NOTES.
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NOTES.
A. --See page 5.
I have been favoured with the following communication respecting the "iron sand" at New Plymouth by a gentleman recently returned from a visit to England.
66, CHANCERY LANE,
29th Nov., 1859.
Messrs. J. GLADSTONE & Co.
Gentlemen, --In reply to your application to me respecting the iron sand found at Taranaki (New Plymouth), New Zealand, I have much pleasure in fully confirming the statement of Capt. Moreshead on this subject. The samples shown to me by that gentleman and yourselves are from samples of the sand as it exists in abundance for several miles along the sea-shore in the immediate vicinity of the town of New Plymouth.
The sand is found unmixed with extraneous matter between high and low water-mark, and in some places is several feet in depth. Abundance of wood suitable for charcoal can also be obtained within a short distance of the sea-shore.
It may be interesting to know that the sand has been smelted on the spot, and converted into bar iron of good quality; and from what I have seen and do
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know of the matter I have very little doubt that it only requires the judicious application of a moderate amount of capital and skill to convert the iron sand into merchantable iron.
I am, Gentlemen,
Yours, very obediently,
J. C. SHARLAND, M. P. C.
Report on the Iron Sand from New Plymouth.
The black sand from New Plymouth consists almost wholly of crystals of the magnetic oxide of iron. These crystals are remarkably uniform in size, but their angles and edges are much worn, as though by attrition. They are not contaminated by any sulphuret of iron, but are mixed with a small quantity of a white mineral.
Acids resolve the black sand into the following constituents: Magnetic oxide of iron, 93.95 per cent.; whitemineral, 5.52; trace of lime and loss, 0.52. This white mineral was found to be a silicate of alumina and lime, with a trace of iron, its constituents being in the following proportions:--Silicic acid, 3.42; alumina, 1.65.; lime, 0.37; trace of iron and loss, 0.08, the per centage of the white mineral. The amount of metallic iron existing in the magnetic oxide is 68.04 per cent, of the black sand. The whole analysis may therefore be thus expressed:--Iron, 68.04; oxygen and undetermined traces, 26.52; silicic acid, 3.4; alumina, 1.65; lime, 0.37.
As this black sand contains so large a per centage of iron, and that in combination merely with oxygen,
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and is in such a state of division, it may be considered a remarkably rich ore of iron, and one that will be easily reduced.
(Signed) J. H. GLADSTONE, Ph. D., F. R. S.
28, Leicester Gardens, Hyde Park,
21st November, 1859.
B. --Page 12.
The following succinct view of the political bearing of the question with regard to the Government and the natives may help to elucidate the matter in the text:-- "Although Teira had stated 'he was the owner of the land,' it was almost directly found that such was not the case. In a letter from Teira and Ritimana to the Governor (20th March, 1859), they say, 'I am endeavouring to find out the justice of the interference of the people with our (himself and Ritimana) love to you. Your word, advising them to mark off their own piece within our line (boundary of the block offered by Teira) they have received, but they do not consent. I consent, because it is correct.' When Teira found that the Governor was fully aware that the whole of the land was not his to offer, he admitted that it belonged to seven others also, and entered into a justification of having offered it without their consent. He says, in a letter to the Governor, 'The land belongs to all of us; the land that we two consent to, the seven consent to our offering it to you; it is our land from our ancestors, and therefore we consent rightly for you to have it. --Do not listen to
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the words of others, but listen to us seven. The thought was mine and Ritimana's to sell it to you.' The Governor was evidently desirous of acting with caution, and he wrote to Mr. Parris (27th Sept. 1859) directing him to 'inform Teira that the purchase will not be completed until Mr. M'Lean visits Taranaki.' Unfortunately, this promise was never fulfilled. The investigation of title was conducted solely by Mr. Parris; Mr. M'Lean was away down the coast, recovering from an illness, and did not visit New Plymouth until after the commencement of hostilities. When the Governor wrote to W. Kingi (2nd April, 1859), telling him that he intended to purchase Teira's individual piece, Kingi wrote back (25th April, 1859) as follows:-- 'I will not agree to our bed-room being sold (I mean Waitara here), for this bed belongs to the whole of us; and do not you be in haste to give the money. Do you hearken to my word; if you give the money secretly, you will get no land for it.' It may be supposed that if W. Kingi really had a title to the land, he would have asserted it more strongly, or at any rate more frequently, than he appears to have done; but the best proof that it was not reasonable to suppose so, is to be found in the instructions given by Mr. M'Lean to the Taranaki Land Commissioner. He says:-- 'A record of all claims submitted by the natives should be noted by you, more especially in those cases where conflicting interests have to be dealt with; and great care should be taken not to give too much prominence to that class of claimants who are frequently the first to offer their land for
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sale from the fact of their title being in many instances very defective. The actual owner, in contradistinction to the class to which I have just referred, seldom makes a noisy or boasting demonstration of what his claims really are; it may therefore be inferred, from his silent and uncompromising demeanour, that his rights are not to be trifled with, and that without his acquiescence it will be impossible to make a valid purchase. This class of claimants it will be your duty to search out, as they will be the least likely, from feeling secure in the justice of their cause, to press themselves upon your notice.' 'There are many proofs that there is no such thing as an individual claim, clear and independent of the tribal right. The chiefs exercise an influence in the disposal of the land, but have only an individual claim like the rest of the people on particular portions.' Such was the testimony given by thirty-two out of thirty-four witnesses examined before a Board of Inquiry on this subject in 1855. By an attentive perusal of the various despatches sent by the Governor, it will be seen that it is only making matters worse to deny the tribal right, so clearly admitted even by the Governor in one of his Home despatches. The argument, 'that if the tribal right in the land exists at all, W. Kingi could neither possess nor exercise it--Potatau, the chief of the Waikatos, having attained it by conquest, and sold all his claims at New Plymouth to the New Zealand Company'--is somewhat limping, for if W. Kingi's tribal right is rendered void by Potatau's conquest, is not Teira's individual right rendered also void? The fact is, the Governor has adopted 'a new
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policy,' and the war is its first fruits. When the survey of the Waitara took place, it was first resisted by some women, and afterwards by about eighty men, but unarmed and without violence. The Governor did not do what he had publicly told the natives he would do, in case of resistance, viz., cause them to be arrested and taken before the judge or magistrate; ai though he had informed Sir E. L. Bulwer, on the 29th March, 1859, that 'this declaration (to arrest, &c) was received with satisfaction by both races.' And there is every reason to believe that the natives expected this to be the issue of their resistance, and not the immediate adoption of armed force. Had this been done, it might have saved the present bloodshed, and prevented the proclamation of martial law. The Tar/maki Herald, 20th Feb., 1860, giving an account of this resistance to the survey, uses these singular words:-- 'A survey was effectually resisted by some eighty natives without arms; and as it was no part of the plan to persist in the attempt, the party returned to town..... A letter was addressed to the natives by Lieutenant-Colonel Murray without any satisfactory result, and immediately a proclamation of martial law was issued to assert Her Majesty's sovereign authority against natives in arms to resist her. It is evident that it was supposed an armed resistance would take place when the proclamation was drawn up and dated (January 25th); but when on the 20th February it was resisted without arms, the military officer had no power to alter the proclamation or withhold it, having been instructed, "Should
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W. Kingi, or any other native, endeavour to prevent the survey, or in any way interfere with the prosecution of the work, military force was to be used, martial law to be proclaimed, and the volunteers and. militia called, out into active service." 'Without arms' or 'in arms' made no difference to him; he had orders from the Government at Auckland, to issue it, and issue it he did."-- Compiled from "Wellington Independent"
C. --Page 73.
When Epiah was told that the expedition of the southern natives, then assembled at the Waireka pah, would be considered as a marauding one, he referred in his reply to the history of the Jews, as affording an example of often settling their grievances by fighting, and that their wars were sanctioned by God; that even instructions were given by the Almighty to slay every man, woman and child amongst their enemies, to seize all their property, and to take possession of their land.
As far as we who were then assembled, and all belonging to us, were concerned, we might feel quite certain of our safety. We were referred to the second chapter of Joshua, and were put much in the same relation to the natives that Rahab and her household were towards the Israelites when the city of Jericho was taken and destroyed. (Joshua, xxiv. and xxv.) But as to taking away any of the settlers' property-- the country now being in their hands as enemies to the white men who had commenced hostilities against them--all was theirs to do as they would or could.
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Some Maories less acquainted with us might take our goods, but we need not fear this--the tapu which was put on us, and all belonging to us, was imperative, and the curse of God would assuredly rest upon the guilty breach of it. And here again reference was made to the book of Joshua (chap, vii.) A curse would in like manner rest on the Maories if they did not abide by the covenant made with us. Here, it will be seen, application was made of an historical fact as having a prophetic character; and in this application the mere letter, and not the spirit, was understood by the natives.
The Missionaries attach great importance to the fact that the natives love the Bible, and refer to this circumstance as a strong indication of the instinctive reverence that they have for religion. This love of the Book may, however, I think, be accounted for on other grounds than any deep religious emotions it engenders in the hearts of the aborigines. It is almost the only book they have translated into their own language, and its history of the Jewish people (with whom the natives claim relationship) is the most remarkable of all histories. Its beautiful pictures of patriarchal life--its repeated accounts of the early wars of the Hebrew nation--its rigid enactment of gorgeous forms and sacrificial ceremonies--its well-understood idiomatic style, would all tend to please and engage their attention; but at the same time, literally understood, miserably mislead a warlike, rude, and savage nation, untaught in the spiritualism conveyed in the yet far more important history of Christ
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and His mission in the New Testament. It has been well said, "Whatever change the native character has undergone by the reception of Christianity, but little has taken place in their mode of living, or their habits of thought.... The Maori language sufficed for the requirements of a barbarous race, but it can never be made an instrument of refined spiritual thought, or become adapted to the higher purposes of life.... There does not seem sufficient compass in the language to give impressive conceptions of the great work of human redemption.... Their religion was once a childish superstition, having its source merely in the imagination.... Yet some of their ancient legends are strikingly imaginative and poetical, and their mythology is not without some trace of a Mosaic origin. Their mode of numbering the people is like that of the Israelites of old--the women and children not being reckoned, but only the fighting men; their genealogy is also from the female line." 1 Still, their religion owes not its source in the intellect so much as in the exercise of a fair share of sound reason and good common sense, which led them at once to discard their ancient superstitions and to adopt the more congenial system which taught them that God was their Father, and that all mankind were brethren.
It is granted they say their prayers, but do they really pray? Manahi, the traitor, was at prayers on the Sunday morning the troops went out to Ratapihipihi. They (I fear) worship God in form, but not in spirit and in truth; for had they known Him, "whom to
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know is life eternal," they would have been more spiritually minded, and thus be the possessors of a life and peace which would have made them less savage in seeking revenge for any blood shed by their brethren on account of quarrels about their lands. Even when their minister, Rev. J. Whitely, reasoned and remonstrated with Ihaia for waylaying and murdering Katotore, he was met by Ihaia saying, "It is not your business to talk to me about this; you pray and I will pray with you, but if you urge me on this point I will shoot you." I ought in fairness to state that Ihaia sent a note of apology to Mr. Whitely for threatening him, but still this circumstance shows what was the natural impulse of the man, and how little he was really influenced by the religion of that Divine Being to whom he was willing to say his prayers, but not to imbibe His spirit and teaching, the genius of which is love, "peace on earth, and goodwill towards all men."
Another illustration of the above argument is afforded in the circumstance mentioned in the text of the Rev. H. Brown, who, not knowing then of the painful fact of the murders just committed at Omata, went up to the native pah to read prayers, and was told at the conclusion "You should have been shorter; we were thinking more about fighting and building the pah than about saying our prayers."
The teaching most likely to be effective would be that of example; but what was the example set before them by the white man? Promises broken, and the Sabbath generally chosen for warlike display, &c;
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besides which, it was no uncommon thing to hear the Christian white man speak and act in perfect accordance with the avowed opinion "that a musket-ball for every New Zealander was the best mode of civilizing the country;" or, again, that "a ship-load of infected, pestilential blankets would ease the settlers of a host of troublesome niggers, and make them more inclined to part with their land."
It was in allusion to the early intercourse of the Europeans with the natives that Epiah stated that the "Devil's Missionaries had first impregnated the Maories with disease, taught everything that was bad, given them the intoxicating wipera (drink), administered to the passions by which they were naturally inflamed against each other, introduced them to the knowledge of depraved acts and licentious gratifications of the most debasing kind." With a few honourable exceptions, the white man was ever guided by one ruling passion--the love of gain.
Even the Missionaries had signally failed in teaching them certain truths and principles, the knowledge of which would have been of essential service to them in their dealings with the white man. The value of money as a circulating medium was for a long time hidden from them; and it was only by their occasional intercourse with Australia, England, &c, through their shrewder brethren who visited these countries, and saw the great value set upon money, and the importance in which it was held by traders of all descriptions. To their Missionaries they said, "Why do you keep us in ignorance respecting so much that
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it is essential for us to know? Why should not we be all treated as the white man treats his fellow-settler, and have money for our land, that we may trade as do others?" Still the system of barter was the one generally practised in dealing with the natives; cunning, therefore, became the ruling passion, and money the great object to be attained. Epiah referred to the New Zealand Company, and some of its dealings with the natives; and with reference to transactions nearer the present time, he named several blocks of land as having been fairly sold with the full consent of all the tribes to which they ostensibly belonged. But other lands were named not so fairly sold, and "the Maori's heart was black" about the matter. Particular allusion was made to the Paratutu line, which was cut, and the block sold by the Puketapau tribe. Ever since then "the heart of the natives had been black," and therefore it was not altogether the question of the land at Waitara which the southern natives felt aggrieved about, but that the Puketapau tribe had sold the land to the white man, which, as a tribe, they had no right to do. But why this grievance on the matter of this particular block of land should be fastened on the settlers, Epiah did not or could not explain.
I may remark that the "land question," in connexion with the literal interpretation of the Bible, is not one of trivial importance with the natives.
Taranaki, like Shechem of old, "the garden of Palestine," is the "garden of New Zealand." Distant natives always describe it in charming language.
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There are, indeed, wild forests and tangled thickets, but there is also always a congenial soil to beget verdure; no violent mountain torrents, but always water flowing from "father Taranaki (Mount Egmont) in pure and limpid streams;" the melody of singing birds, for they, too, know where to find their best quarters; a mild climate, and an easy life and much pleasure. These characteristics, so like the Palestine of the Jews, give to the history of the land an interest, which to the natives is often greater than that felt by the settler, who is merely seeking to make a home in a land endeared to him by no associations of ancient kith or kind, no reminiscences of heroic deeds, nor the burial places of chiefs and warriors.
It will be recollected that the very scene of Jotham's parable of the trees--the first parable of the Bible--was Shechem; and that parable, I am told, is a favourite reading lesson with the natives, 2 (Judges, ix. 7--15.) And it is significant, in connexion with Epiah's conversation, and the description given
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to us by the natives of the symbols on the Maori flag, that it is precisely here that the promise "Lift up now thine eyes, and look from the place where thou art, northward, and southward, and eastward and westward, for all the land which thou seest to thee will I give it, and to thy seed for ever," --is applied by the natives to Taranaki.
D. --Page 123.
The following is only a meagre part of the sad experience of the settlers, communicated to me by those who have been compelled to play at soldiers:--
"On picket-duty all night; at nine o'clock a. m., next day, marched off with a party to get firewood; on duty again all night, as sentinel at intervals of two hours, --no sentry boxes, a single tattered blanket served out to each man at night, often wet, full of maggots and fleas, the same delivered up in the morning, and served out again at night; shoes tied on the feet with flax, having often to pace to and fro in water over the ankles. One morning called up at four o'clock to go with a party to Omata (five miles from town) to dig up potatoes--the military on guard while we were at work; home to town about four o'clock p. m.; then ordered to go a mile out of town to cut and tie up hay for officers' horses; on duty again as sentinel at night. On one occasion, an officer in the militia (a settler, who, by the way, is pretty well paid for his military services,) made an offer of a cow-lodge which stood about nine miles inland,
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at his farm in the bush. The settlers' militia were sent off with ten bullock carts to bring it into town. Having reached the place, about one o'clock p. m., they had then to load the carts, the rain coming down in torrents, which then brought it near to night. Before starting with their load, darkness came on, and the men had to walk for miles in mud and water, through bad roads, reaching town between nine and ten o'clock at night. The orders then were to be on duty at four o'clock a. m., next morning, at the flag-staff. The consequences were, that above twelve of the company caught severe colds, which will doubtless bring them to a premature grave. Ten cow-sheds, that would have well answered the purpose for which this was required, could have been got within half-an-hour's journey from the centre of the town. I could fill pages with details of similar or even worse hardships, but I forbear."
DIRECTIONS FOR THE BINDER.
Swiss Cottage, Omata.........Frontispiece.
Brighton Place, Omata.........To face page 32
Brookwood, Omata.................... " " 36
View of the Omata Village and Church .... " " 64
Puriri (Iron-wood) Stump ........ " " 107
Mr. John Jury's House........ " " 124
