them and us. They see such a difference between our civilized and their savage state. When I tell them there is but one God they advance many arguments to prove my assertion incredible.

The following is part of a late conversation with them upon this subject:--When I told them there was but one God and that our God was their's, they asked me if our God had given us any sweet potatoes. I replied, "No." They answered, "Our God has given us sweet potatoes, and if He had been your God also He would have given you some." I told them our climate was too cold, they would not grow, and therefore He knew it would be no use to give us any. They said, "Your God has given you cattle and sheep and horses and many other things, which He has not given us. Were He our God as well as yours He would not have acted so partially. He would have given us cattle, etc., as well as you." This brought us to the creation of the world and to Noah's flood, from which I showed them how the different animals came to be spread over the world, and told them that England was for a long time without cattle, etc., but in due time God had given them to England and now He was going to give all these things which we had to them, as they had already got cattle, horses, etc. They then replied, "But we are of a different colour to you, and if one God had made us both He would not have made such a mistake as to make us of different colour." This I endeavoured to explain also, and told them when they could read the book which God had given to us and which they would soon have, they would then believe what I told them to be true. Many other arguments they used to prove that there must be more than one God. Their reasoning faculties are strong and clear and their comprehension quick. When once they obtain a true knowledge of the Scriptures they will improve very fast, and may then be ranked with civilized nations. Their improvement is not doubtful, but certain, and the Society are not labouring in vain.

In one of the committee's resolutions relative to the seminary at Parramatta, the committee direct that the natives of this Colony be received into it with the New Zealanders. It is the opinion of all who wish well to the cause that this would be impossible at the present time. There are difficulties in the way that could not be removed. The Governor has established a school for the native children in which there are about sixteen young children, many of these the sons or daughters of European fathers and native women. They are very young. The natives of the Colony, when they attain the age of thirteen or fourteen years, always take to the woods. They cannot be induced to live in any regular way, and as they increase in years they increase in every vice, and particularly drunkenness, both men and women, and still go naked about the streets. They are the most degraded of the human race, and never seem to wish to alter their habits and manner of life. I have not known one single instance where a boy or girl who has lived for a time with Europeans has not taken to the woods again immediately they attain a certain age. They are all addicted to drunkenness and idleness and vice. The New Zealanders would never be induced to live with them if it was possible to confine them. They cannot bear their degraded

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appearance; their conduct is so disgusting altogether, as well as their persons. Whether the half-caste children will take to the woods remains to be ascertained. Time will show how they will act. I do not think the Governor would sanction any interference with the natives so as to unite them in the same seminary with the New Zealanders, if this could be done. I consulted the Revd. Mr. Cartwright and the Judge of the Supreme Court with a few more friends, who were all of opinion that the plan would not do, and that it would not be prudent to mention the subject to the Governor at the present time. It will be best to keep the New Zealanders by themselves as much as possible in the seminary. We shall therefore for the present continue unconnected as we are. Time may alter the present circumstances and something then may be done, but, if we may be allowed to judge from what we see and know of the natives of New South Wales, the time is not yet arrived for them to receive the great blessings of civilization and the knowledge of Christianity. I trust from the above remarks the committee will approve of that line of conduct with respect to the natives of New Zealand we have adopted, as it was out of our power to carry the resolution of the committee into effect.

I have now stated all that occurred to me, and perhaps much more than necessary. You will pardon my long correspondence. It must be tedious to you.

I have the honour to be, Revd. Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
SAMUEL MARSDEN.
Revd. J. PRATT,
Secretary to the C.M.S.

THE MISSIONARIES AND PRIVATE TRADE

[The Revd. Samuel Marsden to the Settlers]

PARRAMATTA, February 24th, 1819.

DEAR SIRS,

I am greatly at a loss what to say to you respecting private trade. If you engage in it further than your wants require, you act in that case in violation of the instructions of the Society and contrary to your general happiness and interest. This conduct will always give occasion of offence, and destroy that brotherly love and pious Christian feeling which you ought in your peculiar station to cultivate one with another. You are all placed in the most important and honourable station in the world; in the centre of the enemy's camp. The eyes of the angels and all good men are turned towards you. Satan trembles for his kingdom. "All things," says Paul, "are lawful for me, but all things are not convenient." You should not do a single thing, though it may be lawful, if it give offence to any of your brethren. I know offences will come in the best society, but they will be attended with the most pernicious effects upon those that give them. I have no wish that you should for the want of anything that your necessities may call for be under the smallest temptation to private trade. This will prove a curse like the wedge of gold in the camp of Israel. Let me entreat you then to put away that accursed thing from amongst you. Perhaps you may not all be convinced of the evils attending upon private trade. It will turn away your heart from God, and that spirit of meekness, that heavenly-mindedness, which should reign amongst you, will be lost. You will not be able to love as brethren, nor will you be kindly affectioned one towards another unless you be joined together in one spirit in the Lord. God has been very gracious to you since you have been amongst the heathen. He has preserved you in all dangers, and your wants have been supplied. I wish to write to you in the spirit of meekness, and to beseech you

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in Christ's stead to lay no stumbling block in one another's way. I have to gratify no private feelings excepting those of a Christian in my advice. After reading all your letters and combining all the information, I perceive there is something wrong amongst you. No! I could not tell where the fault lay, but I was convinced it originated from private traffic and from this baneful root with many bitter evils springing up and troubling you. As this is an internal evil existing among you, I am at a loss how to remedy it or where to meet it. I should be sorry to give an order to the master of the Active not to receive anything from you individually on board for Port Jackson or at Port Jackson for the Bay of Islands, as this on the one hand would degrade you in the opinion of each other and on the other might deprive you of some comfort. If you can suggest to me individually or as a body how the evil can be remedied, I will most readily come into your line, but it will be better, if possible, to settle it amongst yourselves, as any breach that this might make would be sooner healed. The evil is not confined to New Zealand. The very same difficulties exist in the Society Islands, and perhaps more or less where any missionaries are settled amongst the heathens,

I hope you will resolve one and all to have nothing to do with private trade. We never find a man engaged to build a temple selling pans. His thoughts have more rational employments. You are called upon to build a temple for God in a place where no stone has been quarried, no timber cut, nor a spit of the foundation dug. You have work for the employment of all your time and thoughts. With what gratification must you behold the dawn of civilization rising upon those around you, and the Day Star from on High visiting them! I think I should feel a joy inexpressible to see the New Zealander returning home from his cultivated field with his sheaf with him. I anticipate the day when he will plough with his yoke of oxen like the ancient prophets and rejoice with the joy of harvest when his crops are gathered in. What will you not feel when the time shall come that he shall meet in the great congregation and worship with you in spirit and in truth! Consider the honour that is put upon you; you are gone to prepare the way of the Lord, to make ready a people for Him. Act in all things becoming the dignity of your character. Were the Archbishops of Canterbury and York to spend their time in low pursuits, in menial traffic, how would they degrade their office! Their exalted station is not to be compared with yours. Let me exhort you to love as brethren, bear one another's burdens, watch over one another's souls with a godly jealousy and exhort one another daily, and the God of Peace will then bless you and the heathen amongst whom you live shall fear Him.

I am, with much esteem and affection,
Yours,
SAMUEL MARSDEN.
Messrs. KENDALL, HALL, KING, CARLISLE, and GORDON.
[The above is a copy of a letter I deemed necessary to write to the settlers on private trade. A line from you may have more influence upon them.]

THE SEMINARY AT PARRAMATTA

[The Revd. Samuel Marsden to the Secretary]

PARRAMATTA, February 25th, 1819.

REVD. AND DEAR SIR,

I shall now inform you what I am doing relative to the Seminary at Parramatta. 1 was unwilling to go to any very heavy expense till I was fully convinced from actual

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experience that the object would answer the ends proposed. After having the natives living with me for more than four years, I cannot entertain a doubt of the success that will attend the final establishment of a Seminary here for them. I am now erecting a commodious building upon an estate which I purchased on the banks of the river opposite to the town of Parramatta. The situation is very pleasant and convenient in every respect. The estate contains upwards of one hundred acres of land, and every operation of agriculture, gardening, nursery, etc., may be carried on, with the simple arts. When I get the building completed there will be accommodation for any missionary who may visit Port Jackson while he remains in the Colony. Here the natives can be taught and constantly employed. The produce of their labour will contribute something towards their support. They shall learn to plough and sow and reap, and the management of horses and cattle, and whatever else may be deemed advantageous to them. It will be my object when a chief's son has learned to plough and become acquainted with a team of bullocks, to let him take them home with him. If I find that I can put up the buildings and complete them without assistance from the Society, I shall do so. Should I be pressed for £200 I then shall draw upon you for that amount as a loan. Should any future circumstances render the Seminary unnecessary, the buildings will still be upon the estate and no loss of any moment will be sustained by me if I keep them as my own. I hope to have the buildings completed in a little time, as they are now in a forward state. Hitherto I have either hired a house for the natives to lodge in or provided them with lodgings in my own house. Sixteen natives are with me at the present time.

You will excuse any mistakes, as I have much to do.

I am, Revd. Sir,
Yours very sincerely,
SAMUEL MARSDEN.
Revd. J. PRATT.

AGREEMENT AMONG THE SETTLERS AT THE BAY OF ISLANDS

BAY OF ISLANDS,
March 30th, 1819.

We the undersigned missionary settlers in the service of the Honourable the Church Missionary Society, actuated by a desire to promote the general comfort and prosperity of this settlement, do hereby promise and agree:--

That from and after the date hereof we will not enter as individuals into any plans of private commerce nor at any time dispose of to captains of ships or any other persons, either by way of presents or barter, any hogs, pork, potatoes, or Indian corn except for the benefit and by the consent of the whole body of settlers and at such a time as the affairs of the settlement will admit; and that we will in such cases each contribute according to the number of persons in our respective families a proportionate quantity of the article so disposed of in order that each family may be made partaker of a proportionate share of the benefit.

And provided any individual settler should procure from the natives at his own private expense, or by means of his own industry, any of the above-mentioned articles, and be willing to part with them to the body of settlers and the body of settlers agree

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to receive them, then each settler shall bear a proportionate part of the prime cost or contribute a proportionate part of the value at New Zealand.

Witness our hands,
WM. CARLISLE.
CHAS. GORDON.
THOS. KENDALL.
JOHN KING.

[I have taken a copy of this agreement sent to me and have forwarded the original. Hall's name is not to it. He is a very stubborn ass and never will be properly broken in to the yoke.--Samuel Marsden.]

THE SETTLERS TO THE SECRETARIES

BAY OF ISLANDS,
May 17th, 1819.

Dear Sirs,

In answer to your remark to Mr. Kendall in a letter bearing date June 7th, 1817, respecting muskets and powder, and to a letter from the Revd. Samuel Marsden to Mr. Kendall bearing date February 25th, 1819, of the same import, we think it our duty to state that it is our wish to abstain entirely from disposing of such articles to the natives of New Zealand, and that we have no doubt but we could carry the same into effect without injury to our families or to the general welfare of the settlement, provided no such dealings were allowed to be carried on by any individual settler and a complete stop should be put to private trade as expressed in our agreement dated March 30th last.

We are, Revd. Sirs,

Your most obedient and obliged servants,
WM. CARLISLE.
JOHN KING.
THOS. KENDALL.
WM. HALL.
CHAS. GORDON.
THE REV. JOSIAH PRATT, and THE REV. EDWARD BICKERSTETH, Secretaries.

[The above was written in expectation that the whole of the settlers would not sign but only a part of them. But it was the same as the other agreement presented to the whole for signature.]

THE SECRETARY TO THE MISSIONARIES AND SETTLERS AT NEW ZEALAND

CHURCH MISSIONARY HOUSE,
LONDON, July 20th, 1819.

Dear Friends,

The Committee find it necessary, in consequence of information received from various quarters, to call your attention to the subject of private trade. It never was intended by them that any such trade should be carried on. Inconveniences and difficulties have manifestly arisen from the want of regulations relative to trade

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generally, and to the distribution of supplies in the Colony. The Committee have given this subject their serious consideration. They felt it was become indispensably necessary to lay down some fixed principles by which the conduct of all the settlers should in future be regulated.

The Committee cannot doubt but that all their settlers in the Bay of Islands will perceive that the principles embodied in the resolutions are equally calculated, if adhered to, to promote their individual comfort and the objects of the Society in placing them in their present situation. Under any circumstances, but especially under such as yours, in the midst of an uncivilized people and destitute of all human force for your protection, self-denial, concord, and firm union tend fully as much to your mutual comfort as to your common welfare, and the success of the Mission. To you the exhortation of the Apostle applies with peculiar propriety: "Let no man seek his own, but every man another's wealth." And, doubtless, your success in bringing those among whom you dwell to a saving knowledge of Christ crucified may be anticipated with more sanguine hopes in proportion as your own hearts are subjected to the influence of those self-denying doctrines, which are so strongly opposed to the pride and selfishness of our fallen nature.

Mr. Marsden, and the Society's other friends who act with him, will be requested to frame proper regulations on these principles for the distribution of the common stock to the settlers and their families, to the children in the schools and the natives employed in the settlement, and to place the said common stock under the charge of such person or persons as they shall judge fit.

The Committee hope that these regulations will prevent the recurrence of painful circumstances, but it is only an increase of brotherly love among yourselves, and a more pure zeal for the glory of God, which can effectually secure you from a line of conduct unbecoming the Gospel of Christ.

The idea of aiming at independence or superior advantages, on the part of any of you, while living on the Society's land and supported in whole or in part by its funds, is inconsistent with the obligations which you contracted to the Society when you entered into its service. Everything requisite for your support, in as comfortable a manner as is compatible with the circumstances in which you are placed, the Committee will gladly supply; but they do so on the supposition that your hearts are in your work, and that success in extending the blessings of the Gospel and of civilization to the natives of New Zealand is your highest aim. Whilst your minds are in this frame you will cheerfully renounce the pursuit of personal gain and of independence in circumstances, and will strictly conform to the regulations by which the best interests of your heathen brethren will be most effectually promoted.

I am, dear friends,
Ever faithfully yours,
JOSIAH PRATT.