Five Years' Residence in New Zealand

Francis Fuller

First published by Williams and Norgate in 1859

Digitised and made available online by the University of Auckland Libraries and Learning Services.

Epub © 2013 Early New Zealand Books Collection

ISBN 978-1-927288-27-6

[TITLE etc]

FIVE YEARS' RESIDENCE

NEW ZEALAND;

OBSERVATIONS ON COLONIZATION.

[Page ii is blank]

FIVE YEARS' RESIDENCE
IN
NEW ZEALAND;

OR,
OBSERVATIONS ON COLONIZATION.

BY
FRANCIS FULLER, ESQ.,
(LATE CAPTAIN 59th REGIMENT),
A RESIDENT IN THE PROVINCE OF CANTERBURY.

WILLIAMS & NORGATE,
14, HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON;
AND
20, SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, EDINBURGH.
1859.

LONDON:
RICHARD BARRETT, PRINTER,

MARK LANE.

Entered at Stationers' Hall.

[DEDICATION]

TO

THE RIGHT HONORABLE

THE LORD LYTTELTON,

HAGLEY PARK, WORCESTERSHIRE,

CHAIRMAN OF THE CANTERBURY ASSOCIATION,

THIS VOLUME

(BY PERMISSION) IS INSCRIBED

AS A TESTIMONY OF REGARD AND ESTEEM.

DEDICATION.

MY LORD,

The high and undeviating position sustained by your Lordship, over an illustrious Association, by whom a very interesting Colony has been founded, on principles which excited obloquy and abuse from those whose pleasures in life arose mainly from experiencing immediate returns from their money invested, had gained my entire admiration, and causes it to be felt as a high honour to be now permitted to dedicate to you the experience of five years, which have been regarded as a happy time spent in investigating a subject which has presented almost daily something new and interesting to be learned. The example set in avowing our obligation to support the ministers of our professed religion was not lost on the early Colonists; and the consistent opposition shown to speculating in the Waste Land of the young Colony, as being detrimental to material progress, in withdrawing attention from the more serious business of raising crops for sale, has been duly appreciated by those who look beyond the present moment. The example of personal sacrifices made by your Lordship will be remembered, and will ever endear your name to posterity, in the Colony you have founded: whose residents sincerely hope they may some day have the pleasure of seeing you visit it. The kindly aid you and the Association you presided over gave in obtaining from the Imperial Legislature the boon of self-government – affording thereby scope for individuals whose minds have been duly trained to lead their fellow-men, and direct their attention to higher aims than the pursuit of mere pecuniary gains – has been felt not only in this, but in adjacent Colonies; as having led to the first exercise of their present privileges. Knowing your continued interest in the Canterbury Colony, it is hoped this description of its life and occupations will prove acceptable to your Lordship.

I remain, my Lord,

Your most obedient Servant,

FRANCIS FULLER

[PREFACE]

PREFACE.

EMIGRATION is now allowed, throughout the United Kingdom, to be one of the most important social questions of the day, regarded as a means of improving the material comforts of all placed in reduced or straitened circumstances, who are possessed at the same time of ordinary vigour of mind and body, to withstand the rougher modes of life which residing in new countries entail.

But the Colonies of Great Britain are very numerous; some are situated in tropical countries, with a considerable foreign population; others in more temperate climates, but still with an admixture of a foreign or a convict population; but New Zealand has been colonized principally with a hardy yeomanry, brought out direct from the Parent Country, and presents corresponding advantages, distinct from those presented by other Colonies. These may be expressed as presenting a field, – not for the accumulation of rapid fortunes, but – for enabling those who desire rural pursuits to continue their calling, with the same freedom, and among a society actuated with the same feelings as those which are maintained in Great Britain; but possessing, with a fertile soil, and a far healthier climate, a greater amount of room for exerting their energies, than the crowded state of the Parent Country permits.

The attractions of a rural life differ greatly from

those of a town. And to a rural population different arguments require to be used than those required by the inhabitants of towns. Thus information on the topics, philosophical or otherwise, usually discussed in Colonial society; some autobiography or antecedents in the lives of those who have gone there in order to know what style of people may be met; discussions on general policy, to hear what the Colonists think of the Institutions of England, after they have tried a new country; but, above all, a statement of the principles that appear to regulate the economy of investing money, in order that those without previous experience may have some guide to follow on first embarking on a business new to them: are all points on which a rural population like to be informed, though they do not present the same interest to residents in towns. These latter, being accustomed to greater luxuries, are not as generally willing to forego them for a period, in order to undertake the rougher life of a young Colony, in the hope that by doing so they may ultimately improve their circumstances.

The Canterbury Province can especially appeal to the gentry of Great Britain who delight in rural affairs, for hundreds from their ranks have settled there. The writer relates the experience he has gathered in the Colony, trusting it may prove useful to those purposing to proceed to that rising Province, and be acceptable to its friends in the United Kingdom, and that it may also interest the public generally, who desire information from that quarter of the world.

[CONTENTS]

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

The class of families among the gentry from which our Colonists are mostly furnished – The information they desire is different from that which is required by other classes of the nation – The purpose of the writer is to meet that information and to avoid subjects which have been entered on by previous writers – A distinctive feature in the Canterbury Scheme of Colonization pronounced to have succeeded – The general plan of the Book.............1

CHAPTER I.

ON THE INFLUENCE OF RELIGIOUS DIFFERENCES UPON THE POPULATIONS OF NEW ZEALAND.

Colonial life modifies Sectarian Prejudices, but does not disown Religious Convictions – The Political bearing of the influence of Religion is a distinct study – A general knowledge of different Creeds is considered useful, in order to avoid offending the feelings of those who profess them – The mass of mankind study only one Creed – Therefore a summary of different Creeds, with a view to their political bearing, becomes useful – The Historical Definition of Religion – -Natural Religion exists all over the world – Some Definitions of the Christian Religion stated – A Source stated from which differences with the Church of England have arisen, and produced Separations – The Political Bearing of some differences between Presbyterians and Dissenters with the Church of England stated – All Protestants do meet and worship together in New Zealand – A definition of one prominent difference among all

Protestants and the Church of Rome – How the High Church party in the Church of England support their doctrinal positions – The recent Oxford Movement noticed – Butler's "Analogy" recommended, as shewing a ground of common belief running through all Protestant professions, and therefore useful in quieting scruples in all such when first acting together..........7

CHAPTER II.

TO BECOME A COLONIST DOES NOT FORFEIT SOCIAL RANK OR POSITION.

Prejudices prevail throughout the Public Services against the occupations of a Colonist – One way to meet these prejudices is to relate the Histories of some who have left these services and become Colonists – The relation of misfortune in the previous history of a Colonist does encourage others suffering under misfortunes to proceed to a Colony – The Autobiography of a retired Military Settler, with his remarks upon some customs and ideas of his former profession – He is satisfied with the exchange he has made – Some sources of prejudices to Colonization among the upper ranks of Society stated – Only a portion of those who go to a Colony are urged by previous disappointment............29

CHAPTER III.

ON THE PRELIMINARY WORK ATTENDING; THE INAUGURATION AND ESTABLISHMENT OF COLONIES.

The Establishment of Colonies is generally a tedious process – What is the proper office of enthusiasm – The Legal Powers which are granted a Public Company for carrying on Colonization – The Company generally have to borrow money in order to erect Works required in the Colony, and to send out the labourers required – The newly-arrived Colonist generally finds an old hand in the Colony to suit him better than a labourer just arrived in it – The great call for Labour, and how the Provinces endeavour to obtain it – The boon of Self-government being granted to New Zealand, plenty of local business is before them – A notice of the New Zealand Company and of the Canterbury Association..............47

CHAPTER IV.

ON THE PRICE OF LAND.

The situation of Land enters into its value – Sites for Towns – Values of Town Lands – Value of Land adjoining Towns – The fixed price system compared with the auction system – The price of Waste Lands is now regulated by the Provincial Governments – A summary description of Lands that have been occupied in all the six Provinces, with a view to the circumstances that have regulated the price placed upon them, noticing Markets for export, and general political means of support, and shewing that all have a different policy to support, and must be left to do that for themselves, and that no Province ought to interfere with another – Free-trade policy is not connected with the price of Colonial Waste Lands – Summary of arguments in favour of the "Sufficient-price theory" – The application of this theory in the Canterbury Province, to the exclusion of Speculators in the Waste Lands, and to the great service of the Squatting interest – A large Speculator of Waste Lands in Australia occasioned several Squatters to proceed to the Canterbury Province, where they proved very useful – The same person reported as being willing also to speculate in the Waste Lands of New Zealand...........59

CHAPTER V.

ON THE INVESTMENT OF SMALL CAPITALS IN NEW ZEALAND.

The amount of Capital which is generally taken to a young Colony – Those without previous experience must notice that persons embarking to begin a "Farm or Station" of their own must expect little returns for the first few years; and this is only analogous to the circumstances of England and Scotland – A notice of the Products generally raised, with their recommendations – The Pastoral occupation is generally considered the most profitable – Mercantile and Professional employments generally obtain the quickest returns – Persons without a previous experience in business are now advised to put their money out on mortgage on arrival – The necessity of caution in beginning to Farm on Waste Lands – Erroneous estimate of Colonial occupation formed at a distance – Labouring men advised to turn immediately to different employments, instead

of keeping only at one – Labourers from the rural classes most desired in the Canterbury Province – Money is generally invested so as to draw an income from several sources – Young single men recommended to move about, and learn different occupations, before they determine ultimately where to invest their money – Observations on the Winds and Climate of New Zealand...................84

CHAPTER VI.

COMMERCIAL AND FINANCIAL MATTERS.

The small amount of Goods passing through a Merchant's hands in a small Colony, obliges a greater profit to be put upon them – Manufactures have generally sold in the Province for three times their cost in England, and the supplies have been drawn chiefly from Australia – Men to produce articles for export more wanted than men of the mercantile classes – On whom the high prices of goods ultimately fall – It is injudicious to send large ventures of merchandize to young Colonies – The Bank accommodation restricted to bills drawn through mercantile firms – The advantages to a Farmer of payments in kind – There has always been sufficient money in the Province to obviate recourse to "the Truck system" – Rates of interest, and why they range high – The high price of stores induces families to take as much goods as possible with them; but the expense of taking them to where they reside is not always considered – On the postal communication, the Panama route desired............105

CHAPTER VII.

ON FARMING FOR A PROFIT IN NEW ZEALAND.

The details of the Garden and Farm are given in the Almanacks of the different Provinces – Old Colonists do not advise Capitalists to farm Land – The difference between treating timbered Land and level untimbered Land – The application of Contract Work instead of yearly service – Advantages of Machinery – Rotation of Crops inapplicable – Observations on breaking up the waste grassy Lands of the Canterbury Plains – A notice on Ploughs – The adaptation of the artificial Grasses to New Zealand – A description of the Soil of the Canterbury Plains, and modes of choosing a good section for

Agriculture – Hints to small Farmers – Application of the Land of the Plains to farms of a few hundred acres, laid in artificial Pastures, for Sheep or Cattle – Notice of dividing a Capital to be invested in different ways – A comparison with Australian Farming – What products are advised to be grown for export............124

CHAPTER VIII.

ON "SQUATTING" FOR PASTORAL PURPOSES.

Terms used in the system – Insecurity of Tenure the objection to the system – The value of its Products counterbalances the expenses of Carriage – The continuance of the Native Claims in the Northern Island has prevented the development of the system there – Further details on the Economy of the system – It is avoided, notwithstanding the profit it offers, on account of the rougher life it entails, by some persons – Comparison of the system of Australia with that in New Zealand – -At the commencement of a Colony the Price of Stock is always high; after a few years it falls, and the price of the Right to a Pasture equals in value the Stock it will maintain – A New-comer is advised not immediately to start a Station far inland – A notice of Prices and the Capital required for the occupation – Details of commencing and general management of a Station – The prospect of improving the Feed upon a Run – The number of Sheep generally obtained upon a Station before the Owner leaves it in charge of a Manager – Rates at which Sheep are kept upon Terms – The values that Runs on the Canterbury Plains have already obtained – How the Scab disease is cured – The economy of a Cattle Station – Mode of breaking-in Heifers for milking – Notes on the Produce obtained, and prospects of selling it – A mode of beginning a Dairy Station, requiring little labour – Notes on the price of Cattle.............146

CHAPTER IX.

EMPLOYERS AND EMPLOYED.

The marked change in the manners of Workmen induces men of education to inquire into the origin of the relations that subsist in the United Kingdom between the Employers and Employed – Philosophers have taken interest in tracing the changes in the laws

of the Kingdom from the time of Serfdom – It takes time for a Nation to adapt itself to these changes – The effect of these changes in producing various classes of Workmen – The crowded condition of the Labour Market in the United Kingdom occasions trouble to those dismissed from employment; but it is not so in a Colony, where Workmen almost regulate their own Wages and Hours – Mode of proceeding for a steady Labourer to become an independent Yeoman – A notice of Sailors as Workmen in a young Colony – They are accustomed to run away from their ships on arrival in a Colony where Wages are high – The local Market in a Colony fluctuates greatly; it is therefore necessary for Workmen generally to take a turn at different Trades – The necessity of addressing Workmen in a proper manner in a young Colony, where they number strong upon the Electoral Roll – An improvement in their condition sometimes acts for the time injuriously upon them – Their generally improved circumstances in the United Kingdom noticed, compared with that of a Foreign Empire which has retained Serfdom..........175

CHAPTER X.

THE POLITICAL IMPORT OF CERTAIN IDEAS PREVAILING AMONG PERSONS LIVING ON FIXED INCOMES, CONTRASTED WITH THAT OF THOSE LIVING BY TRADING OR PRODUCING OCCUPATIONS.

The necessity of considering these contrasts – Objections to study Political Economy, and the answer to them – The diminished proportion of the Agricultural Population noticed – Some pressure is generally required to induce people to emigrate, but, when undertaken, there is disinclination to settle again in the United Kingdom – Some wants of the Gentry considered, and the opening the Canterbury Colony presents for making up the incomes they require – People cannot live in the gay world and bring up a large Family without they possess Private property – Colonial life inculcates self-reliance – The horror of Colonists at a return to the ideas of Feudal Times, and connecting Monasticism and Asceticism with Christianity in a Protestant country – How persons retired from a Profession often lose the money they have saved and invested to insure a fixed income – Some disadvantages experienced, by young

persons who have not been brought up hardily, on first entering upon the world – The political system of Representation in the British Isles considered as differing from that of New Zealand, where Political Demonstrations are regarded with more alarm – Gentry find they have much of Civil Law to learn, when commencing business in a Colony, and lose much of the regard they formerly entertained for appearances..............197

CHAPTER XI.

SOME OF THE TROUBLES THAT HAVE BEEN EXPERIENCED IN THE CANTERBURY COLONY.

Two schemes proposed for the carriage of Goods from Port Lyttelton to the Plains; one by a road not yet completed, and another by a steamer, which is now at work – The custom of the Banks restricting advances to Mercantile Firms, rather a surprise to the Agricultural interest – How afterwards altered – The fluctuating price of Grain very annoying to Farmers – Merchants charge 10 per cent, upon accounts, if not paid quarterly – Two unpleasant occurrences, in consequence of confusion in business, related – A Local Court installed to take cognizance of Debts up to £100. – Troubles in dividing Partnerships – Mistakes made between Friends at the starting of the Canterbury Settlement – The necessity of maintaining a public spirit in it – The readiness of the Colonists to act as police, and the comparative absence of crime, allows a very small Police Force to be maintained – The absence of Beggars – On the troubles individuals feel in adopting a new line of life, and the difficulty of effecting changes in the practice of any profession or public office in a country – The troubles the Canterbury Colony have had to undergo at starting, are considered light to what other Colonies in its vicinity have undergone...........224

CHAPTER XII.

POLITICAL MATTERS.

Self-Government was not obtained in New Zealand without a struggle – The presence of a large warlike Native Population was supposed to furnish grounds for deferring the boon – The Natives were con-

ciliated by the arts of Peace, viz., giving good wages or their labour, and also trading with them – The relative numbers of the two Races by the Census of 1857 – The Financial Debate in the General Assembly – The result is that a Loan of half-a-million of money is obtained on security of the Land Fund, with the guarantee of the Imperial Government, to be paid off in thirty years – A Steam Service contracted for – Opinions in the Colony on the position of Elected Superintendent – A source whence future political parties may arise – The Scarcity of Labour in the Canterbury Province explained, with the provisions made to meet it – A Bet made that the Exports of the Province in 1861, her twelfth year, will amount to £500,000. – This is compared with the exports of South Australia and the Victorian Colony – Agricultural capabilities of the Canterbury Province, and her Census of 1857 – Probable future Legislation in favour of the Pastoral Interest – The Canterbury and Otago schemes for obtaining the emigration of labourers compared – A topic of complaint with the Colonists of the Northern Island, against those formerly administering their government............248

ERRATA.

Page 25 line 26, for to slavishly copy, read closely to copy.
Page 37 line 10, for hero, read subject.
Page 57 line 89, for commencing, &c., read which were at first required for commencing the ordinary business of the Colony.
Page 93 line 12, for transverse read traverse.
Page 96 line 6, for employment, read some employment.
Page 111 line 30, for no less than, read as well as.
Page 141 line 6, for to manure, read manuring.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

FIVE YEARS' RESIDENCE

IN

NEW ZEALAND.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

The class of Families among the gentry from which our Colonists are mostly furnished – The Information they desire is different from that which is required by other Classes of the Nation – The purpose of the writer is to meet that Information, and to avoid subjects which have been entered on by previous writers – A distinctive Feature in the Canterbury Scheme of Colonization pronounced to have succeeded – The general Plan of the Book.

AMONG the numerous gentry of the United Kingdom are some families who have been so long accustomed, generation after generation, to follow each one their predecessors in the several departments of the public service, civil, naval, or military, that they become a society in themselves, and acquire a tone of thought and feeling different from that of the nation at large. They have no knowledge of the value of trading or producing occupations, and in many cases, deem that their families sink in position if any of its members enter upon such occupations. Such families, however, generally find, after a few generations, that their private properties have seriously diminished, that their means are not equal to the station they traditionally claim, and that something must be done to improve their finan-

cial status. These ideas are generally regarded, particularly by the thriving and energetic middle classes, as partaking more of the spirit of the middle ages than as being in accordance with the modern estimate of what constitutes the true wealth and greatness of nations. And yet such families exist likewise throughout the States of Europe. To all such States as border upon the sea, including the United Kingdom, colonies have for the last few centuries, presented a convenient opening for recruiting their finances. That is to say, the younger members of a family can proceed to enter upon trading or producing occupations in a colony without offending the feelings or prejudices of their older relatives, whom they feel bound to respect, while at the same time they have the conviction that emigration promises better prospects in turning a small capital to account (when they are willing to work with it), than the crowded condition of an old country offers them.

The necessity for removal to fresh fields of enterprise, may be more readily understood by considering that the incomes attached to the various public offices and services in a free country, under constitutional government, though possibly calculated on such a scale as will, with prudence, enable the persons holding them to keep up appearances in their respective grades of society; yet afford no opportunities for laying up money to accumulate into fortunes; consequently if one or more in a generation be of extravagant habits, or others are charged with bringing up a numerous family, the private property must be continually reduced, and may ultimately yield an income barely adequate to the support of even the smallest family. This frequently

happens in the ordinary course of affairs, without special blame being attached to any. Some other resource then becomes necessary, and thus it is that persons are often met with in a colony engaged in producing even the first and simplest necessaries of life, and living in the humblest manner, whose families have formerly been in high positions in the mother country. Now it is to be observed that such persons, entering upon trading or producing occupations when it has been their previous habit to live in a fixed style, and on a fixed income, begin at a disadvantage, in having to compete with those whose training from childhood has been directed to trading, raising raw produce, or in manufacturing it when produced by others.

There are also other families, who, from having been brought up in circumstances of ease and opulence, or from being engaged solely in the practice of professions, have no knowledge how trading or producing occupations are carried on. These, likewise, from various causes affecting their financial condition, are accustomed to furnish recruits for young colonies.

However, the great mass of those who proceed to a colony have been generally brought up to trading or producing occupations. But the information which is required by persons in the former condition of life is very different from that which is desired by those in the latter condition. Their tastes, objects, and desires, are distinct; and even the language which is generally adopted by persons brought up as traders, is often found to be too terse and abbreviated, requiring much previous information on the topic written upon, in order to be comprehended by others not similarly brought up.

Moreover, the feelings which actuate those comprising one division are not entered into by the other; and thus a publication intended to meet the enquiries of persons in one class, may appear to those in another to contain much that is unnecessary, cumbersome, and perhaps puerile; though it may still contain much that has not been previously written upon, and may convey information on topics which they had never previously considered.

In the heat of party contests, newspapers in the trading interests may sometimes seem to ignore the presence of families in the kingdom who are not acquainted with their pursuits, as if the laws did not contemplate them; but they do exist in great numbers, and require for their guidance, or inducement to begin industrial occupations, information on a variety of topics, which the latter do not understand the necessity of stating.

Now persons who feel really interested about New Zealand have read many of the books that have been published upon it, and gathered thereby considerable information on the subject of outfits, and the domestic inconveniences to be experienced. The object of the present work, therefore, is rather to avoid what has been previously written upon, and to endeavour to enunciate some of the principles that regulate the ordinary business of the colony in an elementary form, in order to meet enquiries that are generally made by persons commencing business in it as employers of labour. Nevertheless, notice is taken how labouring men raise themselves into a condition of independence, how trade is conducted, and the general prospects of the colony. The writer has no party to serve, but wishes to circulate such information upon the general condition of the colony as

may be relied upon. His object is not to amuse, but to convey knowledge of an useful and practical character. He has not resided in any of the neighbouring colonies, but refers to them incidentally, as visitors to the Canterbury Province describe them, or as information is gathered from trustworthy publications.

It was a noble scheme to start a young colony, where gentlemen from different ranks might find profitable occupation, with sufficiently agreeable society, and which should serve to contradict a foppish idea prevailing in the United Kingdom that emigration can be regarded by gentlemen only as a last resource, when other hopes have failed them, and then ought only to be resorted to until sufficient money has been saved wherewith to return to England, – England, or the Continent, being deemed the only place fit for them to live in. When the government of a colony is conducted practically by an office in the parent State, there is room for such ideas to prevail; but when the gentry and industrious classes feel that there is a security for life and property; a freedom for the exercise of their respective abilities, especially in the right of making laws for the government of themselves, equal to what they enjoyed in the Mother country, then, living in a colony comes to be regarded in a different light, and attachment to it follows. It becomes a new home, to be loved with new affections, – not unlike those with which the bride rejoices – in the home, which she and her husband create, with a joy not inferior to that kindled by the recollections of her own infancy.

Observations bearing on the philosophy of colonization are sought after by educated men, even when engaged in trading or producing occupations; for the

ideas of those living by such employments contrast greatly with those living upon fixed incomes; and, whatever may have been their previous experience of business in the Old World, all persons find there is a great deal to learn on arrival in a new country. The basis on which a colony is organized and governed exercises a material influence on all questions in which its inhabitants are personally interested. It will therefore take the first place in the subsequent pages, and be followed by chapters relating to land, capital, labour, produce, &c. The disturbance and confusion of mind of one brought up in the refinements of an old and highly civilized country, when newly arrived in a new settlement, are sometimes great; his previous notions of distinctions of classes and propriety of demeanour appear to be greatly violated: but a recurrence to first principles of life and conduct affords the true explanation of those difficulties that perplex him, justifies the reasons of experience, and points out the way to meet them. The following chapters may turn attention towards the proper direction in which to look for the solution of some of the matters that surprise him, and he advantageously entered on previous to treating upon the general business of the colony.

CHAPTER I. ON THE INFLUENCE OF RELIGIOUS DIFFERENCES...

CHAPTER I.

ON THE INFLUENCE OF RELIGIOUS DIFFERENCES UPON THE POPULATION OF NEW ZEALAND.

Colonial life modifies Sectarian Prejudices, but does not disown Religious Convictions – The political bearing of the influence of Religion is a distinct study – A general knowledge of different Creeds is considered useful, in order to avoid offending the feelings of those who profess them – The mass of mankind study only one Creed; therefore a summary of different Creeds, with a view to their political bearing, becomes useful – The Historical Definition of Religion – Natural Religion exists all over the World – Some Definitions of the Christian Religion stated – A Source stated from which differences with the Church of England have arisen, and produced Separations – The political bearing of some Differences between Presbyterians and Dissenters with the Church of England stated – All Protestants do meet and worship together in New Zealand – A Definition of one prominent Difference among all Protestants and the Church of Rome – How the High Church party in the Church of England support their doctrinal positions – The recent Oxford Movement noticed – – Butler's Analogy recommended, as showing a ground of common belief running through all Protestant professions, and therefore useful in quieting scruples in all such, when first acting together.

THE influence of colonial life upon religious opinions is generally greatly to modify sectarian prejudices;, but the influence of religious opinions on every-day life enters, as usual, into all social questions.

The political bearing of this influence is an object of study in itself. For those who do not think at all on the subject of religion estimate political combinations as being formed independently of that influence; while those who do regard their own religious convictions are

well aware that religious convictions really enter largely into the feelings of mankind, and consequently have an influence, either for good or for evil, in men's transactions with each other. The Legislators of the Imperial Parliament surely are familiar with this feeling, for it is constantly before them, in the shape of religious differences breaking up the combinations formed among them for carrying on the government of the country. In the question of education this influence is brought to bear in New Zealand as in Great Britain. Parents feel distrust in sending their children to schools conducted by persons of another denomination, and, though prejudices do not run as high, still care and contrivance are required to meet this feeling, and to avoid hurting each other's scruples.

Now, though all generally revert ultimately to the house of worship of their own denomination, when one is established in the colony, or when they may return to the United Kingdom, still there are fundamental principles in Christianity which are remembered, and enable persons attached to different forms of belief to meet together as worshippers in a new colony. To comprehend the details or varieties of opinion that exist among professing Christians, requires a regular course of study; but some acquaintance with the principles on which different professions of faith are regulated is highly useful among communities in every country, in order to avoid offending each other's feelings, and to estimate the probabilities of continuing political combinations, when they require to act together. Now this may not be generally apparent in the society of a crowded country, except among its political leaders; but the greater intimacy that subsists between people

struggling together to evoke civilization in a wilderness, urges greater care to avoid intruding upon each other's tenets.

People come to New Zealand from every quarter of the United Kingdom, some of whom may never before have left their own immediate neighbourhood. From most of the counties of England, Ireland and Scotland, are persons to be met with in the Canterbury Province alone; there are others who had resided previously in different parts of the Continent of Europe, and some who had resided in other colonies of the British Crown.

Now people are generally brought up in their religious training to read only upon the side of that particular profession of Christianity to which they belong. They would deem it to be almost a breach of allegiance to their own party to read the treatises of teachers of other denominations. And, indeed, to the mass of mankind, this must be the general rule; because there is not time to read arguments pro and con for men who have much of regular bodily or mental labour to undergo, to secure their daily bread. Comparatively few have time to enter on the arguments of other denominations; it may be feared, therefore, that differences in religious opinions must be a great obstruction to social intercourse, or else that religious opinions are lost sight of entirely in colonial society. But such is not the case; for churches and Christian ministers are gladly hailed and supported in New Zealand, as soon as a new district is able to support them; and her political leaders comprise members of various persuasions. However, to treat upon religion in general, some definition of principles must be made. It is to be remembered that moderate views express

the opinions of the great bulk of Christian societies, and that extreme opinions, though held by some, do not constitute the general sense of such bodies, though it is usual in argument between different schools, to quote extreme opinions on the opposite side, as showing the tendency of the first principles which are being disputed. It may be of service, therefore, to enumerate some of the principles that run in common through the more prominent forms professing Christianity at present assembled in New Zealand, which may serve to show that there is a common bond running through a variety of professions, which, for the purpose of the early settlement of a new country, are sufficient to enable people to act together, and worship in common, without offending the nicer distinctions of different denominations. Natural religion, as distinct from revealed religion, must be first considered.

The historical definition of religion in general may be said to consist in accepting a book as a revelation, by which man is taught to guide his actions; and on the interpretation of this book do all who claim to be the teachers of each system profess to found their doctrines. The grand divisions of parties that afterwards arise are said to be upon the acceptance or refusal of books subsequently written, as being of subsidiary authority, or explanatory of the original one. This line of argument is followed in treating historically of all the religions of the present day, whether the Christian, the Mahometan, the Brahmin, the Buddhist, or any other form.

All religions, more or less, imply and suppose there is a future life, and profess to teach man that there is a power superior to him, to which he must bow; and that it is his interest to sacrifice some portion of his

time or worldly goods, to secure for himself hereafter a position in the unseen world. Now every religion has its devotees, and it is not to be wondered at that those who think strongly upon their respective creeds should be jealous of seeing their opinions slighted. Universal experience teaches us that mankind, when once formed into distinct communities, whether kingdoms on large continents, or mere associations of small tribes of a few families, scattered through small islands in the ocean, have ever among them a body of men whose professed business it is to put their fellows in mind of a future life, and instruct them in regard thereto. These teachers of religion are generally held to be a distinct order, separate from the community at large. But untaught and untrained minds seek their own pleasures, aim at satisfying their own desires, and will submit to no rule external to their own, except so far as necessity compels them. Now when we remember that in every old religion, and in most of those new ones which seek to obtain any real hold on the faith of their members, this order of divine teachers claims also to be the appointed ministers of worship and sacrifice, standing between the people and the Divinity, not only as instructors, but as ambassadors, and as commissioned and dowered with gifts for bestowal on their disciples, and with privileged access for propitiating the Divine favour towards them, and for making the oblation of human service towards God: then it ceases to be matter of wonder that this order of men, under the name of priests, are received with distrust and suspicion, as taking too much upon themselves; and are regarded as lording it over those whose ignorance rebels against instruction, and whose self-will rejects any human aid in making its peace with the Divine Ruler.

In contradistinction to this definition of religion, the man of the world, who does not profess to care about religion, pleads that the affairs of the present time – it may be making of money, or matters of present enjoyment – are the necessary subjects to engage his attention, and that the affairs of a future life may wait until a man arrives there. At one time such an one will challenge the proof of a future state, at another he will draw adverse arguments from the divisions of opinion among the teachers of different religions. In the former case he will urge that there is no occasion for religion at all; or, if choosing among many, he adopts the profession of any particular form of worship, he argues from division among the teachers of that profession, either that it is, unnecessary for him to follow their guidance with strictness, or more generally that it is not of much consequence to him of what particular religious communion he may profess himself a member. Opinions of this nature are openly avowed among the lower classes of every nation; but are more generally concealed under the disguise of superior knowledge, greater light and freedom, among the more educated of the upper classes.

Now the business of Christianity is to shew that other religions are false ones, and how they are false ones, and then to place before those professing her doctrines what she learns from her Divine Lawgiver, as He speaks infallibly in his written Word, and demonstratively, by way of interpretation, in the Church, which is his body, "the fulness of Him that filleth all in all."

Among the first and foremost of her doctrines may be stated, that man is an imperfect creature – that he needs help – that he cannot of himself find out and come to a knowledge of the Creator who made him, and

governs all around him, and sustains by his living volition all which his almighty fiat called into existence – that it is the special act of the Creator to convey this knowledge of himself to his creatures – that it is from this Divine power alone, supplying an inward strength, that man is enabled to act contrary to the opinion of the world around him, which regards the accumulation of material wealth, ease, comfort, or enjoyment, as the business of his time on earth. And, as a general rule, that this knowledge is only increased to men individually, according as they act on what is by degrees imparted to them, as members of the aggregate society in which the Spirit of God dwells.

In contradistinction to self-interest and self-love being the proper principle for man's actions through life, humbleness of mind and desires are taught as being among the characteristics of Christianity, arising from the knowledge of man being a fallen creature, and not as he was originally created, and also as more particularly pointing to his time on earth as being but a period of probation. It is taught that the various orders, classes, and ranks among mankind, as matters necessary for his well-being, are appointed by man's Creator, though the particular forms in which they are arranged may be left to man's contrivance, as part of the work allotted to him for his comfort and well-being on earth: and, therefore, that men born in the lower positions of life are to remember that an all-seeing Providence appoints the place, the position, and the trials allotted to every individual person – that the higher ranks have their trials and work appointed for them to do, just as the lower ones have theirs in their own sphere, which they often erroneously deem to be one offering fewer

sources of enjoyment; and that mankind cannot always expect to be competent judges of the acts of others, who are born and trained for duties other and different from those they are appointed to fulfil. Christianity excludes no clime, race, or colour; but its teachers are commanded to go into all the world, and yet to expect persecution everywhere, and at the same time to trust in Divine help to overcome it. Christianity professes, further, to send divisions on the earth – in the language of its Divine Author, to send "rather a sword upon the earth" – a sword, but still, as happily expressed by a writer of the present day, "a sword that heals as it wounds," just as his service is a yoke and a burden, but yet an easy yoke and a light burden – easy as compared with the world's hard exactions, light as compared with some of the world's heavy drudgery. Christianity is prophetically described, in her great Book, as a small stone becoming a great mountain and filling the whole earth; yet its first teachers were sent with little of outward pomp or ceremony; but they taught as men having authority, and they were accredited ministers, and the disciples generally believed that men knew them by their love to one another. This characteristic of charity is taught to be its highest virtue. But how does the wilful man of this world take this doctrine? – He considers it as a claim to him for connivance and concealment in vice and crime, by those who profess the doctrine, not knowing or not remembering that charity is an active, and not a negative principle, and strongly opposes crime. Charity is the ground for bearing testimony to mankind of the nature of sin, of its hatefulness to the Creator, and for the necessity of an untiring conflict being maintained with sin

while in this world. It is the argument of charity to insist on principles of doctrine, as the rule for life and conduct, in opposition to the man of this world, who holds expediency to be the true ground and cause for men's actions, and that it is idle to argue for ideas of future retribution, when measures of what he conceives to be of a more practical and immediate import are required for his present sustenance or enjoyment; and on the same ground he may sometimes advance his scorn at faith or belief in matters of revelation offered for his acceptance, when he conceives them to be above his reason; though, at the same time, they may not be contrary to it. Charity argues for the exposure of corrupt doctrines, and for the prevention of incorrect doctrines being taught the people at large, and makes teachers only more zealous to spread their own particular views: whose contentions, therefore, may only indicate life and real earnestness in their opinions, and are not necessarily connected with ill-will or ill-feeling to other persons.

Christianity tells man that there is a principle implanted in him called conscience, an emanation of his Creator, by which he is to know right from wrong, and wherefore it is that he is held hereafter accountable for actions done while on earth. Man is taught that this principle, having been perverted, becomes a guide to him to do evil instead of the good, to which it was originally designed to incline him; that he, therefore, thinks evil to be good, and good to be evil; also, how it is that this principle was perverted, and man thereby rendered subject to delusions from a superior intelligence, ever watching further to corrupt him, and thus ultimately to ruin his hopes in the unseen world; but man is also taught how

to proceed to obtain the restoration of this, his moral nature, to its original state, as being the main business while on earth for him to attend to, requiring his constant individual exertion to be trained and formed anew. Teachers of Christianity treat this as one of the first lessons to be taught mankind; for without, there is a just conception of the complete fall man's moral nature, in the person of his forefather Adam, has undergone: there can be no comprehension of the value and necessity of the great price that has been paid for man's redemption, and of the peculiar doctrines of Christianity which distinguish it from all other religions whatsoever.

It is argued by the man of this world, on his side, that this notion of conscience is an abstract idea, incapable of any proof to his perceptions, and that man's power of knowing right from wrong proceeds merely from mental training, or association with what is around him, and that no other idea of conscience is capable of demonstrative proof. And as for what is said on the wide-spread universal fall and wickedness of man, that he does not believe in it, but considers it is only an argument adopted to advance the importance of the priestly office, of which he always entertains suspicion. And as this meets his idea of self-interest, and self-love being the true source of man's actions in this life, he is satisfied it is a sufficient answer to the arguments brought before him, as being drawn from revelation.

The following notice of some distinctions which occur among bodies who hold strongly to all the previous definitions of Christianity may be mentioned, as illustrating that the subject is one affording scope for the fullest exercise of intellect; for the greatest minds have found

pleasure in the practice and study of its doctrines, and have shown that they did not consider religion is a matter that may be deferred until man's arrival in the world to come.

A large portion of Western Christendom professes to acknowledge the occupant of one particular See as their ecclesiastical head; but members of this branch of the Church are yet too few in number in the middle island of New Zealand to make separate allusion to their particular doctrines for the purpose for which this chapter is composed. It is under the head of Protestant Christianity that those combinations for political purposes may be expected for some years to occur, which may cause an enquirer to look for some connecting bond to be found running through their principles. For it may be considered that, though the Canterbury colony was started by members of the Church of England who would decidedly be considered as possessing what are termed High Church views; yet the mass of the people at large, as it is throughout England generally, are decidedly of what are termed Low Church views.

Now there have been great discussions in the Church of England on the nature and value of certain ceremonies therein performed; one side objecting to place that degree of value upon them which is placed by the other side, because they argue that they see people daily, after partaking of these ceremonies, acting as if they were insensible to their religious calling. But the real doctrine which is at the bottom of these dissensions is the dogma of election, which is held by one party to signify a preordained acceptance of an individual in the foreknowledge of the Almighty, irrespective of the amount of good works or actions performed during life; this

being based upon the supposition that a person once called will never finally fall away. That is to say, as often as he may fall, he will ultimately recover himself. Consequently a meaning is attached to the word regeneration used in the Prayer-book by the one party, which is not attached to it by the other party, who do not accept the doctrine so defined as correctly drawn from their great book of authority, but deem it to be only an idea of philosophical speculation; as they consider those who have attained the highest virtues may fall away, if they neglect appointed means for continuing in that state. Thus one side usually preach upon the nature and value of ordinances, ceremonies and observances, which they regard as divinely appointed means; while the other side consider it is of more consequence to dilate upon the spirit that should accompany the use of those appointed means, as constituting the only efficacy which is attached to them by others. So the arguments of the latter side are said generally to be more acceptable to the population of towns, whose occupations accustom them to more mental activity in their daily life; while the arguments of the former are said to be preferred in the rural districts of the country, where people are generally of a quieter and more mechanical turn of mind.

However, election, irrespective of works, is a doctrine held by many as their main hope of a happy eternity, and as long only as they are supposed not to contradict it do they consider they are justified in complying with forms and ceremonies that are held in repute by the other party, with other views. This doctrine is believed in largely throughout the United Kingdom, and is said to be at the bottom of all separations from the Church

of England on the ground of ceremonial observances. And it is plainly traced in the writings of Presbyterians, from the times of Calvin. Bishop Bull is the great writer against this doctrine among Church of England divines; and Bishop Russell of Glasgow, among others in the present day, has written upon it, in a form more suited to the general reader.

Now it may be stated that the re-action of opinion, at the time of the Reformation, caused by the excesses of the previous period, induced some portions of the Christian world to depart from the Episcopal form of Church government, and among the congregations who have not reverted to that form considerable opposition has been shewn to the doctrine of "Apostolical Succession," as it has been taught by some writers of late years in the Church of England, which is considered to lower the position of ministers in all congregations which have not adopted that form. However, in the Church of England the recognized position of every Christian minister is to teach men, "to do their duty in that state of life to which it has pleased God to call them," in order that man may be benefited and God glorified; or the object of the gospel is a new creation in Christ Jesus, "Faith which worketh by Love." And it may be said that the political bearing of objections urged by her ministers to those teachers who have dissented from her rules, is that, by descanting too freely on the errors or vices of the upper ranks before their congregations, who contain but very few of them, they weaken in the lower ranks respect towards their superiors, and thus diminish their just regard for the rights of property when in the pursuit of material wealth.

It may also be observed that the prophecies are fre-

quently unreservedly entered upon by the Presbyterian writers; but the matter-of-fact parish priest, established in a country cure, generally considers unfulfilled prophecies as matters beyond his province to enquire about, and unsuited to him for profitable teaching, and prefers to enforce practical attention to the daily duties of life. But among the comments of Protestant writers upon prophecy this agreement may be traced, viz., that the old Roman empire having professed Christianity, and fallen away from the truth as it was first delivered, by introducing adorations and invocations to created beings, into services intended for worshipping the great Creator of all, had thereby called down foretold judgments upon them. The Eastern portion being punished with the foretold Mahometan desolation; while in the Western portion (though many sore judgments were upon it) a wide-spread priestly despotism was permitted to arise; because it was foreknown that within that portion of the old Roman empire would the effort be made to throw off that yoke, and return to the primitive faith as it was first delivered. Again, the doctrine of a millennium on earth, to be enjoyed by the elect prior to the general judgment, is held by some ministers in all Protestant denominations; while the great majority (as in the early days of Christianity) consider that this doctrine is not sufficiently defined in their book of faith, and, as usually taught, it would seem to detract from the reverence with which men ought to regard the Church at large in the present dispensation, and appears therefore unsuited for general enquiry, as withdrawing attention from the more necessary doctrines of attending to personal uprightness of character. But in a new country emerging from the state of a wilderness, these parties

all meet in one church or room, rather than go without some public divine service once a week; Presbyterians and Dissenters agreeing to pay for a seat in the Established Church of England, though they may object to subscribe towards the payment of the stipend of a minister of a communion to which they do not belong; and this continues until the respective denominations are sufficient in number to have a church or chapel of their own. Thus the income of ministers may be made up partly of rents for seats, partly of yearly subscriptions by those of their flock who are in better circumstances, and partly from funds accruing from the rent of lands, given or subscribed for at different times, and which are held in trust for church purposes.

And it may be said that the colonists in the Canterbury Province in no way disavowed their attachment to the Church of England, when they altered the previous rule of devoting the third part of their land fund for her separate service. For though such might have been considered a useful measure, when the settlement was first started, as designed to draw together a body of men in the United Kingdom possessing similar sentiments on religious subjects, and being particularly attractive to the talented among either church party; nevertheless, afterwards, when the great majority in the colony were known to belong to the Church of England, it implied no desertion of her principles to adopt the voluntary mode of paying ministers, when many highly useful members of society had joined the colony, belonging to other religious bodies, who would require their own ministers, and whose system only admitted the voluntary principle. Yet the funds voted for educational purposes are applied through the ministers of different

religious bodies, in proportion to their numbers returned by the census.

Much opposition was shewn in England to the principle of starting a colony with the rule of applying a portion of the land sales to the support of any particular religious body, and the objections urged are sometimes considered to have arisen from the general body of the colonists; but this is not correct. A great political principle, which has violently agitated the United Kingdom since the opening of the Legislature to persons who were not members of the Established Church, was thought to be affirmed by it, and caused the outcry, viz., – the connection between Church and State. The nonconformist body generally urge a separation, but maintain their right to join the Church established, and carry further reforms into it, just as they change at will among their own denominations. The arguments used by writers of this party may therefore at times appear to the public as coming from members of the Established Church, when in truth, none of her habitual attendants entertain such views; while there are others, attached to the opposite extreme of religious opinions, who view these divisions only as a further argument for adopting the principle of one ecclesiastical head for settling all disputes: some among whom, therefore, may not be unwilling to view these differences as being of greater magnitude than they really are. And as both these parties are willing to make the most of inconsiderate letters from the colony, (written often by persons of hasty temperaments or of extreme opinions, in moments of irritation or disappointment) to support their respective views, ideas may be circulated in the United Kingdom, of religious dissensions among the colonists, which

many of them may hear of for the first time only when they visit England. Divisions occur among all religions; but it is practicable, and it occurs that members of the Established Church of England and Dissenters do meet together for the purpose of public worship, rather than go without the ordinance; for neither party charges the other with idolatry in their ceremonies.

One ground of the Protestant separation from the See of Rome is, that adoration, direct or indirect, paid to any created being, detracts from the homage due to the Creator of all; that the great Book of Christianity nowhere allows, but every where forbids, man making to himself the likeness of anything in heaven or earth as his God; for any act of worship, invocation, or prayer, offered to an unseen being, necessarily invests the object addressed with the attribute of ubiquity; but this attribute belongs to the Creator only, who alone is omnipresent, everywhere supporting his creation. Again the ultra-Protestant theory rejects all appeal to the writings of the early times in the History of the Church, as bearing upon the correctness of doctrines, arguing it is no more strange that man should early fall away from the revelation of his Creator's will, or the knowledge of the true God, after its delivery by the apostles of Christianity, than it was for mankind to have so early fallen away, as they did, in the days immediately after the days of Noah.

Nevertheless the ground is maintained by the High Church party in the Church of England, that the writings of the early Fathers contradict those doctrines of the Church of Rome to which they object as the superadditions of a later age: for they do not consider that traces of the philosophy of the times, or the remains of former heathen doctrines, of which they had given

up the profession, is sufficient to invalidate their testimony that doctrines now propounded in the Church were not known, or, if known, were condemned, in the earliest days of the Church. From the days of the Reformation, writers of this party constantly appeal to the writings of the early Fathers in support of their positions against the Church of Rome; and when in late years the great movement arose leading to the revival of the study of the early days in the history of the Church, it was gladly hailed by the old teachers on this side (who could say it taught them nothing new,) as being significant of a desire for enquiry into the deeper doctrines of Christianity. One great result of this movement was the publication, in a form accessible to the general public, of translations of the works of the earliest writers on Christianity; when the profession of their faith was made at the peril of their lives, and while some still lived who could witness that these doctrines were those which either themselves had heard from Apostles or apostolic men, or from those who had conversed with them. The critical appreciation of these particular writers, it was argued, was a study in itself, comparatively few persons having mastered the peculiar style of this portion of the Greek and Latin languages.

But there were reasons of a political nature which urged this movement forward. The constitution of the realm, as settled at the Reformation, excluded from the legislature all who were not members of the Established Church; and when this restriction was removed during the present generation, so as to allow members of all persuasions professing Christianity to legislate for the temporalities of the Established Church, it was natural that the attention of observant minds, among

her ministers, should be directed to placing before the public mind, information on the origin of their right to the possession of their benefices: for they had many bitter opponents, who must be expected to endeavour to curtail those rights by circulating statements calculated to dispossess their present possessors. This feeling, therefore, revived the study of primitive Christianity, when the contest was carried on with professed heathendom; but the excesses of the movement are traceable to extending the enquiry into the periods, and too implicitly and indiscriminately copying the ideas of mediaeval times, when the truth was overlaid with the grossest superstitions, and the sufficiency of the revelation made to the first apostles of Christianity too faintly recognized.

This movement is considered to have been a very wide one, and to have attracted the bulk of the more energetic and earnest men entering upon the ministry of the Church of England; but it happens that all movements in the history of the world have been abused, an evil spirit is ever busy watching to take his advantage, and mar mais endeavours for his advancement in the knowledge of what relates to his eternal welfare.

And this movement was much abused; for some early began to slavishly copy the ceremonies of the Church they were separated from, hoping by outward attractions to induce the giddy and weaker portion of the population to think religion was not the melancholy subject they generally supposed it to be; but in doing so, were ultimately drawn to embrace the doctrines of that communion. But it is said, that, though a few hundred of those who joined this movement have joined the Church of

Rome, many thousands throughout the kingdom have been brought to more earnest and just ideas of the value of their professed religion.

It is considered that as a philosophical and condensed summary of the arguments for Christianity, Bishop Butler's Analogy and Sermons, written in the last century, are the best expression of them that has been written; and it is therein shewn that, even if the truth of all the arguments used to oppose Christianity be admitted, there still remains a body of evidence in its favour, which to candid minds must be conclusive. That little book has been adopted as a text-book in nearly all the Protestant Colleges in the United Kingdom. And though a small book, it is supposed to require for the comprehension of its arguments, more exertion of the intellect than any other theological work. The distinction is there plainly maintained between natural religion and revealed religion, and the arguments of Protestant Christianity are stated generally against the opinions of the men of this world in a condensed form. Now this book is not generally understood by persons, without a previous training in theological knowledge! but the wider views, obtained by a more extended acquaintance with the general struggles of business in life, have enabled some, in a young colony, to grasp the mighty meaning of this book, who were never able to understand it before.

The freedom with which persons enter into their opinions, on social and religious subjects, causes in the minds of those who hear these ideas for the first time maintained by people drawn from every direction of the United Kingdom, embarrassment and confusion. They have never before been brought into close intimacy with

the practical expression of the many and various opinions which may be assembled there.

The perusal of Bishop Butler's Analogy may tend to remove embarrassments of this nature, and show the common bond running through the arguments of the man of this world on one side, and also tend to explain how, with the apparent contradictions running through the many religious opinions of really earnest and well-meaning people on the other side, there is still a common bond running through these contradistinctions.

And if the circumstances of his previous life should have led a reflecting colonist into much foreign travel, if accustomed to enquiries of this nature, he may take interest in tracing in the opinions of different professions in the Christian world, a similarity to the line of argument whereby the enemy of mankind deludes him in the heathen world into forgetting the first requirements of natural religion, viz: That every man should maintain good feeling towards his fellow, and that all should act with just judgment and fair dealing in all transactions with one another. For it is to be remembered that great violence has been done to the dictates of natural religion by all nations professing Christianity, and under its holy name; but that this applies with greatly diminished force to the several reformed faiths of modern times, who have endeavoured to purge themselves of former errors. In several countries, both in professedly heathen and in Christian ones, sects exist whose creeds are drawn from the tenets of various religions. Still in all countries the mass of mankind claiming the right to pursue their own desires and regarding only their individual interests, some are always to be found entrenching upon the rights of others, who, feeling that they are wronged, in their turn seek to

obtain what they require at the expense of others, and thus continual contention is maintained; and, as excuses for selfishness and domineering are never wanting, general approbation lies with the heroic rather than the Christian character, as has been noticed by Paley, in showing that the morality of Christianity differs from that of all other religions.

It is a serious reflection that the great bulk of mankind regard one another as being but subservient instruments, to be imposed upon or coerced for each other's gratification, and by attributing the same desire to all, effectually hinder the few who are really seeking their greatest good, as the later are not learned in such ways. Man is placed in this world to fulfil a duty to his neighbour, to society at large, as well as himself; there are rights and duties of the governor as well as those of the governed; the judgments of neighbours on the selfishness of individuals, when grasping only for their own wants, becomes more apparent in thinly-peopled countries, the effect is more signal and striking. Those who live but to think of themselves become more noticed among the community, and find that their influence does not accord with their mental acquirements; moreover the feeling of isolation begets distrust among newly-arrived persons, and encourages the formation of Masonic societies. These, however, are not necessary to the true Christian, who, acting from higher motives, does not require to join secret combinations "to do good to others who do good to us," and may safely regard, as a sound philosophical argument, that his true interest in this world lies rather in preparing for the one to come, seeing that the affairs of eternity must be of immeasurably greater consequence to him than those of time.

CHAPTER II. TO BECOME A COLONIST DOES NOT FORFEIT SOCIAL RANK

CHAPTER II.

TO BECOME A COLONIST DOES NOT FORFEIT SOCIAL RANK OR POSITION.

Prejudices prevail throughout the Public Services against the occupations of a Colonist – One way to meet these Prejudices is to relate the Histories of some who have left these Services and become Colonists – The relation of Misfortune in the previous History of a Colonist does encourage others suffering under Misfortunes to proceed to a Colony – The Autobiography of a retired Military Settler, with his Remarks upon some Customs and Ideas of his former Profession – He is satisfied with the exchange he has made – Some sources of Prejudices to Colonization among the upper ranks of Society stated – Only a portion of those who go to a Colony are urged by previous disappointment.

THE great bulk of mankind are brought up in employments more or less connected with trading or producing occupations, and to such it is not necessary to address arguments on the relative dignity of such employments. But many thousands are brought up to follow public and other services, where great prejudices are entertained to the occupations of a colonist, and these may be met by relating the history of some who have left their ranks and become colonists. For many may be met whose previous histories, in the Old World, were attended with very painful circumstances, sufficient sometimes almost to obscure their perceptive faculties: but the same persons, in following their new employments, in their new homes, amid new scenes, and enjoying a healthier climate, have renovated their constitutions, and obtained that return of mental and bodily health.

which has enabled them again to enter with pleasure on the ordinary business of life. There exists a much larger proportion of employers of labour who have retired from professional life in a new colony than is met with in an old settled country, and among them there is not the same regard for amassing pecuniary wealth, that exists among those who have been brought up solely to the pursuits of commerce. Such persons sometimes freely relate their previous histories to encourage others who they deem to be desponding on the success of their new avocations, or when they desire to establish greater confidence with their neighbours.

The relation of misfortunes may appear to be a futile mode of recommending a colony to those who have been always possessed of ease and competence, and have lived but to think of their own pleasures; but when persons are about to embark in consequence of misfortunes for a new colony, it is satisfactory for them to hear something, directly or indirectly, of the previous life of those who are to be among their new neighbours. Timid persons, untrained to business, often accept disparaging accounts from the colonies, and deem that the evil related of some characters who go to them, represents the general character of all in them, and they use these representations to deter such of their acquaintance, whom they wish to remain in England, from joining their friends in a colony, when meditating to go there. It is not, therefore, unreasonable for colonists to relate stories of an opposite nature, in order to counteract these representations. For it is not by remaining quietly in the colony, encouraging effeminacy, and allowing their acquaintance in the United Kingdom to suppose they cannot improve their circumstances by

going out to them, or concealing from them that serious troubles arise in the management of their institutions, that colonists can hope to increase the population of their neighbourhoods; and when a colonist feels he is speaking with perfect truthfulness, he knows he is only doing a duty, both to the old country and the new one, whatever timid or interested persons may think to the contrary.

A story is therefore related which may interest those who look for character in those they contemplate for their new neighbours, though it may appear of little moment to those who read of a new country only to learn what advantages it presents in a pecuniary point of view. While those who are placed in circumstances of ease and comfort, never having themselves undergone privations or disappointments, may in time learn that the relation of melancholy matters does not turn, from considering the subject of colonization, any suffering under adversity or affliction: for those who have mixed in the society of a young colony know that many are driven only by the recurrence of repeated disappointments, during their former lives, to undertake that step, and that to persons in those circumstances it is of interest to learn that others have also formerly had melancholy periods in their lives, and have recovered health and spirits by their sojourn in the new country. – -There are others, again, willing to make the endeavour to transport themselves, but who are deterred by considerations of deteriorating from their personal dignity or self-importance by following the occupations of a colonial life: these also may be glad to hear that others have had similar scruples laid before them, and have heartily rejoiced on laying them aside. The following story

may therefore be related, as one among many eventful histories of a previous life that may be met with in a young colony.

Being one of a family who could look back on their grandfathers and great and great-great-grandfathers as having been general officers in the army, the subject of the story was born in the barrack-square, and had accustomed himself to look on the army as a profession honourable above all others, and that unless it were maintained so, the institution became intolerable to the country at large. In the days of his boyhood his father commanded a regiment, which he maintained in the highest state of discipline, and, though very strict, was highly beloved and very popular in it. The son witnessed a very affectionate leave-taking on the part of his parent from the regiment; for the old colonel cried like a child as he walked up and down the ranks, shaking hands with every man in it, and bidding them adieu. The parent left the army because he had a large family, and considered that when he was on foreign service their education could not be properly attended to: moreover, he knew that the price of his commission would be most serviceable to him in starting his family out in the world. The son followed the profession of his father, and entered the same regiment; but his career in it became a melancholy one. For an uncle succeeded his father in command of the regiment, who had a small family, but, unfortunately for him, a wife who did not possess the requisite ideas for supporting her position with dignity and respect, having come from a position in life lower than that of her husband. The uncle's intellect was weakened, and became ultimately worn out, in the

course of long service in hot climates, and it became necessary for the department of public service charged with the supervision of the army to remove him from the command. The mode in which this was done was thought to have been a rather harsh treatment towards an old man, who for nearly forty years had stuck to his regiment in every quarter of the globe they had been sent to, and it proved a shock to him his weakened intellect could ill sustain. But it is well known that the moving out or disposal of old officers of the crown who are no longer able to serve, has always been a general difficulty attending the administration of the public offices of the country: nevertheless, this is no reason for advancing men deficient in tact and judgment to high posts in their offices requiring the exercise of those qualities; for there are frequently painful duties of this nature to be performed.

However, in this case, according to an old rule seldom departed from at the Horse Guards, the promotion was not given in the regiment, but a stranger was brought in to command it. Now this was not a man who possessed any claim to promotion on the ground of previous meritorious services; but report said, in reply to all inquiries concerning him, that a constant attendance on the levees at the Horse Guards was his only recommendation, and that he appeared to be but one of those place-hunters with which all the public offices of the country are more or less attended. He proved to be a man so destitute of the feelings that ought to actuate those exercising such responsible commands, that his officers made it their business to have as little to do with him as possible. His habit of boasting deprived him of the benefit of confidence in his word; and so

irritating and offensive was his demeanour, that the newspapers frequently indulged in satirical comments upon his proceedings. He aimed at establishing a reputation as a martinet, but failed in obtaining for himself the slightest respect or confidence. Jack Brag was his sobriquet, and for several years the regiment was under this tormentor.

Now the mere martinet is a man of very narrow mind, and his sphere of enjoyment is greatly curtailed, because his fancied pleasures, arising from the idea of ruling those under him solely on the low principle of fear, are greatly interrupted by the knowledge that his power will not always last, and that those who have suffered injustice at his hands may one day have the power of retaliating. Any appearance of dislike displayed towards himself, therefore, by those under his command is often keenly felt by him, when others actuated and ruling with higher motives can easily witness such displays without feeling annoyed by them. It is truly observed that many persons, when placed in command of any body of men, be it a regiment, a ship, or any of the humbler occupations of civil life, can carry on efficiently and strictly the work appointed for them to do, and still secure the respect of those below them; while some, possessed of narrower minds, unable to appreciate the wants of others, and being destitute themselves of the finer feelings of our nature, are unable to understand how others regard them; and also, sometimes, by possessing an overweening confidence in their own importance, cannot conduct a duty without bringing themselves so prominently forward in it, that they convey their orders, even on trivial subjects, in a manner that gives offence to those who receive them.

But officers in the army are drawn from a class who require qualities other than those which distinguish the mere drill-serjeant, to be exhibited in those who are appointed to command them.

Meantime the son above spoken of continued in the regiment towards which his feelings lay, hoping every year that the next would remove the incubus that sat upon it. He kept therefore rather retired, and being of a reading turn of mind, went to the senior department of Sandhurst College, to prepare himself better for advancement in his profession: but in those times it was very difficult to get an exchange to a regiment on active service, and to employment on the Staff it appeared still more difficult to get appointed. But in this latter service it was of great importance to him that he should be employed, because he was unable to purchase the next step of promotion in his regiment; but by being appointed to the Staff, he could hope in a few years to save the money he required for purchasing his next step. However, all endeavours made in that direction he found to be met by insuperable difficulties. Often did he wonder at the course of providence in so ordering his lot to him, but knew in good time the cause would be made known to him.

At length, some years after this son had been a Captain in his regiment, it became necessary for him to report himself personally, after a return from foreign service, at the Horse Guards, when it appeared to him that a certain head of a department therein took exception to him, on the ground of a defect in his speech, and he was referred to another department to see what was thought of him there, preparatory to other steps being taken to cause him to leave the army, and this

occasioned a violent shock to an earnest mind accustomed to regard his profession with enthusiasm. It was truly a time to feel how certain minds can be tempted to seek their satisfaction on the man who has robbed them of the long-cherished hope and desire of their lives; and, by depriving him of life, by a deed of violence, in some conspicuous position, would hope to call attention to their wrong; while the individuals themselves would cheerfully give up their own life, then no longer considered of value to their possessor, to satisfy the laws of their country, only hoping that by doing so they had called attention to their wrong. The feelings that work in many minds, brought up in military service, pay a far less regard to the value of human life than persons in civil life generally suppose. But that it is of the highest importance to a Government to maintain a confidence, in the nation at large, of a sense of justice in the administration of their public services, is well exemplified in the circumstances of a late revolution in a neighbouring nation on the European continent, where in common opinion the administration of the reigning Sovereign was identified with intrigue and injustice; for the secretary of the Prime Minister had been convicted before the Chamber of Peers of receiving bribes, and had received in consequence a sentence of imprisonment. When, therefore, the nation rose to expel the Government, though 80,000 troops were concentrated in the capital, it is related that scarcely a shot was fired to defend the Court that was being expelled.

But, returning to our story, it may be mentioned that the head of a department referred to was an individual generally spoken of in the service with the prefix of

"bully" to his surname. And his style may be gathered when it is related of him, that on one occasion, when inspecting a depot of a regiment, the commander of it not giving his orders in a tone loud enough to please him, he ordered him to stand aside, and proceeded in stentorian tones to manoeuvre the men himself, in order to convey his ideas how he thought "words of command" ought to be given.

However, the colonel spoken of as "Jack Brag" was then in London, and conveyed to the hero of our story, that in an interview with the above head of a department, further exception had been taken to him on the ground of a correspondence that had taken place a few years before, wherein this captain had reported an officer, senior to him in the regiment, who was at the time in command of a detachment on board ship, as exhibiting himself, frequently, in a state of drunkenness, before the men. Now it is said to be an established rule at the offices superintending the naval and military services of the country, that a junior officer advancing a charge against a senior officer becomes a marked man in their departments. That is to say, he never receives assistance towards his promotion, but rather whatever obstruction can legally hinder it.

Now this rule, however good in some cases, may be grossly abused when the moral sense of justice is lost sight of in carrying it out. For it is generally considered among the older members of these professions that discipline, viz., the habit of ready, immediate obedience required in these services, cannot be maintained without this is known to be the established rule. It is supposed that mankind are so apt to complain, and find excuses for disobeying orders, if penalty is not attached to making

complaints which are not substantiated, – that for the support of authority every allowance must be made, both for infirmity of temper and anxiety of mind in those placed in command. But younger members look upon this view as taken from one side of the question only; for they consider that they also have a conscience and feelings to be consulted, which require to be respected: and that if these are outraged by a conviction that justice is not to be obtained between them and their superiors; a change, and if necessary a revolution, in the laws of their offices, must be contended for, by those who have sufficient political power to obtain it; otherwise it is frequently preferred to leave these services, and retire to private life. There is a story of a general officer, at an inspection of a regiment, saying to a subaltern, who stepped out of the ranks to complain of his colonel, "Right or wrong, sir, I will support the commanding officer," and so dismissed his case. And it may be said to be a general conviction throughout these professions, that justice cannot be expected to be obtained when very old members in them adjudicate on cases of this nature brought before them.

To return to our story: our captain felt in his conscience that he had done his duty in this case that was under the consideration of Jack Brag and his superior.

The circumstances were as follows: – A major, a captain (he of our story), three subalterns, and an assistant surgeon, fresh from his larks as a medical student, were on board a merchant vessel at sea, with a detachment of their regiment for foreign service. The major was a confirmed hard drinker, and would endeavour to conduct duty when in a state not fit to do it. The captain, after trying other ways to keep him quiet, at

last gave him a letter to be handed to higher authority at the termination of the voyage, reporting him as having exhibited himself frequently in a state of drunkenness before the men. This was done after a request from the junior officers for him to do something to stop the intolerable nuisances they were subject to in the cabin, by the major's intoxication, and the captain was thanked by them on board for the quieter demeanour he had brought about in the major. Upon arrival at their destination, an aged general, in command, called upon the captain to withdraw his letter, which was met by further explanations, and a Court of Enquiry was ordered to investigate the matter. Before the Court three of the junior officers stated they had never seen the major drunk on board the vessel, and one only stated he had seen the major drunk. With the kindest intentions possible, the aged general then closed the proceedings of the Court, (though above a hundred witnesses could have been called), and said the captain had advanced charges which he had not proved, and he desired the matter should be terminated.

But when the captain, in London, years afterwards, heard this affair was to be brought up to his disadvantage, he thought something detrimental to him might arise out of it, and he began to collect opinions regarding it. However, while so engaged, he found a state of mind had come over him, which he could in no way account for, but must conscientiously consider he was not mentally fit to continue performing any public duty. A mental cloud, a failing of faculties and energies, was upon him to an extent, he could not but feel, was a warning of Providence to desist from his then too exciting duties; and he was led to set about the work of em-

igration, which reason had convinced him long before was the most likely field for recruiting his own finances and those of others in his family in whom he was interested. And he accordingly begins it. Now this feeling was not attributable to a fear that the divine Providence, superintending this world's affairs, had deserted him, for he could look back upon years spent in studying the Creator's laws, and steadily seeking him openly in ways pointed out; nevertheless, a feeling attended him that it was highly probable that circumstances with which he was acquainted would be opened to the judgment and opinions of men in his generation, though probably after some of the actors in them had passed from the stage; while for himself, at the time appointed in the course of Providence, the secret would be made known to him why a continual opposition had been shewn to his advancement in his profession.

In a melancholy mood, accordingly, he sent in his resignation. Soon after the captain saw, in the transference of the colonel to another command, the removal of the incubus that had so long sat upon his old regiment, as if he, the captain of this story, had been the Jonah who had caused it to be tormented.

He had been nearly two years in the Canterbury province, when he received letters from his family in England, stating that his uncle, who had formerly succeeded his father in command of the regiment, had died, and that the event had been an occasion for the two families to have met each other, for they had been previously long separated. The uncle's family had then acknowledged that one of his daughters had had a child born, not in wedlock, to an officer in the old regiment, that the intimacy took place soon after the uncle left

the army, and that the officer was still in the regiment. How thankful must the mind of the now retired captain have been, at the ordering of Providence, that this was communicated to him at that distance of time and place; for he had known this cousin well once, and had regarded her tenderly, as a near relative unfortunately situated; but her own wilfulness had broken off all communication between them. He could not but feel that if this occurrence had been made known to him, when he was in the regiment, abruptly, and without his being prepared for it, he might have exhibited his anger too violently. A too concentrated regard for the opinions of others, in their own society, has frequently engendered violent manifestations of anger in the military ranks, when unmerited affronts have been received. Anti-duelling laws do not apply to cases like these. The feelings with which the master of a flock, on seeing a wild dog tearing his lambs, would seize the first stick or weapon at hand, and put it out of the power of the animal again to repeat the act, would rather describe the feelings which are excited in the minds of those brought up to hang their happiness upon the opinions of others, when they deem their dignity or their honour has been outraged.

But what must be the feelings of this retired officer towards his former companions? For some of them must have been aware of this occurrence, and for eight years they had allowed him to retain a highly unseemly position without giving him any intimation that there were circumstances in his uncle's family with which he ought to have made himself acquainted. Surely proper feeling demanded not only intimation but remonstrance on this unseemly position, from those senior to him in

the regiment, particularly from those personally acquainted with his family. It was not a case to allow any doubt to remain on their minds, whether the son of their former respected colonel was acquainted with this circumstance or not, and it indicates a deficient estimate of Christian morality to suppose it becoming for any person to present himself in a public position before a Christian community after an occurrence of this nature, without first avowing his reprobation of it. The exercise of caution is necessary in making known unpleasant communications in any society of men; but when caution is carried into positive want of candour, loss of confidence precludes friendship in that society. False rules of conduct on this subject are encouraged in the army by the presence of Masonic lodges. Licentious characters may be seen to be screened in their public acts, by others who in private admonish their misdeeds, and this does practically encourage characters dangerous to the community, as was the case in this instance.

Now this is not an imaginary story, but one which public persons in the capacity of legislators might ascertain the truth of, by demanding the production of available documents and witnesses should a verification of any of its particulars be needful for the greater efficiency of the public service.

There exists a great aversion to colonization at the Antipodes among the upper circles of English society, connected with the governmental departments of the country, which proceeds from insufficient information on the subject, and unnecessary fears of losing their personal dignity when proceeding there; and also from the stories circulated by those who have been to a colony,

and have not succeeded in it. For many persons retired from those services may be met, who are established as successful settlers; while the non-success of many may be fairly attributed to the habits of self-indulgence to which they have been accustomed from childhood; and that of others to a want of experience in business. Thus, many born in easy circumstances, are brought up with highly honourable ideas, incapable of deceiving or acting with intentions to over-reach other people, nevertheless are too much accustomed to regard others as being actuated with equal purity of motives as themselves. But if it is considered that, with the masses of mankind, life is a continuous struggle to push themselves upwards by any means the laws of the land permit: each person in business requires to view others as striving to do the best they can for themselves, in order to make money, or secure an independence for themselves by their trade. Persons, therefore, who are not accustomed to caution in their dealings with mankind, must generally be as liable to be over-reached or imposed upon in bargains, when commencing an industrial occupation in a new country, as they would have been when commencing in an old one. It is, therefore, to the absence of training in industrial pursuits that the want of progress of such individuals, when possessed of fair mental abilities, ought to be attributed when unsuccessful in a new colony, and not to a supposed want of moral tone in the community among whom they were placed. It becomes, therefore, unfair to attribute to this supposed want of tone the non-success of untrained persons, who frequently plunge too largely at first into a business without previous experience in the mode of conducting it. Want of mental ability has occasioned in

other cases to young men a total loss of their capital, which ought not to have been entrusted to them to invest upon their own account, but rather a yearly allowance made them to live upon, until their friends were satisfied they had gained sufficient experience to be able to invest their money to advantage. There are doubtless other cases where an addiction to intemperance or other vices, from the lesser restraints imposed in colonial life, have encouraged persons to squander their money earlier than they would have done, had they remained under the parental roof. But these are not cases by which to judge of what industrious persons can do. And though these colonies often prove convenient to send out youths to, who happen to be eyesores to their friends at home, and who do no better when in the colony; yet, steady persons, inclined to persevere, from all ranks and stations in life have succeeded there, with only moderate attention to business. Our retired officer having resolved upon a new line of life in the colonies, on taking leave of his elder relatives, then in advanced years, was told, "My dear boy, in three years you will be in the condition of a labourer." But those who saw him in three years after his starting, with some sixty acres of land preparing for tillage, six horses upon his farm, and two teams of bullocks, with a dairy of twenty cows and young stock coming on, also knowing that he was in a fair way soon to possess the freehold of a few hundred acres of land, would not think him exactly in the condition of a day labourer. The same retired officer would also have addressed to him on leaving England, the observation: "Remember you are sinking yourself in position by leaving the army." But would he be sinking in his

own estimation of himself? Would he have fallen in the estimation of his new acquaintances, or in that of the general public?

The Canterbury colony affords hundreds of examples of persons of gentle birth, who are contented with their prospects in the colony, and are not disposed to consider they have descended in position by becoming colonists. But the reader must not suppose that previous disappointments in life have attended all who start for a colony; for many visit the colonies who have not known previous disappointments or cares of any kind, but, being satisfied with the freer and more jovial, and independent style of life that prevails in it, are content to remain there. And many have retired, and are continuing to retire, from the receipt of good incomes in the United Kingdom, actuated solely with a view of settling their families, when they happen to be numerous. And also many more, as young men, who view the proceeding entirely as an ordinary calculation of business, affording them better prospects than they see before them in the United Kingdom. But this colony has now within it many of a high stamp of character, and still strict in maintaining that character whose antecedents will bear the most searching investigation. It becomes, therefore, the argument of foppishness, to contend that because some leave the United Kingdom yearly for her colonies, the United States, or other foreign dominions, under circumstances where their characters are seriously affected, and that colonies are often used as penal settlements: that it is therefore impossible in the present day to raise young communities where the general tone and the sense of individual character cannot be as strictly maintained as they are in the United Kingdom.

On the contrary, the experience of every day, (and here facts ARE worth a thousand theories) testifies strongly to the permanent growth of new kingdoms, whose institutions, moral, social, political and religious, placed in their statute books, will hear comparison with the palmiest days of the mother country. The chaff does but test the wheat, and the latter bears the test.

CHAPTER III. ON THE PRELIMINARY WORK ATTENDING THE INAUGURATION AND ESTABLISHMENT OF COLONIES.

CHAPTER III.

ON THE PRELIMINARY WORK ATTENDING THE INAUGURATION AND ESTABLISHMENT OF COLONIES.

The Establishment of Colonies is generally a tedious process – What is the proper Office of Enthusiasm – The Legal Powers which are granted a Public Company for carrying on Colonization – The Company generally have to borrow money in order to erect works required in the Colony and to send out the labourers required – The newly-arrived Colonist generally finds an old hand in the Colony to suit him better than a Labourer just arrived in it – The great Call for Labour, and how the Provinces endeavour to obtain it – The Boon of Self-government being granted to New Zealand, plenty of Local Business is before them – A Notice of the New Zealand Company and of the Canterbury Association.

SUCCESSFUL colonies are valuable appendages to the crown of Great Britain, for they not only afford an outlet for the redundant population, but also afford a permanent market for exports of manufactures from the mother country, enabling the manufacturer to employ additional hands upon his premises. But the establishment of colonies appears always to have been a slow and tedious process. It sometimes takes this form: –

First, – Some men of note are got together to form a company and to give confidence to the public. The directors should be eminent in public affairs, with reputations to lose, and in positions to give stability and support to the movement. As they mature their plans and publish information, enthusiasm of some sort gradually instils itself into all classes, whose inquiries concerning the scheme lead them to take part in carrying

it out. Apart from enthusiasm, few are induced to leave a present employment, giving them, if not a large, yet a certain return for what appears to be a prospect attended with more or less of uncertainty. It seems to be the Divine rule that enthusiasm shall attend all great movements of mankind and disparagement of its proper office is to distrust the Providence that rules over the world. It is prettily enunciated in certain well known sermons delivered before the University of Oxford, as being a feeling providentially appointed to assist man in his first efforts to overcome the distaste and difficulties that are generally experienced in undertaking a subject new to him. But this is a different view of Enthusiasm from that taken by philosophers writing on the art of accumulating wealth, who generally confound it with fanaticism, which is the abuse of that feeling.

However, the mind that originally projects large schemes of colonization requires to be of a commanding order, and likewise should be practically conversant with the subject. Such persons at all times may be found, who, having some private property to meet their own personal expenses, possess at the same time that activity of disposition, which finds no rest in ordinary life, but requires to be continually employed in planning schemes for the benefit of other people. Much of personal ambition, or a desire to make a name for themselves in the world, may enter into the motives; but what if it is so? How rare is it to find in human nature good motives unmixed, or without a considerable alloy of baser ones? Such persons always expect and generally receive some share of blame from those who try the colony, and find it does not come up to the

anticipations formed in their own minds concerning it; and also from other neighbouring colonies, who suppose that a portion of the population flowing towards them has been diverted.

A public company being formed, it becomes necessary to obtain from the Imperial Legislature a power for the company to hold lands, or other property, in their corporate capacity. This is to enable them to give a security, should they have occasion to borrow money in the course of carrying on their operations. A Government audit of course is maintained to guard against undue speculation, or misappropriation of the monies that the company receives from the public, by sale of land, or otherwise, and to see that those monies are laid out according to their public advertisements, in which they guarantee a certain mode of disposal, or investment.

This power of holding land in a corporate capacity is very necessary; for it often happens that the paid-up capital of the company, and the money received by sale of land in England, which are their only resources at first, become exhausted in putting up the necessary wharfs and public buildings, and opening the roads primarily required before returns come in from the sale of land, or from other sources, in the colony, wherewith to carry on the absolutely necessary operation of promoting the embarkation of fresh emigrants from England. Now, shipowners and others, in expectation of a trade arising with the colony, will be found ready to advance money for the purposes of the company; but, as in every other sound commercial enterprise, security must be forthcoming to justify their advances. The authority of the Home Government for the incorporation of

the first adventurers supplies this security; and the power to grant territorial possession carries with it a guarantee for the ultimate re-payment of the principal, and the current discharge of the interest on loans thus lawfully contracted.

Among those who enquire, purposing to join an emigration scheme, there are usually many small capitalists, willing enough to try it for themselves; but it is not so easy to induce them to part with some of their money to pay the passage of labourers to accompany them: because instances are not rare of an early separation between those who had passages given them and those who took them out. Therefore the sale of a land order in England to such persons will afford a fund to commence with, in sending out labourers, and afterwards, when the public waste land is sold only in the colony, funds will accrue there for keeping up the supply of labour. Now those experienced in colonial industry argue, that it is generally better for a newly-arrived emigrant to engage an old hand to assist him in starting his occupation, as such an one would be able to inform him of the local customs, and make his labour generally (from his own experience) go further to the employer's advantage than that of a newly-arrived labourer could do.

Again, the newly-arrived labourer will find he can work much more to his own satisfaction and his employer's advantage, when located where the buildings are more finished and general conveniences are more advanced, which they must be with an older settler, who, moreover, would require less of personal attendance and be able to give him instruction on the local practices for economising labour, which are of much value.

It is necessary, therefore, for the colonist to inquire into the sources for keeping up the supply of labour, as well as to ascertain what supply is available for his immediate use. Because, until roads are made, the man purposing to farm land cannot convey produce to or from his farm. Until the buildings and fences are put up, it is useless to put crops into the ground. Similarly, until the buildings and stores are put up, and wharfs made, the merchant has not a place to preserve the goods he imports and exports for sale. Thus labour for buildings of all kinds, whether for public or private edifices, is required, which must be completed before any occupation can be started with comfort or be conducted with profit, and such labour is particularly required in a new country emerging from the state of a wilderness. In an old-settled country every new occupation by means of which people afterwards earn their livelihood, requires, on being first started, a considerably greater amount of labour to be employed upon it than is required yearly to be expended upon it afterwards. Therefore, when all employers are starting new occupations, as is the case in a new colony, this demand for labour must be increased very much indeed – probably to a degree which persons who have only had experience in old-settled countries can have no conception of. Again, the labourer is so soon removed out of the common labour market, (settled upon his own piece of land,) that if provision is not made for future labourers to be brought out to supply his place, the employers of labour will not have labourers to do the work they require: more particularly as those who came out first as labourers, become afterwards employers of labour, and fresh small capitalists come yearly into a new

colony from older ones adjoining it; so the comfort and progress of the community depends very mainly on the continuation of the supply of fresh labourers into it.

As we have already observed, the future land sales in the colony are looked upon as the most probable source of obtaining funds for continuing the required supply of labour.

The provinces of New Zealand are now so far started, that, having a surplus revenue for the purpose, some of them prefer, sending agents to superintend the sending out of that particular class of workmen who are most required. This is generally done by the colony paying a portion of the emigrants' passage-money, (generally half,) he paying the other portion: but a promissory note may be taken in certain cases, particularly if backed or endorsed by a person settled in the colony, who then is liable to pay the portion remaining due; and this method enables those at present unable to pay their share towards their passages to get out to the colony. There being now sufficient revenue in all the provinces to allow for the prosecution of public works, the demand for labour still continues, and the price of it to rule high: for the private employers still have to pay wages in some proportion to what the labourer can earn on the public roads, which being generally let out as contract work, labourers can thereby earn a very high rate of wages; but this cannot always be met.

It may be mentioned, that at the first starting of a colony, the revenue derived from the Customs may be inconsiderable, perhaps hardly sufficient for the first few years to pay the officials employed in collecting it, and conducting the civil administration of the colony. Nevertheless, when the colony is well started, with a

good export, and the land in the neighbourhood of the towns has been purchased and occupied, the Customs become the principal source of the colonial revenue. In the early days of a colony, therefore, the land fund is the chief source of its revenue, and this may explain why young colonies, in different stages of their growth, have different policies to pursue in planning their financial policy.

The supply of labour having been considered, to obtain for the young colony powers of self-government appears to have been the next object of importance, occupying the attention of the companies engaged in starting the New Zealand Colonies. It is well-known that the ideas that used to prevail in the legislature of the United Kingdom, in regard to the privileges to be granted to the colonies have undergone a change; for, New Zealand first, and other colonies afterwards, have received extensive powers of local self-government. The superior intelligence, as well as the greater proportion drawn from the higher ranks of life, appears to have satisfied the Imperial Parliament that the colonists of New Zealand could be best suited by being permitted to regulate their own internal affairs for themselves, and on this they are now engaged. Some opposition has been experienced from those formerly conducting the public administration of the colony, and there has not been time for getting sufficient assent among the colonists on matters of lesser import requiring to be arranged; but the colonists are generally satisfied that the administration of their public business will be conducted with greater speed, and with more satisfaction, by their own arrangements, than they could be when constant reference is required to a distant authority.

The regulating of the offices engaged in conducting the civil administration of the colony now engages the attention of the colonists. As property increases in value, contentions respecting it in different forms may be expected to arise. The Law Courts, the affairs connected with the magistracy, and the ordinary offices employed in administering to the public property of the colony have to be increased, education of the lower classes has to be encouraged and assisted, provision for the ministers of religion has to be considered, and the pushing forward of all the various public works required in the colony, according as funds accrue to be applied to them; for all these will require separate offices for their supervision, guided by the laws of England. And though the population of New Zealand at present is small, still there is promise of a steady increase from all classes of the United Kingdom, as well as from both neighbouring and distant colonies, on account of the healthiness of the climate, the progress of material wealth in the colony itself, and the acknowledged improvement in the condition of the aboriginal natives, who are becoming rapidly civilized, and able to enter usefully into the labour market.

It may be also related, that property devoted to the service of the Church of England in the colony has to be secured by legal forms, similar to those by which all other religious bodies in the United Kingdom respectively secure their properties. The institution of tithes not existing, and the voluntary principle being substituted, it is necessary to adopt peculiar legal provisions to convey sufficient power to enable proper discipline to be maintained when regulations are infringed; and as this deals with many intricate questions in law, it is

expected to occupy much time before being finally settled; but the synod of the colony, comprised of members lay and clerical, is fairly started to consider how these objects are to be obtained.

The New Zealand Company may be said to have been formed by a peculiarly energetic man, who conducted their affairs until the year 1846, when an attack of illness obliged him to withdraw from conducting the affairs of the Company, which he did not again enter into, not being satisfied with the changes made in the management. For another set of men had come into the management of the undertaking with other views, and report says that the Colonial Minister of the day, finding the Company had become a nucleus, or centre, for the political party of colonial reformers, and wishing to damage their position in the public estimation, proceeded to do so by offers of public money.

Accordingly, in 1847 one hundred thousand pounds was lent to the Company, and in 1848 one hundred and thirty thousand pounds was again lent them, with the additional provision, that if by the end of 1851 they did not find their colonising operations to answer, they might hand over all their lands then purchased from the natives to the Crown, receiving in lieu thereof a claim of five shillings per acre upon all lands so handed over, which would then be administered through the Colonial Office. Thus when, in 1852, a constitution was given to the colony by the Imperial Parliament, to meet this claim due from the Colonial Office, a charge, with the control of the waste lands, was handed over to the colonists, amounting to two hundred and sixty odd thousand pounds!

Those who were concerned in obtaining the constitu-

tion for the colony gladly took this charge, knowing that perhaps millions could be ultimately obtained from the sale of these lands, while the regulating of the price and mode of sale, which was the real bone of contention between the colonists and the Colonial Office administration, was virtually conceded to the colony. Subsequently, the Legislature of the colony settled on what provinces this charge is to fall, and the Imperial Parliament have given their guarantee to enable the colony to obtain the money at a lower rate of interest than would otherwise have been within their reach. The entire sum has to be paid off in thirty years, by instalments, and the largest bank in the colony has agreed to take up the loan.

Complaints have been loudly made in the colony with regard to some of the public works that have been undertaken by the New Zealand Company, as having been an injudicious expenditure of the public money. That is to say, common report attaches blame to them for proceeding with minor works, when other objects of greater general importance demanded primary attention. A difference of opinion in such matters, however, is always to be expected, particularly in colonial life, where the small capital with which people generally begin their occupations obliges a system of proceeding by degrees, which appears in great contrast to the mode of at once erecting permanent and substantial structures, which companies or persons possessed of a large capital usually adopt in populous countries; and it is generally believed, that as a pecuniary speculation the members of the Company have not benefited themselves.

The Canterbury Association exhibits an array of

illustrious names of benefactors, who will be regarded hereafter with far more lively feelings of gratitude by the colony they have founded than was at first expressed towards them. They were compelled to obtain money largely on loan to continue the business of sending out emigrants. Their land sales in England did not meet the expenses incurred in administration, and in erecting the works necessary for commencing the due development of the resources of the colony. The peculiar feature with the Canterbury Association was, that individual members lent their properties in England as the guarantee to the ship-owners, while they received in their turn a mortgage on land in the colony. On the final adjustment of accounts between the Association and the colony, a property was handed over to the colonists estimated at forty thousand pounds, (which, however, is yearly increasing in value,) with a charge upon it of twenty-two thousand odd pounds, which is acknowledged by the colony in the form of debentures bearing interest. To enter further on the details of these matters, though they are of great historical interest to the residents in the colony, would, nevertheless, be tedious and troublesome to the general reader, and would also be beyond the limits of this publication; but if anything has been stated incorrectly the public will doubtless see it corrected in another quarter.

All contention on these matters is now over, and these respective companies can view, as the result of their long and anxious toils, the establishment of a colony already thriving, and holding out good promise for the future. Business of a different nature now attracts the attention of the colony, which is of sufficient importance to throw into oblivion the story of adjusting

former accounts, viz., the education of the rising generation; for in that point, and perhaps id that point alone can it be said, that the exchange of homes has not been advantageous to the colonist.

Now, as has been noticed, the great difficulty in conducting the business of a new colony is to find an adequate supply of labourers, and this, as is generally known, being done of late years by each colony putting such a price on their respective waste lands as may suffice to create a fund, out of which to assist the labouring classes in their passage outward. Then, as employers of labour in the mother country would generally object to any of their local rates being made use of in assisting the able-bodied portion of their workmen to emigrate, and as the colonies would object to employ their public funds towards paying the passages of weakly persons, or those of an indifferent character, all schemes hitherto tried for forwarding the emigration of workmen revert to the law of supply and demand; and, applications now being numerous, benevolent persons, interested in assisting workmen of their acquaintance to emigrate, require particularly to advise them to save money beforehand towards the cost of their passage. The price placed upon the waste lands, therefore, becomes to the colonist a subject of the highest importance.

CHAPTER IV. ON THE PRICE OF LAND.

CHAPTER IV.

ON THE PRICE OF LAND.

The Situation of Land enters into its Value – Sites for Towns – Values of Town Lands – Value of Land adjoining Towns – The fixed price system compared with the Auction System – The price of Waste Lands is now regulated by the Provincial Governments – A summary description of Lands that have been occupied in all the six Provinces, with a view to the circumstances that have regulated the price placed upon them, noticing Markets for Export and general Political means of support, and showing that all have a different Policy to support, and must be left to do that for themselves, and that no Province ought to interfere with another – Free Trade policy is not connected with the price of Colonial Waste Lands – Summary of Arguments in favour of the " Sufficient Price Theory" – The application of this theory in the Canterbury Province, to the exclusion of Speculators in the Waste Lands, and to the great service of the Squatting Interest – A large Speculator of Waste Lands in Australia occasioned several Squatters to proceed to the Canterbury Province, where they proved very useful – The same person reported as being willing also to speculate in the Waste Lands of New Zealand.

FIRST, we must premise that some lands may be so poor, they would never repay the expense of cultivating them. Again, land may be very rich and fertile, but owing to its position in the interior of the country, or the want of good roads or other means of communication, the raising of crops from it may be unremunerative; though the same land may still be applicable for grazing purposes, and thus possess some value for which

a price may be obtained. The driving of fat beasts to market is not generally very expensive. Wool, cheese and butter, the other products raised in inland situations, being generally valued at about. £100 per ton, may allow a considerable price to be paid for their carriage; while grain, timber, or other heavy products, which more generally obtain only from £10 to £20 per ton, that price might be nearly absorbed in the cost of carrying it to a market for sale, when that is distant. Hence, as agriculture requires a concentrated population, the situation of land enters largely into all considerations respecting its value.

In choosing a situation for a town, on a level plain, dry gravelly land is generally preferred for putting buildings upon; but the site of a town is determined rather by the meeting of different lines of communication, or with reference to the head of a water-carriage, than to the description of soil on which it is built.

Now a tradesman's business, or the occupation of a professional man, may be worth to him from a few to several hundred pounds per annum, and all the land that may be necessary for him to pursue his business with may be just the ground his house and premises stand upon: thus it may be worth his while to secure that position (if he has the money ready to pay for it by him) by giving a year's income to obtain it. So it may be understood that town lands, after a new colony is started and trade is flourishing, will sell for several hundred pounds for each acre or quarter-acre section in which it was originally laid out. Thus, in the port town of Lyttelton, in the Canterbury Province, a quarter-acre section, purchased originally for £12, could be quoted as having sold for £500 in a period of

less than seven years after its original purchase; while in the town of Christchurch, acre sections have sold at £200 the acre; and even in the new town of Kaiapoi, the same price has been obtained. The upset price in both of the latter towns was originally £40 the acre. These of course are quoted as maximum prices, and are considered to be very high for so young a colony; but, in other provinces which have been longer settled, higher prices still are quoted for town lands sold in favourable situations, particularly where steep hills, covered with timber, limit the extent of land available for building upon in the business portion of the towns.

Land adjoining the towns, purchased originally as rural land at from £1 to £3 the acre, when broken up and laid down in artificial pastures in small fields, with a good growing fence upon it, frequently sells for £30 the acre. These are very convenient to those who live in the town as paddocks in which to keep their horses. Such pastures are often let to labouring men, whose wives may desire to milk a few cows daily, and to sell the produce while their husbands go out to their daily labour. Land in such situations is also in request, on which to build residences for gentry drawing their incomes from their business in the town, or from a sheep station in the country.

Again, to a labouring man, the freehold of a few acres adjoining a town is of more value than perhaps ten times that extent of even the richest soil, if it be distant four or five miles from the town, and he should be dependent by his calling as a mechanic, upon the demand of town labour. Also, if one of the agricultural class, he will be better placed in the vicinity of a town, where there is always a steady demand for some

labour, than he would be when placed further off and made dependent upon the demand for farm labour only, which is more fluctuating; and until the labourer has saved money to begin farming upon his own account, a garden, with a small paddock for a cow, is all that he generally requires for the comfort of his family, while he is working elsewhere for wages.

This is so well understood in Australia, that in all new towns started up the country, by the Government regulations for the sale of waste lands, suburban land adjoining the towns is put up to auction, and fetches a high price, often exceeding. £20 the acre, while rural lands a few miles further from the town may be sold at the rate of £1 the acre.

The system of selling land by auction may obtain more money for the public treasury, when a colony is advanced and trade is flourishing, but it is not palatable to the feelings of people in Europe, who know all their available capital is required for other purposes than competing with one another in the price of land. It much interferes with the notion of systematic colonization with which people have started for New Zealand, in causing additional anxiety, when people feel quite enough on leaving an old-settled country.

In New Zealand, all the provinces have been started upon the system of fixed prices, and these were settled by the companies who originated them, with the sanction of the Imperial Government. In the four Northern provinces, the price was fixed at £1 the acre. The Canterbury and Otago blocks were placed at £3 and £2 the acre respectively. But in the year 1853, the upset price of the waste lands in the entire colony was temporarily placed, prior to the introduction of self-

government at 10s. the acre for agricultural land, and 5s. the acre for land certified as being unfit for agricultural purposes, the Canterbury and Otago blocks being excepted, which were left at their original price. Since then, the regulating of the price has been handed over to the Provincial Governments, who each now establish their own regulations. The four Northern Colonies generally approved of the reduced price, on the ground that good land in the vicinity of the chief towns having been then all purchased, new comers had to go to a greater distance into the country when purchasing fresh waste land, and are therefore put to greater expense and inconvenience in getting upon it. At Nelson the change was reported as not being acceptable to the Run-holders, who were obliged to buy up the better portions of their runs, at considerable personal inconvenience, to defend themselves from being bought out by the Austrian capitalists, but by the agricultural portion it was considered fair enough, considering that all the best lands and the most available sites had been already occupied. In the Northern island, comparatively little of the native claims on the land had been extinguished. To Wellington and New Plymouth the change was acceptable, as they are timbered districts, and the land adjoining their principal towns had been generally purchased; consequently, those purposing to occupy fresh land for agricultural operations have to remove further into the interior. The change seemed peculiarly acceptable to the Auckland province, whose legislature appeared to wish to reduce the price still lower, in hopes of inducing labouring men to stay and occupy land in the colony, offering the land even for nothing, but giving the title only after the ground had been occupied

for five years. This is supposed to be copied from a method sometimes adopted in Canada in obtaining the settlement of districts, which were supposed to be less advantageously situated than others, but does not apply well in a colony where the land fund is rendered a security for the repayment of a large loan, obtained with the co-guarantee of the Imperial Government. Indeed it may occasion trouble whenever adopted without the previous sanction of the Home authority, for the emigrant will not be pleased to find his title void, and will require compensation. In the Northern island, hilly, stony land is reported as being extensively occupied by capitalist farmers, who lay it roughly in pasture with artificial grasses, chiefly with the harrow, and can sometimes complete the fencing of it in separate paddocks, at an expense of from £3 to £5 the acre. These lands, if situated within convenient reach of a town, are then said to be let readily at a rent of £1 the acre per annum for fattening sheep and cattle on. And this mode is said to be particularly applicable to the scoriae land which abounds in the Auckland province, but requires a few years to attain a good sward. Some level grassy land in the back of the Wellington province, known as the Ahuriri district, has been lately opened for sheep grazing, which is expected to become a valuable acquisition, for it is being occupied not only in farms, extending to several hundred acres each, but it is also let in parts upon the squatting system. The squatting system cannot at present be extensively developed in the Northern island of New Zealand, in consequence of the native claims, and large wooded tracts, not allowing of a sufficient extent of country being apportioned to each individual to suit that system of occupation.

The Auckland province is traversed and greatly intersected by bays and arms of the sea running inland, and hence most of the farms are so situated as to have but a short carriage to the waterside, from whence their produce can be conveyed by small coasting vessels to the port town previous to shipment for export, and this is considered to be a great adjunct in starting colonial occupations, though road communications on level plains when completed would be preferred, and be far more desired for social intercourse between neighbours. The census returns of this province gave a population of nearly 16,000 for the year 1857, which appears to be attributed to the circumstance of its having been chosen for the seat of Government, and having also had the advantage of several old colonists from Sydney, possessed of large capital and much colonial experience, who had chosen it for their residence, and the scene of their enterprise. A large native population in its early days gave them the command of cheap labour, while the commissariat expenditure on account of the troops stationed there, and the expenditure of the civil government, have since kept up in the market a sufficient demand for those local productions, which induce labour and capital to flow into the province. Agricultural produce is obtained also largely from the natives, both for home consumption and for export, which is generally paid for by imported manufactures. It is considered that the commissariat expenditure exceeds £60,000 yearly in this province, and in the Wellington province amounts to £40,000 yearly for the troops quartered there.

But the Wellington province has had great difficulties to contend with, for soon after it was started a Maorie

war broke out, and the land in the vicinity of the town being generally hilly and covered with timber, the supplies of the town require to be imported from elsewhere. The fine harbour, resembling the Cove of Cork, determined the site which is chosen for the town. The town is, therefore, chiefly of a commercial character. The merchants are very enterprising, and import directly from England, supplying sometimes neighbouring provinces, when they are short of particular articles, and taking from them supplies of agricultural produce for the use of the town. But the outlying districts of the province, it is supposed, will in future generally supply the town. For the Nelson province, which for some years has exported agricultural produce largely to Wellington, has now a gold-field to absorb her produce, and the Canterbury province, which exported considerably to Wellington in the year 1857, may expect soon to require all her growing crops for the market within itself. The Wellington province continues to import labourers largely from England, as being a part of the regular business of its Government, and much back country has been lately opened.

The province of New Plymouth is said to have been much incommoded by the native claims, and the land near the town is described as being timbered; nevertheless it has exported agricultural produce largely, and sheep and cattle are fattened in its paddocks for the Auckland market. This province, however, is reported to have much level back country, either well grassed or fern land, which, when the native claims are removed, will be a great acquisition, as much of this is readily applicable to either agricultural or pastoral purposes.

The province of Nelson has been pretty free of the

native claims to the land; accordingly the farmers have raised agricultural produce rather largely for exportation, but they have had the difficulty of partially timbered land to contend with, and there has not been any great extent of land adapted to agriculture in the vicinity of the towns; for the hills rise very steep, and are wooded, while the valleys between them are limited in extent. And as agriculture is only followed in the valleys, which are now pretty well occupied, at least in the vicinity of such towns as have been already started, large land sales for agricultural purposes are not expected to take place, though there are some heavily wooded valleys of good extent on the West coast yet to be occupied.

This province is described as being generally very hilly and mountainous, but still affording good pasture for sheep; and this pastoral occupation has been extensively followed, and has kept the population thriving and contented, without the extraneous aid of a commissariat expenditure, or much native labour; by affording a ready employment, at his spare time, to the small husbandmen in shearing and odd work at the stations; while the export of wool, exceeding in value fourfold that of all the other products combined, shows the facility with which it has been raised. The Runs first started in this province were not of great extent, still they had some land upon them, perhaps several hundred acres, which, at a future day, could be applied to agriculture; therefore when the price of land was reduced to 10s. the acre, many Runholders found it necessary to buy up portions of their Runs, to keep out the Australian capitalist, at a time that it was very inconvenient for them to do so: and this reduced price

of the land still keeps others uneasy in the security of their tenure. In consequence of this feeling, an endeavour was made to reduce the price of land suited only for pasturage still lower, and to give the Runholders the privilege of buying in instalments extending over many years: but as a public creditor has now a claim on the lands such a mode cannot at present be adopted.

The attention of the province is now directed to her mineral resources, which are known to be extensive, but require both labour and capital to develope them. Four thousand men were known to be at work on her gold-field at the close of the year 1857, and though they had been much incommoded by a continuance of wet weather, and want of dray tracks, still no doubt was entertained of there being a sufficiency of that metal.

The legislature of the province of Otago has accepted the price of 10s. per acre for her waste lands, but added to it a requirement of putting improvements on the land to a value of 30s. the acre before the title is completed. This province has the greatest extent of land of all the six provinces of New Zealand, but it is the coldest of them all, and it is supposed more rain falls there than in any of the others. The surface of the country is described as being generally of an undulating character, containing broad valleys of an alluvial and swampy nature, traversed by rivers, some of which are navigable for small vessels. The hills and valleys are described as being everywhere dotted with small tracts of timber, and the valleys and low lands answer admirably for grazing cattle, or for agricultural purposes, while the higher lands may be used for grazing sheep.

The argument used in regulating the price of land in that province was, that their circumstances called for small hamlets being formed through the country, along the rivers, at moderate distances apart, so as to allow the land adjoining them, adapted to agriculture, to be formed into small farm settlements, while the country around is occupied with stations for sheep and cattle. Thus the small occupier is considered to have the inducement of possessing his own freehold, to settle himself in the country, while he has the very great assistance of contract work at the stations, situated convenient to him, to help him through the first few years of starting his occupation. The thirty-shilling improvement clause was considered to be a sufficient check to the land being purchased by the speculator to any great extent, or by any person generally who did not intend to occupy the land and improve it. The improvement clause is considered in other colonies as being open to evasion, from the difficulty of determining the true value of alleged improvements. It is urged on the other side, that the interests of others labouring for hire, and of those generally residing in the neighbourhood, would be sufficient to enable the Government to see that the law is not evaded by an absentee purchaser, while the improvement clause would not be any hindrance to a bona fide occupier of the land.

In the Canterbury province, the block originally administered to by the Association was selling at £3 the acre, while land outside that block was selling at 10s. the acre. The provincial legislature, therefore, put the price of all rural waste lands of the province at £2 the acre, because it was considered necessary to give an effectual protection to the squatter to prevent the

Australian capitalist buying up sufficient portions of his Run to deteriorate the value of the remainder to the squatter, and thus to shake the confidence of all concerned in pasturing sheep upon this particular system, which was well-known to afford the staple export of the province, viz., merino wool. It was thought also to be but a slight change from the original price of £3 the acre, because that price had included a portion to be applied to the cost of a passage for the purchaser from England; and it was considered also, that another plan for the endowment of the clergy might be devised less distasteful to the feelings of the dissenting portion of the community, than the former one of devoting to that object part of the money received from the public by sale of waste lands.

The labouring men, who mustered the strongest upon the electoral roll, were well satisfied at this price, seeing the comparative facility of cropping the good level land of those plains, with the easier access to it, and that the closer vicinity to the town at which it could be secured than in other colonies longer settled, gave them opportunities of choosing good rural sections conveniently situated. Besides, they were fully alive to the danger of the Australian capitalist buying up large tracts upon speculation, if a low price were put upon the land; because one purchase of forty thousand acres in one block had been made, followed by a few others of smaller amounts, in several hundred acres each, in parts where the land was open to selection at 10s. the acre. These purchases satisfied the labouring population that a few very wealthy capitalists combining together might buy up all the good agricultural land in the vicinity of the towns, knowing that there must be some limit to its

extent, when the prospect of buying this land for themselves at £2 the acre, would be exchanged for the probability of having to pay £6 or more for that quantity; the sufficient price theory, therefore, proved clearly acceptable to the labouring classes, and ultimately determined the price to be placed at £2 the acre.

However, a few colonists among the mercantile classes, who came from neighbouring colonies, were of opinion that 10s. per acre would attract a great flow of capital from Australia, and that there would consequently be a large expenditure of money in the province, which would materially increase the amount of trade, and that, therefore, 10s. would be a better price for the colony to adopt. They might contemplate a good pick of land at that price for themselves, and would express great doubts at any large sales of land going off in the province at the rate of £2 the acre; but during the year 1857 £15,000 was taken at the land office in the province by the sales of waste land at £2, and this was principally purchased by the labouring classes. 1 Some of the larger farmers were compelled to buy land before it was perhaps quite convenient to them to do so, in order to increase the size of their farms; experience having shown that a small farm in the colony, as well as in England, will not afford an income sufficient to maintain a house or family in comfort, but that three or four hundred acres must be secured for an occupation before the comfort or style usually desired can be obtained.

It being now known that the waste lands are in some measure pledged to a public creditor, no discussions

relating to a reduction of price are at present to be heard, though the policy of raising the price, as a further protection from the Australian capitalist, may be occasionally mooted. This idea appears to have originated from contemplating the high price of wool in the London market, and a possible rise in the price of wethers, for the butcher, in the event of any great increase of the population, as the result of the discovery of workable gold-fields within the province taking place towards the West coast, which it is considered is very probable.

Calculations are made that, under certain circumstances, it would be a profitable speculation for a large capitalist to buy land for grazing sheep. Success here depends on the continuance of a high price for wool and wethers. And this often presents itself as an object of solicitude to those engaged in pastoral pursuits, whose Runs are well placed, or possess any unusual advantages. For the capitalist, by what is colonially termed "spotting a Run," that is, picking out parts of it only to buy, may command the pasturage of the whole of the remaining portion, as will be afterwards explained.

It is now necessary to advert to the subject of the capitalist speculating in the waste lands of a colony, which is not generally understood by persons conversant only with the political economy of old-settled countries, as being detrimental to the progress and settlement of a new country.

There is a very common idea that free trade implies cheapness of articles, and ignores protective prices of every kind, and therefore should occasion colonial waste lands to be sold at a low price. Now it may be said of

the subject generally that free trade is contended for by an old-settled enterprising and manufacturing community; but it is not so much valued by a merely producing community, who feel that the market for the raw material they produce is more limited than the range that manufactures enjoy; for agricultural produce, which is termed the raw material, does not keep long, but requires an early sale, while manufactured goods may be generally kept for years; it therefore happens that a manufacturing community will have it far more in their power to determine the price they will give for the food they consume, than the agriculturist to obtain the price that he requires to meet his expenses in producing it. The expectations formed in England, at the introduction of the present free-trade policy, are said not to be entirely fulfilled; foreign nations not having responded to that policy, by taking her manufactures to the extent it was supposed they would. Nevertheless, free trade being considered generally advantageous, is adopted and incorporated into the laws of Great Britain; but many who advocate this policy in produce and manufactures, as between buyers and sellers, viz., that the latter should not be permitted to enjoy any "tax" in their favour, entirely disconnect the policy from the subject of regulating the price of the waste lands in a colony, as the latter are a public property.

Now, for the successful prosecution of agriculture, a concentrated population is required; therefore, if around a town started in a newly-occupied country large tracts are purchased on speculation, and left unoccupied by absentee proprietors, new-comers have to go further into the country to choose their locations. Thus it may

easily happen that four or five miles, or even a greater distance, may be put between a town, and those who come a few years after it is started, for the purpose of tilling the soil. This would be seriously inconvenient also to the small holders, who arrive in the colony as labourers, when they are ready to buy their small holding, because a distance of four or five miles from a town would greatly interrupt their taking work in town. And mechanics would be almost restricted to town lots, which is not in accordance with the general desire in a new country, abounding with unoccupied land. Again, the proper construction of a road through such a tract would be probably delayed, because roads are often constructed in a newly-occupied country by the joint operation of the Government and the proprietor adjoining, either by halving the expense of executing the work, or the proprietor contracting to do the work at a reduced rate. For by such methods the public money which is apportioned for public works is made to go much farther than it otherwise would in getting the roads completed, and a new colony has so many demands upon the public treasury, that the funds for that purpose require to be husbanded to the utmost. Thus it may happen that the formation of a complete and proper road through a tract of unoccupied country belonging to absentee proprietors, is delayed for several years after the town adjoining it has been started. Tradesmen and all other employers in the town keenly feel when those who labour for them do not reside close to the town. Such a distance would also act as a great bar to the attendance of such persons at church or public meetings generally. Small holders would also feel the loss of employment that tracts of country

adjoining them, held over on speculation, necessarily occasion.

It was from an extensive experience in Canada, during Lord Durham's administration as Governor-General, that the originator of the "sufficient price theory" arrived at his views thereon. It was to meet the inaccurate ideas on the economy and true value of colonial farming industry, which were apt to be formed upon it by persons at a distance, and to check the encouragement that had been generally given to the capitalist for speculating in the waste lands of a colony, that the theory was put forward. It opposed an old and very prevalent idea, that the labouring classes of Great Britain are so ignorant in determining which colony they will go to, that they are influenced solely by the upset price of land, as they see it advertised in newspapers, or as it is brought to their notice in handbills. Thus, if land were advertised in the backwoods of America at 5s. the acre, and in any other new country at £1 or £3 the acre, the backwoods of America would be chosen in preference. But the later theory of colonization is, at the first starting of a colony, to employ the money obtained by sale of land orders in England in paying the passage of labourers to accompany their employers; then, afterwards, to keep up the supply of fresh labour by the aid of those already engaged making representations of it to their friends in England, because, by this means, a system of assisted passages can be worked: the persons assisted giving their promissory notes to pay back a portion of the passage-money after they have saved it in the colony. More credit is thus given to the intelligence of the labouring classes, and the better men among them are capable of

understanding the representations of agents, or other responsible persons, on the relative advantages between colonies situated at the antipodes, and those on the American continent. Thus, the rate of wages that generally prevail, the healthiness of the climate, the character of the people, and the institutions of the colony, are all subjects open to the comprehension of the more intelligent of the labouring classes. And representations on these heads will induce quite as many to sail for a young colony in that part of the world, as the funds arising from land sales will furnish with passage-money. The prospect of eventually becoming possessed of land of their own, is a powerful incentive with the great bulk of the agricultural classes, both before going to and after their arrival in a colony. Statesmen, therefore, know the value of settling labouring men upon the land, for it is considered the best security for keeping them in the colony after they have arrived there. Wages are sufficiently high in all colonies at the antipodes to enable labourers, if single men, to readily acquire sufficient money to pay for a passage to a neighbouring colony, whenever wages are higher in one colony than in another. And labouring men are, therefore, strongly tempted to change their abode, unless by the possession of a piece of land, or some equivalent to it, the labourer feels sufficient inducement to stay in the colony to which he has been first brought. The labouring classes from towns are often able to pay for a passage to the colonies at the antipodes, high as the cost generally is; but the agricultural labourer very seldom has sufficient money saved to enable him to pay even half the cost. But the latter are most required in New Zealand, and in the province

of Canterbury particularly, whose level plains invite the plough, and whose colder climate demands a hardier workman than may suffice for the warmer provinces to its North. An agricultural labourer of moderate intelligence can perfectly comprehend that the upset price of land is not what he has to consider on leaving for New Zealand, but, rather, how he can obtain a passage to the colony; for when there, the rate of wages is sufficient to enable him to acquire land in a moderate period of time. 2 And when he gets there, he will probably be also satisfied that there are good and sufficient reasons for maintaining a higher price for the waste lands in one province than in another, and that he is not injured by it. It should further be explained to the labourer, that the climate of New Zealand is generally considered healthier than even that of Australia, which is supposed to arise from the winds being more frequent, and from the absence of any prevailing enervating heats; while the population are generally free from the convict taint. But the climate of New Zealand and Australia are both considered a great deal healthier than the backwoods of the American continent. The backwoods of America, moreover, require a long journey of several hundred miles by land before they are reached, after the sea voyage is over, which partly compensates for the length of the voyage to the colonies at the antipodes. On the other hand, the length of the voyage to New Zealand causes the cost of the passage to be very high, so the colony cannot expect to keep up any very extensive emigration by means of the funds arising from land sales, which are their only source at present

for giving assisted passages to the colony, and this source for some years cannot be large enough to introduce so great an amount of labour into the colony as to exceed the demand that exists for employing it. The discovery of a workable gold-field usually enhances for a year or two very greatly the rate of wages in any colony; but, after the first excitement is over, the steady agricultural labourer generally goes back to employment, as his prospects are then good enough, without his having to undergo the inconveniences of a wandering life at the diggings, and the reaction in the rate of wages, which all gold-producing countries are subject to, does not affect the steady farm servant, who is well-known in his own neighbourhood, and is generally enquired for.

But the agricultural is not the only party in a young colony interested in determining the price of land. The "sufficient price" theory is of peculiar interest to those engaged in farming sheep on the squatting system in the middle island of New Zealand. For, if a Run is supposed to consist of 20,000 acres (to which they are generally limited), the pasturage of that extent of country could be often pretty well secured by buying the freehold of about 5, 000 acres only; for, by choosing sections scattered about to that amount, the pasturage of the remaining portion could be so spoiled, that another person could not profitably feed his flock upon it, and a purchaser of 5,000 acres might command the pasturage of 20,000 acres. Thus, all the land adjoining streams could be chosen, and so flocks not belonging to the owner of the land could be cut off from access to water. Again, narrow strips of land could be chosen so as to encircle a Run, and other sections dotted over it,

so that a flock grazing upon the central portion would be constantly trespassing upon land of which the freehold had been bought, without the flocks were constantly watched, the expense of doing which would probably absorb all the profits of an occupation so circumstanced. Other points of importance, such as timbered land, could be also secured, and by such means the original holder of the Run could be soon induced to withdraw his flocks, or perhaps to sell them at a reduced price to the larger capitalist, who desired to obtain possession of the Run. Now, the land held as sheep Runs is not generally adapted to agriculture, being mostly stony or hilly country. But if the price of this land were put at 10s. the acre, a person conversant in the business might by an outlay of £2,500 secure the freehold of 5,000 acres to himself, and spoil the occupying of the remaining portion of the Run to anybody else, which would, therefore, be used by himself. Now, to a capitalist conversant with sheep-farming on waste land, an outlay of £2,500 would be considered well invested in securing so valuable a right as that of the pasturage of some of the Runs on the Canterbury plains will in a few years become, with the security that possessing the freehold of 5,000 acres dotted over it would bestow. It is believed that many squatters in Australia would gladly have invested in such a manner, if open to them to do so. But when the price of all such lands is raised to £2 the acre, it would require an outlay of £10,000 to secure that right, and this would be considered by most business men as not being an advisable mode of investing so large a sum of money, particularly as the cost of sheep upon the Run has to be

added to the outlay before any returns can come from the occupation.

It may be well here to consider some of the reports, considered as authentic, that have been circulated concerning the amount of ready money available for investment in Australia since the gold-fields came into operation. It may be mentioned that five millions of money were said at one time to be lying idle in the banks, awaiting opportunities of investment; for the interest of money had at one time fallen very low, and it was not known how this money could be invested without apprehensions being entertained as to the security of the investment. It was known, also, that as wethers were fetching 20s. to 25s. per head from the butcher at the diggings, many squatters had realised large sums of money, which they were said to be ready to invest in any fresh speculations elsewhere. It was reported that ordinary Runs would sell, with the stock upon them, for, £20,000. Also that many squatters were realising incomes of over £10,000 a-year; and that some, having made fortunate speculations in purchasing land, would sell properties that realised from £50,000 to £100,000, and upwards. While many, who had begun upon very small capitals, were in receipt of very good incomes from the properties that they had started and stocked. Now reports of this nature, as to the wealth of Australia, were originated by persons from that colony; and were generally believed in throughout the Canterbury province. The feasibility of buying up the Runs was, therefore, not doubted, and a sufficient price was accordingly put upon the wild, stony, waste lands of the province, to afford to those

who had started in the province, upon the squatting system, some protection from being disturbed in their occupation.

It was in every way repugnant and offensive to the feelings of a body of men who had lately left the old country (feeling that the want of money was the pressing cause of their taking that step), to be again intruded on when they had an occupation started with a fair promise of ultimately attaining an income adequate to their wants, by very large capitalists from another colony, who had no occasion for coming there, and with whom, generally, there was not sufficient community of associations to desire a particular intimacy.

There is no sympathy between the uneducated, mere man of trade (especially if become purse-proud), and the university or professional man, however much they may be brought together in transacting business in a young colony. It was matter of history, that, a little before the starting of the Canterbury colony, an individual who was said to have realised a large fortune in early life in the butchering trade, made a purchase of waste land, in the vicinity of Melbourne, to the extent of 28,000 acres, at the upset price of £1. the acre, and this was followed by other considerable purchases, the effect of which was to dispossess several squatters from their Runs, which had thus been broken in upon, some of whom, after selling their stock, proceeded to the Canterbury colony, there to start their occupation anew. The advice these persons could give was very acceptable to new-comers lately arrived from England, and the colony was therefore rendered pretty well aware of the mischief occasioned by large capitalists coming into a newly-occupied country, and overthrowing the confi-

dence of the squatters in their occupation of raising wool, which was considered likely to become, as it has proved to be, the staple export of the colony.

To show, further, that there was good ground for the colony to expect there might have been large purchases of land if a low price had been adopted, it may be mentioned, that it was stated in the local newspapers, during 1856 and 1857, that the individual above alluded to was in treaty with the Otago Government for the purchase of 300,000 acres, in one block, at the extreme south of their province. The provincial government, it was said, thought that, this extent of land being sold at 10s. the acre, a sufficient amount of money would be raised at once to pay off their share of the debt to the New Zealand Company; but it was afterwards found that no conclusion had been come to, and no purchase was made. The land purchases mentioned above, as having been made in the neighbourhood of Melbourne, are said to have turned out a most lucrative speculation: for the flow of population consequent upon the finding of gold, has greatly enhanced the value of that land, and rendered the value of some portions, purchased as rural land, equal in value to that of town land.

The rent of the Runs in the Canterbury province is higher than it is in the other colonies, but is nevertheless so regulated, that, commencing at £10 per annum, and rising yearly, the maximum rate when the runs are fully stocked will not exceed £100 per annum for the pasture of 20,000 acres of land; and there are pasturage licenses besides, with a pre-emptive right of purchase, which have been very convenient to the larger farmers who wished to extend the amount of their

their freehold, but to whom it may not have been convenient to buy all that they require at once.

There were thus strong reasons for inducing a general consent within the Canterbury province, that the price of her waste lands should be put at not less than £2 the acre, whatever might be the opinion of people in other colonies, who were not conversant with the peculiar circumstances that regulate the economy of that province. Thus the causes that regulate the value of waste lands in New Zealand, are various. The best price that can be obtained, of course, is desired, in order to obtain a fund to introduce labour and continue the public works. Land near the centre of a population may be very valuable, while that at a distance obtains a low valuation. The general objection statesmen urge to a low upset price is that the capitalist surely forestalls the small holder, who really tills the soil: in confirmation of which view it is related that, in the backwoods of America, wherever new States are started, the land adjoining the lines of made roads is rapidly bought up, and before many years the yeoman may require to travel above a hundred miles to obtain land with a road frontage at the upset price; and the same readiness to forestall is observed in Australia, whenever money becomes abundant. All the provinces, moreover, owing to their natural formation, presenting different obstacles to communication, have not the same facilities for cultivation at a profit, and in some of them the land adjoining their centres of population having been purchased, this, joined to various political causes, occasion their inhabitants to entertain different views in fixing the price of their waste lands.

1 Private information relates that more than twice this was taken during the first half of the year 1858.

2 The size of the lots being reduced to twenty acres, £40 will buy him a section of twenty acres at the upset price.

CHAPTER V. ON THE INVESTMENT OF SMALL CAPITALS IN NEW ZEALAND.

CHAPTER V.

ON THE INVESTMENT OF SMALL CAPITALS IN NEW ZEALAND.

The amount of Capital which is generally taken to a young Colony – Those without previous experience must notice that Persons embarking to begin a "Farm" or "Station" of their own, must expect little returns for the first few years – And this is only analogous to the circumstances of England and Scotland – A notice of the Products generally raised, with their recommendations – The Pastoral occupation is generally considered the most profitable – Mercantile and Professional Employments generally obtain the quickest returns – Persons without a previous experience in business are now advised to put their money out on Mortgage on arrival – The necessity of caution in beginning to Farm on Waste Lands – Erroneous estimate of Colonial occupations formed at a distance – Labouring men advised, to turn immediately to different employments, instead of keeping only at one – Labourers from the Rural Classes most desired in the Canterbury Province – Money is generally invested so as to draw an Income from several sources – Young, single Men recommended to move about and learn different occupations before they determine, ultimately, where to invest their money – Observations on the Winds and Climate of New Zealand.

THE persons who proceed to a young colony arrive with various purposes in view with regard to the mode of obtaining their livelihood.

Thus some may draw a fixed income from other countries. Some may possess large capitals, on the mode of investing which they generally consult professional men accustomed to advise on such matters. Others purpose to derive their income from the practice

of a profession. But the great bulk must be composed of small capitalists, who seek to improve their circumstances, by entering into the general business of the country, and those whose capital may be said to consist in the labour of their hands. Observations and advice are anxiously sought for by all classes; and extensive details regarding outfits and domestic inconveniences to be expected, have been published for the information of all; but these hardly contain sufficient reference to the principles that show the economy of the different occupations open for the colonists to follow after their arrival in the colony; perhaps, therefore, it may be useful to endeavour to place in a separate publication some of the principles that appear to regulate the economy of some of the general occupations.

It may be said that the command of only two or three thousand pounds sterling would be considered in England to be too small a capital to begin any business with from which a good income could be expected; but such would be considered comparatively a large capital in a young colony, where the bulk have less than half that amount to commence with.

The bulk of capitalists proceeding from the United Kingdom to a new colony are, probably, those who desire to draw their income from following "rural occupations," and many are undecided, while others have no idea as to what methods of proceeding are considered to be the most economical. It is first to be observed that they must expect to live a few years with less regard to appearances, and with far fewer comforts about them, than they have previously been accustomed to enjoy; and that in following their object to start an "occupation," which will ultimately give a good

income, they ought to expect that their progress for the first few years will be slow. For it appears to be a rule that all the usual producing and mercantile pursuits in new countries require time to develope their advantages.

The nature of the advice generally offered to the new settler, on his arrival, proceeds on the supposition that an immediate return for the money invested is expected; and as this is probably the prevailing desire with which the great bulk of emigrants leave the United Kingdom, in the hope of improving their fortunes: they are generally too eager to invest their money, and thus to part with it too freely on first arrival. Therefore such advice as "Buy stock with your money, they will grow while you sleep, and do nothing else with your money, but set down quietly and dig your garden for a year or two, and you will then know better what you have to do," has been addressed to many at the opening of the Canterbury settlement, who had no previous experience of business, and especially of colonial life. But some, from greater experience in commerce, are content to contemplate the returns as coming in at a greater distance of time, which they know to be the more general course of business all over the world; and do not, therefore, require to be advised to defer the investing of their money in an occupation carried on solely under their own superintendence. To these, and they again may be subdivided into various classes, various counsels will be given, and with differing results. It is not intended to enter upon all these cases; but it may be remarked, that, to persons not previously brought up in the practice of "industrial occupations," or whose previous experience in them

may have been confided to the thickly-populated districts of long-settled countries, it may be of service to remember, that, in viewing the ordinary business of a newly-settled country, the first simple division of the population in their industrial pursuits is presented in the idea of those who are engaged in producing occupations; that is to say, in raising agricultural produce, the produce of pastoral pursuits, or in raising raw mineral produce as representing one division: while those who are concerned in trading or commercial occupations, that is to say, in buying the produce which has been raised with a view to sell it again at a profit, are to be regarded as another division with distinct interests to promote.

Manufactures involving much labour can seldom be undertaken with a profit in a country thinly peopled, though some of the earlier and simpler processes require to be followed.

With reference to agricultural pursuits it may be observed, that the cultivation of the wild waste lands, or bringing a portion of them into the condition of arable farms, is an operation which requires a period, of four or five years at least to elapse, before sufficient returns are experienced to allow the proprietors to enter on matters of ornamental expenditure; because all the returns obtained during that period are absorbed in carrying on the details of necessary improvements, and the general working expenses of the occupation, which is thus yearly greatly increased in value. And similarly with agricultural pursuits. But this is entirely analogous to what is experienced in parts of the United Kingdom, where land hitherto lying waste is brought into cultivation. In the Highlands of Scotland, and in

some parts of England, are many square miles of country lying in the same unprepared condition; and proprietors of them, in describing the mode of bringing portions of this land into an arable state, relate that they are accustomed to let portions of it to tenants on merely nominal rents for a period of a few, say five or six, years; the proprietor finding timber and lime for the occupant to erect the buildings and fences with during that period; after which the farm is considered completed. It is then valued, and a rent put upon it, and it is usually continued to the same occupant.

Agricultural and pastoral occupations require to be treated upon separately, and some notice should be taken of the mode of conducting commercial operations; but perhaps the following remarks may meet with general concurrence, and may partially satisfy the enquiries of persons proceeding to the colony.

In pastoral occupations, the raising of wool is supposed to give a better return for the money invested in it than, perhaps, any other occupation, because it is raised by persons experienced in its management with comparatively less labour than other occupations require. It enjoys the advantage of having the market for its sale in London, which is far less fluctuating than the market for general produce in the colony. But to enter on this branch of commerce with profit requires a larger capital than is generally possessed by those who join in the first starting of a colony.

Wool, next to gold, is perhaps the most valuable commodity in proportion to its bulk, which is sent to England from that part of the world.

The raising of mineral produce involves much labour. It is necessary, therefore, that provisions generally

should be abundant, as also that plenty of labourers should exist in the colony, before it can be expected to be raised with a profit. Extensive mining operations can seldom be profitably pursued before flour and meat are plentiful in their neighbourhood, unless in certain cases, where the mineral is near the surface, and can be easily conveyed away. But in such situations they are sometimes found; for coal and copper mines have been begun upon in young colonies, but four or five years after starting.

Whale oil is a valuable product of the New Zealand coast, and gives employment to a few hands in obtaining it. The sawing trade, however, gives employment to many hands, particularly at the commencement of a colony, when sawyers generally earn very high wages. Common labourers take to it by joining themselves to professed sawyers, and where timber is plentiful it is generally exported to other adjoining settlements, which are short of it, and this occurs more particularly when any sudden increase to the population occasions a call for erecting much additional building.

It is generally to such simple employments as the latter (allied to purposes of building, fencing, or constructing means of communication), therefore, that those capitalists should direct their attention who do not enter into the trades of a town or the practice of a profession, and who, possessing but a very small capital, require immediate returns for the money they lay out.

It should be remembered, that until produce has been raised in the country districts, there is not much employment for the crafts of a town, without extraneous aid is introduced, which is sometimes furnished by the mother country in the expenditure of troops stationed

there, and sometimes merely by the private incomes of its residents.

Many capitalists leave England for a colony, in the hope of enjoying a rural life. They generally come prepared to embark upon agricultural occupations, and at the commencement of a colony, when the country is entirely in the state of a wilderness, or has not grown enough for their own consumption, the prices of agricultural produce rule high, nearly everybody therefore considers that agriculture will realise their expectations, and freely part with their money in pursuing it. So many, therefore, being employed in raising the same description of produce, the market in that neighbourhood, which is comparatively limited, becomes over-stocked, and the price falls considerably. Those who purpose continuing agriculture, therefore, must look to another market for the sale of what they raise, and this is generally done by selling to a merchant in their neighbourhood, who exports it to another colony, where the people, from having found some other article for exportation, and employing the bulk of the population upon it, are obliged to obtain their agricultural produce elsewhere. Nevertheless, at the commencement of a colony, to the mass of the community the raising of provisions for their own immediate consumption is the object to which they attach the first importance, and is therefore generally the first entered upon by the great majority, in addition to following out their different professions, trades, or separate crafts.

The older colonists generally recommend the larger capitalists to avoid agriculture without a previous local training therein, because the outlay in labour is heavy, the returns from sale of crops is uncertain, on

account of their prices varying. However, the level cleared plains of the Canterbury settlement have allowed the capitalist farmer more success in this occupation than other timbered colonies have done, where it is generally held to be a bad speculation, except to the labouring man, who raises the produce with his own labour. So agriculture, though taken up in all the colonies by capitalists when first arrived from England, has been generally departed from, or been regarded as being merely preliminary to laying the land down in artificial pasture, for keeping stock upon, for which the climate of New Zealand is particularly favourable, and the level plains of the Canterbury province afford great facilities for possessing rich pastures well laid down with the plough.

But the grazing of all kinds of stock on the waste lands of the colony, paying a small rent to the Government, is everywhere allowed to give better returns to the capitalist than agricultural operations do. The former cause anxiety from the insecurity of tenure, and require a rougher mode of life to be adopted, which many decline to incur, on the score of domestic arrangements alone; while the latter afford far more comfort, give a good security of tenure, and furnish a livelihood, though the occupation does not afford as good an interest on the money invested in it as the other does. It is to be expected from the general circumstances of a new colony, that all must not hope to enter upon occupations bringing in large immediate returns; the great majority must be content to wait a few years, before they obtain the large returns they picture to their minds on starting for the colony, and which they know that they will ultimately obtain, are realised by them.

The larger producing capitalists must manage to live chiefly out of the money they brought to the colony, until they have produced some export which brings in what shall prove a permanent income.

Mercantile and professional employments generally obtain more immediate returns for the money they have originally laid out, inasmuch as all the ready money brought into the colony to start the producing occupations soon passes through their hands.

But upon the success of those concerned in raising the necessaries of life, and articles of export in the shape of raw produce to be elsewhere manufactured, do all classes depend for the circulation of those monies within the colony which meet the payment of their respective accounts, and constitute the reward of their daily exertions.

There is another mode in which the capitalist may invest his money, which is now often recommended by old colonists to new comers from old-settled countries, with no previous experience in the business of a colony, viz., to put their money out on mortgage of land, or other good security, and to live quietly for a year or two upon the interest, looking on and learning the business; because, when persons have gained experience in the colony, they may frequently invest their money to twice the advantage to themselves that they would have done, had they engaged largely in business on first arriving in the country. There is a great demand for money on loan generally in all the colonies, by private persons, who can give good security and pay large interest for the accommodation. In Australia, 10 per cent, is given now as interest upon money lent upon mortgage, while in the Canterbury province of New Zealand the interest on mortgages has continued

generally at 15 per cent, since it was first started. High interest is also given in the other provinces of New Zealand. The lawyers, merchants, and commission agents, are generally well versed in this business, and can give full explanation about it to persons newly arrived.

The Canterbury province is now so well advanced in its pastoral and agricultural occupations, that fears are no longer entertained of any sudden depreciation of the value of property occurring there. Moreover, a track to the West coast of the province has been discovered, which, it is believed, can be made available for drays to transverse, and as the same geological formation is believed to extend through the province near that coast which has been found to furnish gold in the Nelson province, there is every promise that the Canterbury province will have the demand of a population on a gold field to consume her present increasing surplus of dairy and agricultural produce, should neighbouring colonies not afford a sufficient market for those products. Now these products exported in 1857 amounted in value to about £20,000, which, with the additional value of the wool exported to England, estimated by the census returns at £80,000, amounts together to £100,000 as the total export for the year 1857, which will be alluded to afterwards, as indicating a very rapid rise for so young a colony.

It may be observed that it sometimes happens that a late comer, who has gone incautiously to work, finding the returns from agriculture do not come in as soon as he expected, and that the money he brought with him is getting exhausted, hastily concludes that the advantages of the colony have been exaggerated. He supposes that agents and writers have misrepresented the value

of that occupation, and consequently that he had better clear out of it. So, instead of taking advice from neighbours, general agents, or others conversant with the business he is upon, he prefers at once to sell or let his farm, and take with a diminished capital to another occupation – it may be to squatting, or to some professional employment – to which he may have been brought up. And in this he is likely to succeed better, because his first disappointment has taught him caution, and he then finds out that there is a local knowledge, only to be obtained from the experience of those who have been previously engaged in the occupations of the place, and which he is willing now to attend to; while, before, his mind was bent on carrying out a plan formed apart from all adequate knowledge of the new country to which he has come. The vehemence and impetuosity of the English character proves often at fault in estimating the contingencies of a colonial occupation.

Writers and agents describing a new country generally speak of the tone of society, the climate, fertility of soil, and mode of access to it; they describe the better gardens and farms that exist there, to show what can be done; they speak of what the soil generally grows, and of the largest crops which have been obtained from it; general details are also given how others have gone to work in settling themselves; but they do not account for, or explain, the fluctuating state of the markets, whether in the price of labour or produce. These are matters of local competition, which are always changing. And, besides, each person has requirements of a domestic nature, which enter largely into all his plans; these are various, differing so greatly one from another, that it is not always possible for even

near friends to convey exactly the information which is desired by a lately-arrived settler. Therefore it is that persons are disappointed who have been accustomed only to see nice farms in long-settled countries, with comfortable houses upon them well furnished, fields well drained and fenced, buildings and out-houses complete, and everything handy for the workmen on the occupation. They expect on arrival in a new country, where the land is generally lying waste, to move into the possession of farms equally finished and comfortable with those of the home they have left. Such persons forget that it was only in their own minds these pictures of their fancy had being, and that it is their business to set to work to cultivate the waste land, and make out of it a sheep run, or a farm, according to their tastes, as has been done before by their predecessors. With others, the real mistake is found to have been, that account has not been taken of the time it requires to render the farm what they wish it to be, and their occupation hitherto has failed them as a preparatory discipline for a new colony.

But by those whose capital consists only in the labour of their hands, the important principle to be learned is, that a labourer in the colony does not keep to one line of work alone, but he should take work, at first, under other men, wherever he can get it, and thus learn various employments, in following one or other of which he may always be able to obtain good wages, as the demand for each sort of labour varies. It is easier for young men to do this than for those further advanced in life, nevertheless all soon see the necessity of it, for they soon learn the advantage of it from their fellow-workmen. The Canterbury province, at present,

more particularly needs a supply of the agricultural classes, and an agent is engaged in superintending the selection of that description of labourers which are most required, and who are to be assisted in the expense of their passage out with the public money of the province. The province can well receive and find employment for those accustomed only to the labouring occupations of towns, but those from the rural districts are more generally preferred by employers located on farms and stations in the country, which comprise the great bulk of employers in the province. Moreover, the nature of the public works carried on in the province is also such as to demand men who are accustomed to out-of-door occupations, as hard digging for ditching, &c. Carpenters, blacksmiths, and sawyers, have always been in demand. They frequently make 10s. a-day, and upwards. Domestic female servants are greatly appreciated, but, unfortunately for the many ladies requiring their services, these, unless somewhat advanced in years, early find a mate among the many bachelors settled as yeomen, who have land and a house ready prepared to receive them.

A larger proportion of labourers from the rural classes is most desired in a young colony; but labourers from the population of towns generally predominate, because they hear first of the advantages of a colony newly started, and more generally possess money saved to start themselves with; but the agricultural labourer seldom can save money, particularly if he has a family; so it generally happens that without a distinct application is made to him by a person who can give him assistance, and advice how to go to work, he does not try to meet the cost of the long voyage to New Zealand,

though sometimes, after living in a town, he may have saved the money to proceed there.

It is more economical, in a new colony, to import all articles of clothing made up, rather than to have them made in the colony, as also all articles of manufacture generally. It is not until a population is settled on farms, and other occupations which have begun to bring in tangible returns, that there is a sufficient demand to keep even the smaller tradespeople at work in their different employments. Meanwhile they are much occupied in completing their own buildings, working their gardens to raise their own vegetables, and also in helping to keep themselves, by working occasionally for builders, carpenters, farmers, and others in the neighbourhood, who, being pressed to complete some task, are glad to get for this purpose any labour that may be at hand, though they pay largely for the assistance received. Now the country labourer, being more hardy, if ordinarily intelligent, will generally, as he finds that he gets good wages, have taken a turn in a few years at several different employments, which in populous countries are separate trades. Thus many, who land as rustic youths, may be seen, in even two years, to have had a turn with the bricklayer, the carpenter, the sawyer, the shearer, the bullock-driver, and the farmer, and will still find, even then, that there are as many more occupations in which people will be glad to get their services.

Now this is common to many of the colonies of the British Crown; and it is particularly observed in the intelligent native-born labourer of the United States of America, to what a number of occupations he can turn his hand. In shipping matters it is particularly

observable. For the sailors on board their merchant ships can take almost any place on board the vessel, which, therefore, requires a less number of men to sail with, and this is said to be one of the reasons why their merchant ships compete as successfully as they do with the British shipping.

The labourer newly arrived in the colony should, therefore, always bear in mind the advantages of taking a turn at all trades, and not be disheartened if he does not immediately on arrival find himself taken into employment in his own craft, at the wages he may have pictured to his own mind that he would receive immediately upon landing. When he is known in the country as being a good workman, it is far more frequent for the employers to send to ask him to take employment, than for him to have to travel to ask it at their hands. Temporary stoppage of employment with individuals may at any time occur; but it seldom continues; because both employers and workmen can soon adapt themselves to employments of different kinds, and many fields present themselves to those experienced in new countries, to which persons newly arrived from an old-settled country, accustomed to work only at one particular trade, hardly ever turn their attention. But the capitalist coming to a young colony, whether a professional man, a farmer, or a person purposing to live upon the interest of his money lent out on different securities, finds it generally advisable to draw his income from different sources, unless he can purchase a large occupation, stocked and started, which is seldom to be obtained in a very young colony, and when attainable calls for the investment of a large capital. The incomes derived from exercising a profession, as

also from carrying on a small farm, are seldom sufficient by themselves, at the first starting of a colony, to keep a man and his family comfortable. But after a few years, as population settles and producing occupations begin to bring in returns, then professional men find that their professions are sufficient to keep them; and farmers likewise withdraw into their own concerns when their cultivation has been sufficiently extended, and their stock has increased so as to keep them as they desire, which of course requires some surplus for the purpose of continually improving their own occupation. Thus it is commonly considered that the principal advantage attending a young colony over an old one, consists in the better opening it presents for persons possessed of a small capital to make a beginning in securing for themselves an occupation that will ultimately be of sufficient value to place them in an independent position. A large capital to be invested in buying an occupation stocked and started may be laid out more to his desire in an older colony than in a young one, by a person expecting to enjoy an immediate good income from it, and more general comfort than can be obtained when beginning an occupation in a young colony. This will be again alluded to further on; but it appears to be the principle to be borne in mind, that starting any occupation in a young colony, or a newly-settled district of an old colony, involves the necessity of living for a few years in a rough manner, with a view to avoid all unnecessary expenses. Returns do not come in as immediately and steadily as they do in older-settled districts, or from farms or stations which have been for some years started. And this calls forth the advice, already alluded to, of old colonists to persons brought up to live in luxury in

the cities of Europe, with no previous experience in trading or producing occupations; viz., to place their money principally out at interest on first arrival in the colony, and merely to look on and learn, before they start an occupation for themselves. But the expression commonly used in a colony, "To look on and learn," infers the mixing a good deal with neighbours, working at odd times with them, and moving about to several places in the country, to see how business is carried on in different parts of the country. A newcomer will thus see that that distinction of classes, that great reserve of manners and communication with one another, which subsists in an old country, cannot be maintained in a new one, without serious detriment to the progress of the place; for if people do not act together, and communicate unreservedly in a new country emerging from the state of wilderness, their progress in material wealth and comfort will be slow indeed. But this is no apology for the intrusion of unpleasant people into families where they are not desired; for it is often observed in a colony, that one great pleasure arises from the facility with which persons can choose their own society, notwithstanding their constant contact and association together in business.

A secret consciousness that each person can take care of himself engenders a feeling of independence among the people, which appears to render them careful of appearing to be pressing in matters of private and social life, however prominent or pushing some purse-proud individuals, come from other colonies, may appear to be in matters of public business.

On the arrival of a young family, some building of course must be early rented or purchased, in which to

place them; but in the case of a single man, he had better get out of the town as quickly as he can, to a farm or station in the country; for the novelty of the scene and the pleasures of society after a long sea-voyage frequently act as great inducements to spend money fruitlessly, if not wrongly. A new-comer should not be shy of adopting the practice of moving about the country, because it has been done by many before him, coming from every rank and position of life in the United Kingdom, with considerable benefit to themselves; and many proprietors and others are well accustomed to see it adopted, and recommend it to their friends generally, many having done so themselves before starting. It may also be observed, that the newcomers, by first looking on before starting an occupation, leave it more open for themselves to choose that neighbourhood for which, after mixing with the people, they may find they have a preference. Again, it is one thing to know how the soil should be treated for the growth of its various products, which may be obtained from books; but it is another to know how to grow them at a profit which depends upon the local supply of labour, and the price in the local market for the produce raised. It is therefore necessary at the outset to consider, that there is a great deal of difference in the local management of beginning an occupation on the wild waste land, from that of conducting a farm on an old-settled country, with its buildings and offices complete.

It may also be considered that it was generally thought by the old colonists, who had come from neighbouring colonies, that one great source of the early troubles of the Canterbury province arose from

the disproportionate supply of labour to the demand that existed for it in starting farms and stations; and also from the short supply of all kinds of stock for farming occupations, which could be only met by importing from Australia, where the price soon became high after a population was settled upon the gold-fields, which occasioned all kinds of farming stock to rule very high in Canterbury; and at the same time the prices of most articles sold in the stores continued very high: these causes would operate so strongly as to give rise to an expression "that there was too much money in the place; which signified that people were literally competing with one another in the price of labour and the price of stock.

The disregard of appearances in starting occupations in country life stands out in great contrast to the endeavour among tradesmen in towns to maintain appearances, as being the most likely mode of attracting custom.

Some capitalists, when young and single, have preferred to take a tour through all the neighbouring colonies; and the majority, after taking their tour at the first starting of Canterbury, returned to settle there. And as this is not a practicable course for those who have brought out large families, they should benefit by the experience of their unencumbered pioneers. And those who arrive now in the Canterbury colony enjoy far more comforts, and have far greater facilities for starting themselves, than was possessed by their earlier predecessors.

It may also be remarked, that the colonist who has come from Scotland is generally observed to have succeeded better than those from other parts of the United

Kingdom, as the mode of education and the principles of economy inculcated in North Britain induce more self-reliance, and they apply themselves more readily to the circumstances of a thinly-peopled country, than do those practised only in the more densely peopled districts of the British Isles. And doubtless the enterprising Yankee of the United States would prove a shrewder calculator still, from his more extended knowledge of the economy of occupations in new countries generally.

The climate of New Zealand generally is reckoned about the healthiest in the world. That of the Canterbury Plains may be said to be particularly healthy and invigorating, though the cold and the strong breezes are often complained of at first by those who come from a warm climate; but even these at the same time acknowledge the health that breezes and the pure air induce. Snow falls upon the plains about once a year, and is generally dissolved before the nightfall. From want of shelter the climate of the plains is considerably colder than that of the Northern Island, and it is observed that some plants and shrubs thrive in the shelter of the bays in Banks' Peninsula, which do not survive a winter on the plains. Rheumatism and other complaints have been repeatedly lost there by persons who were subject to them in other climates, cold dews and night damps being almost unknown; but at the same time complaints attack those who unduly expose themselves, or betray want of ordinary care for their health.

The course of the winds in Cook's Straits is generally observed to be, – first, a strong blow from the northwest for two or three days together; the wind then

changes to the opposite quarter, viz., the south-east, and blows equally strong for two or three days; then, after a short period of very calm weather, a breeze springs up from the east. In a few days the breeze comes from the north, and is again in the north-west quarter in about a fortnight after the period in which it is stated it first began to blow there. And these rotations generally succeed one another, though they occasionally vary. This course of the winds is said not to be experienced at sea, sometimes even fifty miles from the land. The south-east wind is deflected when passing over the Canterbury Plains into a south-west wind, by the high mountains in the interior of the island, and this wind brings the heavy rains of the winter season. And even in summer, when the clouds have cleared off after this wind, the mountains are observed to have a fresh coating of snow upon them, so once a fortnight some rain is expected over the plains. The north-west wind is found to be a hot wind, though it blows from the direction of high mountains covered with snow, and is sometimes oppressive, in consequence of dust. And this is the only period when heat is complained of in the Canterbury province. But the same wind is experienced as being rather a cold wind on the western coast of New Zealand, because it is there felt as coming off the sea; and, similarly, the north-east winds are experienced as cool winds on the eastern side of New Zealand, as they in their turn come off the sea. Warm stout clothing is therefore often acceptable, as well as a fire in the evenings, for most months of the year, in the Canterbury province.

CHAPTER VI. COMMERCIAL AND FINANCIAL MATTERS.

CHAPTER VI.

COMMERCIAL AND FINANCIAL MATTERS.

The small amount of Goods passing through a Merchant's hands in a small Colony obliges a greater profit to be put upon them – Manufactures have generally sold in the Province for three times their cost in England, and the supplies have been drawn chiefly from Australia – Men to produce Articles for Export more wanted than Men of the Mercantile Classes – On whom the high prices of goods ultimately fall – It is injudicious to send large ventures of merchandise to young Colonies – The Bank Accommodation restricted to Bills drawn through Mercantile Firms – The advantages to a Farmer of payments in kind – There has always been sufficient Money in the Province to obviate recourse to "the truck system" – Rates of Interest, and why they range high – The high price of Stores induces Families to take as much Goods as possible with them, but the expense of taking them to where they reside is not always considered – On the Postal Communication, the Panama Route desired.

THE retail prices of manufactured goods brought from England have generally ranged in the Canterbury colony at about three times what they are usually bought for in England. This has often been a cause of complaint, both on the part of the employers of labour and the employed. It is sometimes explained as follows: – The ships that leave England for a colony generally require several hundred tons of cargo to fill them, and the demand in the earlier days of a small colony is not sufficient for a few merchants, joining together, to fill a large ship; for the amount of goods that they expect to sell at a profit is small. It generally

happens, therefore, that merchants in a new colony prefer to obtain manufactured or other goods, in small quantities, through a neighbouring colony. They have not sufficient confidence in large supplies going off their hands, and small supplies can be more conveniently obtained from a neighbouring colony, and make their trade, if not more lucrative, yet more safe. In this manner goods unavoidably pass through more hands, and have more expenses upon them, than when they come direct from England. Again, when only a small amount of goods passes through a merchant's hands, he requires to put a larger profit upon them to meet his general expenses than when the amount is large. Thus it may be said, that an interest of thirty per cent, on the actual cost to a merchant of the articles in his store, will not pay him sufficiently in the early days of a colony. The smallness and tardiness of his returns require a much greater per centage on his goods to meet the cost of his buildings, and the general expenses of his establishment. During the first few years, the cost of freight, expenses of landing, and Customs' dues on bulky articles brought from England, and landed in the Canterbury colony, would nearly equal in amount the cost price of the article as charged for by the manufacturer; and if sold in the colony at a price equal to treble the manufacturer's charge, it has been considered that the merchant only covers ordinary commercial risks. But this per centage may be considerably diminished when the goods are brought direct from England, and greater facilities exist for getting them to the plains, and a larger amount of them passes through the merchant's hands. Thus, in Melbourne and Sydney, goods imported from England were frequently sold at a fair

profit, at an advance of only one half, or 50 per cent. on their original cost in England, during the same period that similar goods were selling in Canterbury at treble their original cost in England.

At the first starting of a colony, the large ships taking out emigrants, are frequently filled up with the baggage of the passengers going out, and thus merchants would be prevented importing in those ships, even if they wished to do so. But a feeling of uncertainty as to the state of the markets attends all merchants proceeding to, or already settled in, a new colony. They prefer, therefore, small dealings at first, until they acquire confidence in the general demand, and see that the amount of goods likely to pass through their hands is calculated to be remunerative. In accordance with this feeling, small vessels soon began to run from the Australian and other ports adjoining, to supply the demand within the Canterbury Province, and the goods they brought were generally sold by auction on bills, which was a further convenience to those concerned in retailing them, to whom it undoubtedly proved a safe and profitable trade.

When ships from England proceed to a colony, from which they have no return cargo home, but have to go to a distant port for their return cargo, they must charge a higher freight on the cargo brought to the colony. Another risk to be considered is that in a new colony, where seamen's wages are from £6 to £8 per month in the coasting craft, the sailors in vessels just arrived from England, having usually been shipped at £1 10s. per month, frequently run away from the vessel, which has therefore to ship a fresh crew at the current rate of wages, to fetch her next port.

Another trouble arises to the shipping interest, from the fact that, however safe a vessel may be at anchor, there is some swell in blowing weather in every harbour, and as large ships have to discharge into small lighters lying alongside them, the operation of discharging is interfered with by blowing weather, and this occasions more or less delay, which can be only avoided by the construction of docks, or wharfs, run out into deep water, which the circumstances of a young colony cannot be expected to allow. But the present circumstances of the province now justify the hope, that goods from England will be imported more directly into the province, and be supplied at a lower rate to the consumer than they have been, in consequence of a more generally increased demand. But this may be still further delayed, if too many start in the occupation of a merchant, and thus deter one another from importing largely. Men to occupy the country, and to produce an article to exchange for the manufactures imported into the colony, are wanted in greater numbers than men of the mercantile classes, who can generally, all over the world, start or transfer themselves more readily than the cultivator of the soil can, and so do always find their way to a British colony in greater numbers than the agricultural classes.

A high rate of prices for imported manufactured goods falls chiefly on the employers of labour, and on those who live upon fixed incomes. Labourers' wages are sufficient to cover this high rate of prices; nor are the merchants' profits affected by the rate of labour in a colony, because their charges are increased when increased expenses attend the labour of their establishments.

It has to be further mentioned that the colony has been subject to great alternations in the amount of supplies in the merchants' stores. Therefore when some particular articles have run short, for which there is a steady demand, the price is suddenly raised. This fluctuation of prices is frequent in colonial life, and disconcerts persons newly arrived from old-settled countries, who expect the same prices to be uniformly maintained; but those more experienced in a colony are accustomed to look out and prepare for a change of prices, which they know to be of frequent occurrence. The merchant is always subject to a risk upon his side. The moment that it is known that a high price rules for any particular articles in any particular place, immediately large supplies of those articles are sent thither from other places to be sold on commission, which occasions the price to fall very rapidly; while the home supply from which the export comes being lessened, the prices rise there in proportion. This is a principle of trade all over the world; but in a young colony it is peculiarly felt, since the market is so soon overstocked; and those in trade, who might have sent for a moderate supply of an article in demand, or got it upon hand, find themselves obliged, in the event of a sudden fall in the market, to sell at a sacrifice. Indeed, mercantile people often warn their friends on leaving a young colony not generally known to the mercantile world, on a visit to the parent country, not to commend their colony too highly; for one effect produced by injudicious representations is, that, in hopes of an increased emigration taking place to that colony, many speculators send large stocks of merchandize for sale on commission: and thus those in the

colony with stocks on hand suffer a loss perhaps greater than that of the speculator.

Old colonists often reply to inquiring friends, that they make it a rule never to advise a friend leaving England to bring goods on speculation for sale, being always apprehensive lest the price in the colony, though high at the time he wrote to acquaint his friend, should have fallen considerably by the time he arrived. Such persons therefore advise that only sufficient for personal and immediate wants be brought out.

Great mistakes are frequently made in the class of goods sent to a colony, as those acquainted with the commerce of the Australian colonies abundantly testify during the last few years. Thus stories are circulated of large stocks being sometimes received of a class not at all suited to the market, with instructions for an immediate sale. In these cases the returns sent to England announce a sale of perhaps half the invoice price. Notwithstanding this, the same merchant may have consigned to him a fresh stock of the same description with similar instructions, which would again have to be disposed of at a similar sacrifice. This is sometimes explained by stating, that at the first finding of a gold-field in a newly occupied country, when many of the lower classes find themselves suddenly possessed of large sums of money which they do not know how to use properly, they consent to give almost any prices for articles for which they may have a fancy. And this being known throughout the mercantile world, nearly everybody possessing damaged goods, or any large stocks of goods that they find a difficulty in disposing of, consider there is more probability of a sale by sending them to a colony with a gold-field, than in any other

way. At the commencement of a gold-find in a new country, most descriptions of goods, however inferior in character or unnecessary for ornament they may appear, may be sold at a profit; but as goods generally continue to be poured in from everywhere, the market becomes overstocked, and remunerative prices cannot be obtained.

Colonists, therefore, do not consider it fair in tourists, or others who are not acquainted with the interior details of colonial business, but hear only occasional banter, or the light small talk which is put on in public to amuse them, to declaim upon the commercial morality of the colonies; for indiscretion on the part of shippers from England, who are not acquainted with the internal economy of colonial life, may be the true cause of the non-success of their ventures. Writers long resident in the Australian colonies warned the mercantile world, that some merchants in her ports had risen from the condition of convicts, and mentioned different practices that gave ground for enquiry and caution in their dealings with that country, to which they were strangers. It is not to be wondered at, therefore, if many commercial ventures have failed, and caused dissatisfaction to the European shippers. But this does not furnish ground for general declamation on the commercial morality of those colonies, but simply for the exercise of prudence and discretion on the part of those who send goods to be sold in a country, with whose mode of doing business, and of whose particular wants, and concerning the fluctuating state of whose markets, they were not previously acquainted.

Mercantile business has, therefore, its anxieties in the colonies no less than agricultural pursuits; but the

anxieties of the latter pursuit greatly exceed those of the former; for there is not an equal amount of risk in taking charge of goods which are not of a perishable description, but are at once housed and afterwards retailed, with the risks that attend the vicissitudes of seasons, the command of labour, and other trials, which await the out-of-door occupation of the agriculturist. True, the merchant has his anxieties in meeting his creditor out of the colony. These have called forth a precautionary custom on the part of the banks to restrict their accommodation to bills which are duly drawn or endorsed only by mercantile firms known to the bankers. A facility of meeting the foreign creditor might be checked, if all bills indiscriminately presented at the bank, however substantial the names upon them might be, were entitled to be cashed. This of course arises out of the desire to restrict the transferring of money unnecessarily from the colony, in order that accounts due to persons out of the colony may be more immediately met, and the credit of persons in the colony thereby better maintained with the foreign creditor.

The newly-arrived colonist must, however, bear in mind, that the ordinary business in the colony is conducted, to a great extent, "on the bill-discounting system." This is no doubt perplexing to a stranger, and appears to bear hardly upon him; but it occasions really only additional reasons for caution on his part, guarding him from plunging too largely in introducing occupations on his first arrival in the colony; for he will learn before long the advantage, and almost necessity, of the system, and that there are not objections to it of a public character. The bills given are generally private transactions between people who are in a manner inti-

mate and well acquainted with each others affairs; and if bills are passed between persons who are strangers to one another, it is easy to restrict them to amounts which are cognizable in the courts of law within the province, by which means the process of recovery is very summary, and not expensive, if it becomes necessary to have recourse to it.

The local market in a young colony is so uncertain, and generally so fluctuating, that employers of labour, engaged in producing articles for local consumption, try to pay for the labour, as much as possible, in part of the produce raised. And as it is immaterial to the labourer where he gets his supplies, so long as he gets them at current prices, it is often economical to both parties to deal much in this manner. The system known in England as the truck system is liable to much abuse, but at the same time has, under certain conditions, its advantages: this, however, is a matter of local experience, which new-comers find they have to get up as quickly as possible, without considering that barters of this description are in any way derogatory to an employer in a new country, emerging from a state of wilderness, where it really in no way derogates from his social position to inquire minutely, or, as the phrase is, "to look sharp," and to make more personal endeavours to meet the wants of those who labour for him than there is occasion for him to do in long-settled countries, where the population are well organized in the work of their separate trades.

In carrying on the business of a station, the owner need seldom contemplate barter as a part of his trade, because the produce he raises is either wool, which goes to England, and commands therefore a ready sale in the

colony, or other produce, which sells either to the merchant or the butcher for bills, which are equivalent to ready money. Payments of wages are therefore generally made by an order on the bank, or on the merchant to whom, by previous arrangement, the owner purposes to sell his wool.

The system of barter has been curiously developed upon the American continent. Workmen may be met in the colony, who, having previously worked for hire in the interior of the United States, describe the following mode of paying wages in districts lately started: – An order is drawn upon a neighbouring small tradesman, be his craft what it may; on the presentation of the order, the reply would generally be, "I have not got the money to give you; but here is an article, the price of which is equivalent, and if you like to take it you can; otherwise you must leave it to be sold, and when I have sold it I will give you the money." And so some months would often elapse before the workman obtained his money. This is an extension of what is called the "truck system," and might be tolerated in a thinly-peopled country, where little of the precious metal was in circulation; but when the gold from California came into circulation in the interior of the United States, the truck system disappeared. In consequence of the larger amount of capital brought into the Canterbury province from England, less business by barter has been conducted there than in other colonies in its vicinity.

The following may help to explain why the interest of money should generally rule so high in a young colony. The accumulated savings of generations occasion in old-settled countries large sums of money to be invested

yearly, in securities of a permanent character, under care of trustees. The interest of money, therefore, rules generally very low. But it is not so in a new colony; because it must first be considered that the capitalists who bring money have not generally the equivalent amount possessed by others, in the same social position of the Old World, otherwise they probably would not have left it. Nearly all, therefore, who wish to make their homes more comfortable, and their mode of life more agreeable, must for some years live fully up to their incomes. The money, therefore, brought by each person is soon out of circulation, because it passes through the hands of the merchant in paying for the articles he imports into the country; and it generally takes some years before any occupation, producing a raw material, returns any sensible surplus over the expenses of producing it: thus, there is not money to spare for some years to be invested on loan, at interest, unless money is sent expressly for that purpose by neighbouring colonies longer settled; or unless the money of persons subsequently coming to the colony be sometimes lent, to be employed in this manner, at interest, instead of the person immediately starting a producing occupation for himself.

Now the interest of money lent upon mortgage has generally been 15 per cent, per annum in the Canterbury province, and money has been sent there from Australia to be invested upon mortgage. The province has also always had more than an average amount of money at its command from the unusual proportion of old English gentry in its full constitution. For instance, it may be mentioned that one hundred thousand pounds was brought out on board the four first ships that

arrived at Canterbury; and other ships after these frequently had from five to fifteen thousand pounds on board! The intermediate passengers had frequently more ready money on board than was brought by the cabin passengers, whose money was partially invested in bulky articles occupying the hold of the vessel. And three years after the starting of the colony, above ten thousand pounds per annum was drawn upon England as private incomes of persons residing in it, and this amount has been greatly increased. The old colonists complained that one great cause of all their troubles was the abundance of money in the colony, over and above the amount of labour to be employed, and consequently that those who had brought money, were competing with one another, both in the price of stock and in the price of labour, until each had obtained a price which was ruinous to the other. But in the year 1857, it was known that above one hundred thousand pounds was lent out at interest on mortgage of land, or other securities in the province, and the rate of interest continued the same, not only upon mortgages, but also upon the bank discounts, notwithstanding all the money that had been brought in. It therefore appears that all the money brought into the colony did not meet the general demand for borrowing money.

The following may explain one source of the great demand that exists for loans on mortgage: – Draught cattle and horses were very scarce at the starting of the Canterbury colony, and the demand for them was very great. And so great was the desire of the labourer to start himself upon his own land, that he seldom had saved enough wherewith to buy a team, so he had generally to rent one. Now for the first few years after

starting, the price of draying amounted to £1 10s. per diem. Then supposing a team to be worked four days per week, it would earn £6 per week. And drivers hiring it found they could afford to pay £2 per week for renting it, so teams were rented out at £100 per annum. Therefore, if a team could be purchased for £200, and be let out for £100 per annum, it must be considered to be a good investment of money. And these continued for a few years to be the usual current rates. Then if a person could raise by mortgage of his land a loan of £200, with which he bought a team, he saved himself the yearly rent of £100 per annum, by paying £30 per annum, as the interest of his mortgage, which he could then afford to do, by either hiring it out or employing it upon his land. And this, therefore, led to the usual rate of interest, viz., 15 per cent, per annum. It was preferred by most farmers, working their land, if they had not money to buy a team, to take up money on mortgage and buy their own teams rather than pay at the rate of £100 per annum for the hire of a team. A team is of such consequence to the farmer generally, that the small farmers are always planning and contriving to raise the money which shall enable them to buy their own; and the larger farmers if in want of money, (whether to hold over their crops or for other purposes), prefer to take up a loan on mortgage rather than to sell their teams. The price of draying subsequently fell to £1 per diem, and had been in the neighbouring colonies, previous to the finding of gold in Australia, sometimes as low as 10s. per diem; and there is said to be generally a great demand throughout all those Colonies for good teams, which often originates a demand for loans of money upon mortgage.

Occasions arise in speculations that frequently offer themselves to the squatting and mercantile community in their business, by which much more than 15 per cent, can be made by the temporary use of a loan of money, which therefore they may take up, giving good interest and security for the same. Prices fluctuate so greatly in a colony, that loans of money are frequently required to enable property or goods of different descriptions to be held over until a rise of prices permits a fair sale to be obtained; and mortgages on property are not viewed by those conversant with their business with the same distrust that often attends property burdened with them in the Old World. It often happens that a rise of prices will enable the farmer in one year to clear off his debt; and the merchant may reasonably expect a reaction if the market is temporarily glutted with any particular goods, of which he has laid in a supply, and which he may desire to hold over before offering for sale. Tasmania enjoys a moister climate than the Australian continent, and agriculture is extensively followed there; but it is said that, in consequence of a very long continuance of low prices, many of the farms there were deeply mortgaged to the banks of the colony previous to the finding of gold in Australia and the banks, knowing they held very good security for their money being ultimately repaid them, did not object to continue advances to properties previously deeply in debt to them. But when the large influx of population poured into Australia, and flowed over, after a successful search at the gold-fields, into Tasmania, all farms, it is said, however desperate their condition appeared, were able to pay off the mortgages upon them, partly by sales of land, and partly by the increased price of the produce raised upon them.

The high prices that rule in the merchants' stores induce many in a colony to import some of the supplies required for private use directly from England, and this, in a young colony, is mostly applicable to those who, drawing a yearly income from England, can get their friends to choose and ship the particular articles they are in want of, remitting a balance instead of the full amount. And when the owner of a sheep station obtains sufficient returns by the yearly sale of wethers to the butcher to meet the expenses of his station, he may regularly import his household requirements in payment for the wool sent to London. It is a knowledge of the high prices that generally rule in a young colony in the merchants' stores, particularly at first starting, that inclines persons going to pursue agricultural occupations to desire to lay in a stock, for domestic requirements, of all such articles not of a perishable nature, as they expect to require for some years, independent of the tools and implements of their occupation.

It was doubtless to meet this feeling, that the projectors of the Canterbury colony took upon themselves arrangements for the shipping charges of the first starters to that colony, whereby it was hoped some expenses would have been saved to those families in the cost of the freight of bulky luggage, and the few well-chosen animals they might desire to put on board. But this plan did not meet the expenses of working the ships, and the ordinary course through shipping agents had to be reverted to.

After-comers, therefore, experienced charges that appeared strange to persons coming from agricultural districts, for charges of 10s. for the freight of a fowl,

and £5 for the freight of a dog, though not an unusual charge on board ships, would nevertheless prove unexpected to an agricultural labourer, or even farmer.

But extra charges of different kinds appear to enter greatly into the economy of conducting shipping business. For the great commercial world of the metropolis appeared to think their rights had been intrenched upon by a body public acting as ship-brokers, and severe criticisms were launched at what were termed the unbusinesslike arrangements of the Canterbury Association. The disinterested labours of that body, however, are better appreciated in the colony of their founding, where the repugnance of the agriculturalist to try a new country, is practically encountered.

There are expenses in every colony, in getting goods landed and then taken up to their ultimate destination, which are not always considered on leaving England, and these often exceed the cost of shipping charges upon goods brought from England to the port in the colony; but, in consequence of less land carriage in the Canterbury province, these expenses have ranged lower there than in other colonies.

The postal communication between New Zealand and Europe, though it has been always very irregular and interrupted, is being better conducted now through the Isthmus of Suez; but the cost of a passage is still too great to expect that much of passenger traffic will take place through that route. The opinion is often expressed that New Zealand ought to be brought within a six weeks' passage of England, by the Isthmus of Panama. Now passenger traffic from New Zealand to England would probably comprise more of second-class passengers than any other; but these could not afford to pay a

higher rate than. £50 for the entire passage, and would require the American custom of using the saloon at meal-times, as well as having a nearly equivalent fare upon the table. The Panama railway having now completed one line of rails, a train passes daily from one ocean to the other, which the writer has lately traversed. But the system at present pursued by the two English steam-packet companies one on each side of that railroad, would not be at all acceptable to the population of the colonies at the Antipodes.

Those two companies, viz., the Royal West India Mail Steam-packet Company, who run to Colon on the Atlantic side, and the Pacific Steam Navigation Company, who run to Valparaiso on the Pacific side, conduct a traffic between countries where a large black population exists. And as this causes a marked line of demarcation between the inhabitants, distinctions must be equally maintained on board vessels carrying passengers between their ports. These companies do not profess to carry as second-class passengers any but in the capacity of servants, artizans, or mechanics generally, and provision them accordingly. But this would be highly offensive to a population comprised chiefly of an active, energetic, enterprising middle-class. It would therefore appear that a distinct line of steamers must be laid on to attract any regular passenger traffic from Australia and New Zealand by that route. And until that is accomplished, the few passengers who might from curiosity take the Panama route would probably prefer to reach Europe by the American steamers, via New York. Again, it is also said that vessels of the class of the Leviathan would make the passage from Australia, calling at New Zealand, to

England in six weeks; and as so very great a proportion of the voyage round Cape Horn or the Cape of Good Hope would then be made in temperate climates, similar large steamers if started would probably attract the bulk of the passenger traffic, more particularly if they carry passengers at a lower rate, which they are not unlikely to do, because the screw steamers at present running between Melbourne and England advertise their rates in the colony at £45 for second-cabin passages to England.

Persons familiar with these colonies know that a large population, by moderate industry, could be easily maintained there, and that a frequent desire rules with those, whose circumstances allow them, to visit England occasionally. The thoughts of those who leave as young men, must often revert to acquaintances left behind them, whose presence they would desire to relieve the monotony or toil of their occupations in the colony.

If, therefore, the length of the passage to England is reduced to six weeks, and the cost of it is within their means of payment, many, after putting their crops in the ground, might accomplish a visit to England, and be back in time to reap them; or, having witnessed one shearing of their flocks, might be back in time to superintend the shearing of the next year.

The desire to revisit old scenes and old acquaintances may be said to be so general, as to leave little reason to doubt that an extensive passenger traffic will always be going on, when the period of the voyage, and the means of payment for it, are within the reach of a young colonist's finances. It is not thought strange for a

colonist to be away, sometimes for months together, from his farm or his station; and in a gold-producing colony this absence is said very frequently to occur; for employment on a gold-field may be, at particular periods, more profitable than that of a farm, and furnish sufficient inducement for long periods of absence.

CHAPTER VII. ON FARMING FOR A PROFIT IN NEW ZEALAND.

CHAPTER VII.

ON FARMING FOR A PROFIT IN NEW ZEALAND.

The details of the Garden and Farm are given in the Almanacks of the different Provinces – Old Colonists do not advise Capitalists to farm Land – The difference between treating timbered Land and level un-timbered Land – The application of Contract Work instead of Yearly Service – Advantages of Machinery – Rotation of Crops inapplicable – Observations on breaking up the waste grassy Lands of the Canterbury Plains – A notice on Ploughs – The adaptation of the Artificial Grasses to New Zealand – A description of the Soil of the Canterbury Plains, and modes of choosing a good section for Agriculture – Hints to Small Farmers – Application of the Land of the Plains to Farms of a few hundred acres, laid in artificial pastures, for sheep or cattle – Notice of dividing a Capital to be invested in different ways – A comparison with Australian Farming – What Products are advised to be grown for Export.

GENERAL details of the practical treatment of land, the times of sowing, &c, both in the garden and the field, are given in the almanacks of the different provinces, showing the methods which are more or less followed in their own localities. They show that nearly all the grains, trees, fruits, and vegetables grown in England answer in New Zealand.

The advice to all first-comers in the Canterbury Plains, by all the visitors from Australia, and the older provinces of New Zealand, was, "It never pays for the capitalist to farm land!"

The following lesson, however, has been gradually

learned, viz.: – the first item to be considered is the great difference of cost in beginning on timbered land, and on that which is clear of timber, and is at the same time level fertile land. Now, the expense of cutting down and clearing heavily timbered land, at the rate of wages of late years prevailing, is generally put at from twenty to forty pounds the acre, and the expense of afterwards extracting the stumps, it is stated, has been generally about one-half as much more. Sixty pounds the acre has been frequently expended before timbered land has been prepared for the plough. It is consequently better for the agricultural capitalist to confine his application of timbered land to gardens, orchards, or to such purposes as laying down a small quantity in artificial grasses, to serve as a paddock to keep a cow or a few horses in near home, or for growing a small quantity of crops for household consumption; for he soon finds he is at a disadvantage in raising crops for sale on such land, particularly if it is hilly, when others have, within convenient distance, access to untimbered level land of good quality to work upon. It is observed, also, in treating timbered land, that the stumps are generally left standing; because experience shows it is attended with less labour to do so, and to cultivate around them, leaving the stumps to be partially decayed before extracting them, and to cut or purchase the firewood required for domestic consumption in an adjoining bush, rather than to cut down the standing stumps and to dig up the roots when the trees are first felled. The raising of crops for sale in newly-settled timbered districts becomes, therefore, principally to be confined to the smaller proprietors of land, who may generally at first have landed in the condition of labourers, but have

afterwards risen to become proprietors of small holdings, which they work themselves.

These possess in timbered countries one great advantage at starting, viz., that they have not to buy the timber wherewith to build their houses or to put up their fences. It also happens that such persons may keep themselves for a few years by the sale of sawn timber alone, during which period they are gradually clearing their land and fencing it in, preparatory to cultivating it. In timbered districts, therefore, it is generally found that the capitalist who leaves England with the idea of tilling the land upon a large scale, with large teams, and abundant machinery, as pursued in England, finds his pecuniary calculations are entirely disarranged; because it occupies so long a period to get that amount of land into order for cultivation, which would make the employment of machinery to be felt as a saving of labour, that a very large capital would be exhausted before sufficient returns come in to meet the yearly expenses of carrying on the occupation. Capitalists, therefore, generally conclude that farming on the mode of old-settled countries will not pay in timbered districts, until a sufficient increase of the population has rendered labour cheap and abundant. But this required amount of sufficiently cheap labour, it is to be remembered, has been obtained in other colonies by convict labour, or through a native population, before they have acquired European habits.

Now a far less outlay of money and time is required in a level untimbered country, easily accessible, like that of the Canterbury Plains, to get that required extent of land under cultivation which makes the employment of agricultural machinery to be felt as being

a real saving of labour; for the land on these plains can generally be ploughed after merely burning off the grass, fern, or tutu, which may be upon it; though, sometimes, if there is a large amount of heavy flax or toi-toi on the land, an outlay of from one to two pounds per acre may be required to remove them. A sharp spade struck under these plants will generally cut them up in a few blows, and they are afterwards thrown in heaps and burned, or else carted away. However, the land being ploughed, it is left to lie fallow for four or five months, by which time the roots of the old grass may be sufficiently rotted, and the land is sufficiently sweetened. After that period, by cross-ploughing and harrowing, very fair crops, of from thirty to forty bushels to the acre, have been reaped with a reaping, machine, and, a month afterwards, passed through the thrashing and winnowing machine in the field. The usual contract prices for taking a crop off the ground have been about ten pounds the acre, including cost of seed; and about two pounds the acre may be generally allowed, in addition, for fencing. In considering this, therefore, it appears that a far less outlay is involved in pursuing agriculture, at first starting, on the level Canterbury Plains, than is incurred by the capitalist in timbered countries, and the subject is therefore more deserving the attention of small capitalists purposing to pursue that occupation.

Working by contract is well applicable to small occupations, especially in the vicinity of towns, where it is desired to raise only enough for home consumption, or to take merely a few crops off a small extent of land, before sowing it with artificial grasses for a paddock. Working by contract is sometimes applied conveniently

to larger farms, when the owner draws his income chiefly from other sources. But the larger landholders, engaged in farming solely for a livelihood, will prefer to raise their crops with men engaged by the year round, and to have their own teams and some machinery, if a large extent of land is prepared for sowing. But these generally find it is preferable to defer getting machinery until a sufficient extent of land is prepared for cropping, which will cause the use of the machines to afford a sufficient interest on the money expended in purchasing them. For the interest of money is high in the colony, and after buying the land, the outlay in putting up buildings and fences, the purchase of teams and other stock, paying wages, &c, draw so very much upon the capital originally brought to the colony, that it is felt to be necessary to avoid all outlays for whatever is not required for immediate use; so if machinery can be hired while only a small amount of land is being yearly cropped, it is generally more economical to hire than to have money locked up in the cost of machinery, which money may be more conveniently applied to other purposes of more immediate importance. But at the starting of the Canterbury colony in some cases machines were taken, and when let out, under proper management, did give very good interest, by hiring them out, on the money originally invested in purchasing them: but in these cases horses were kept upon the farm, which could be conveniently sent with them.

A rotation of crops, as conducted in England, is not likely to be followed for some years to come in New Zealand by the larger landholders, not only on account of the labour of manuring the land, but also

because it is not expected there will be any sufficient demand for root crops to sell any large quantity off the farm; while to feed cattle or sheep with root crops, when there is abundant natural pasture adjoining the field, involves unnecessary labour of an expensive kind. It therefore happens that the grazier, who fattens his sheep or cattle on the wild natural pastures of the country, can undersell the agriculturist, who fattens his stock by incurring the expense of raising root crops from his land. It is supposed that it will more generally suit the purposes of the large landholders to lay down their land into fields, with artificial grasses, after taking a few grain crops off them: because in this manner the land is manured without extra expense or trouble; and by continuing to break up fresh land every year, the whole freehold may be gone through, when that which was first laid down can be broken up and cropped again, if not designed to remain in pasture.

Another objection to the rotation of crops, as practised on the well-worn soils of populous countries, enjoying the command of cheap labour and a steady market for their produce, exists in the circumstance that grain does not ripen evenly in newly turned-up land. Some seeds are therefore shed, which not even extra ploughings for the purpose will always prevent coming up in the next year's crop. Indeed oats are as troublesome as a weed to eradicate for some years after once sowing them in a field, and this is described as being peculiar to the virgin soils of Australia, Tasmania, and New Zealand. Barley, if grown on land newly turned-up, and not well sweetened, ripens unevenly, and therefore malts indifferently; it perhaps had therefore better be applied to sowing after a root crop, because root

crops require a frequent stirring and pulverising of the land; otherwise land should have a long fallow before sowing barley. The winter wheat generally sown in the colony is termed the white chaff red. It appears to stand the action of the high winds better than other kinds of wheat, making, at the same time, good sweet flour. The millers give a higher price for white wheat, preferring it for exportation; but this seldom gives as large a crop to the farmer, and is liable to shake out in high winds. White wheat is nevertheless often sown as a spring wheat. It may be observed with regard to all the grains, that they have been reaped a second and third year self-sown, without any extra treatment to the land; oats have been reaped to a fourth year, but this has been done merely for experiment; it would be considered bad farming to do so generally, for the grain greatly deteriorates every year; and self-sown barley has been observed to come up a second year in the form of thin oats. All these objections apply to the rotation of crops upon any large scale.

Rats and mice are observed to be increasing in the fields. It is, therefore, advised to place the stacks upon high stands; and for the same reason it is advised to thrash early in the field, because the grain can then be sacked up in the chaff, and stowed away in rough buildings, erected for the purpose, upon piles, four feet high, with a rim of tin upon them, which is known to keep out rats; and grain sacked up in the chaff has been observed to keep good for some time.

In breaking up the wild waste land, bullocks are generally preferred, particularly if it should be strong land which is being broken up, because the flax, toi-toi, and tutu roots, check horses too much at the pace they

usually travel in ploughing, and few horses of a heavy stamp are to be obtained in the colony. In breaking up the stronger lands, also, a very stout wooden plough is preferred to an iron one, because its greater weight and strength will carry it, with a long team of bullocks, through the roots of the above-named wild plants, which are commonly met with on most sections of land which have been hitherto applied to agriculture. But on stubble land it is preferred to use horses, because they get through their work quicker, and can therefore go over more ground in the day than bullocks. Again, horses, when they are worked hard, require to be well-fed, but if their food is grown for them upon the farm, the expense is not so much felt; but bullocks do not generally require to have food grown for them, as they keep very well upon the natural pasture, if not worked too hard. It is, however, usual to give them oat straw, or whatever else may be grown on the farm which is not required for other purposes. Some farmers break up land every year with their horses; but the soil is then generally of a lighter description.

It is particularly to be advised for all persons taking out a plough, to choose one of the Scotch pattern, that is, having the foot of the plough, on which the share is fitted, made in a separate bar of iron, and not cast into one piece with the side of the plough, which is the present usual pattern of English ploughs. For in case of accidents, (which occur rather frequently,) a bar of wrought iron can be often straightened without reference to a blacksmith. And the ironwork of all implements taken to a colony ought to be as much as possible of wrought iron, on account of the difficulty of obtaining castings, in the event of parts being broken. The

ploughs imported into the colony from Scotland have been preferred to those imported from England, in consequence of their possessing greater general strength, and the foot being in a separate piece, easily taken off and repaired, if it is bent or broken in the course of service.

In noticing the waste land, it is observed that flax growing upon it indicates a strong soil, toi-toi a wet one; while fern and tutu indicate a dry soil. Different grasses also serve to distinguish a wet soil from a dry one. And the lighter grassy soils, which constitute the general character of the land, particularly upon the sheep runs, generally admit of a pair of strong horses readily taking the plough through them. The fern on the Canterbury Plains seldom exceeds three feet in height, but is observed to disappear in a few years, where the burnings are repeated, and sheep or cattle are constantly passing over it. Herbs and grass are then observed to come up in its place. In all the provinces of New Zealand to the north of Canterbury, the fern runs six and eight feet high, but, as the land is also generally more or less hilly and stony in its character, it is preferred to put such land in pasture without the plough, by merely picking out the larger stones and harrowing in the grass-seed, after burning off the fern. Clovers and a few of the grasses are observed in this manner to take partially, and stock trample down the fern in getting at them: – so after a few years a tolerable sward is obtained by the spreading of the clovers; but ordinary land thus prepared would probably not maintain half the amount of stock upon it that fertile, level land, laid down with the plough, would carry. Clovers take surprisingly in the soil of New Zealand. A few seeds dropped any-

where and covered, spread readily among the native grasses. They appear almost to defy attempts to eradicate them; for ploughing land laid in clover only appears to make it spread thicker; and the spade does not eradicate it; for the roots strike deeper than the spade goes, and the clover sprouts again at the surface. Clovers are even disliked in some pastures, as they are supposed to keep down other artificial grasses sown with them. The winter of 1857 was unusually cold on the Canterbury Plains, and for two months of that winter the clovers afforded no feed, while the perennial ryegrass afforded some, though the native grasses were not affected by the frosts. But in the Northern island clovers are said to be parched up for two months of the summer, though they still flourish where seeds are said to have been dropped fifteen years ago. However, in making up a paddock properly, there should be a variety of grasses, in order that some may be in bloom when others are not; but the finer sorts of artificial grasses do not take until the soil has been well sweetened by two or three years' exposure to the air, and a few ploughings. It is therefore generally preferred to crop the waste land in order to pay for the expenses of ploughing it, before laying it down in artificial grasses for a permanent paddock.

The land of the Canterbury Plains adapted to agriculture generally consists of alternate layers of clay, sand and gravel, each layer being from one to three feet thick, and this only extends about ten miles from the sea-coast. There are patches of good land elsewhere, principally at the foot of the mountains. A moderate sized ditch, even two feet deep, is often found sufficient to keep a field, however flat it may be, clear

enough of water for growing grain crops, if there is a sufficient fall for the water at the termination of the ditch. It is advised to grow root crops in the lighter soils, as is generally preferred in all climates subject to heavy rains, and rain generally falls on the plains near the sea at least once a fortnight throughout the year. The sandhills near the sea, when manured, have been found to grow various root crops; but this has been done more for experiment than with the intention of cultivating a poor soil, when there is plenty of good land adjoining it.

Sections of agricultural land, as they are chosen, must generally have some variety of soil upon them, because they are obliged to be chosen in half-mile lengths, when they have a frontage upon a main road. And thus a piece of swamp, sandhill, or bank of gravel, may each be found upon it. The new settler must therefore recollect that it sometimes requires considerable attention for him to choose a good section for and by himself. If, however, he should not have a friend in the vicinity, whom he would wish to consult, it may be of service to him to know that there are persons in the colony who are accustomed to give their advice professionally on the subject, charging according to their time and trouble. The new colonist should proceed to the land office soon after landing. He will there be shewn upon maps where he is at liberty to select, and he can there also obtain some information as to the general character of the allotment. Having obtained this information he should proceed to the situation indicated, and if he has been previously engaged in agriculture, some conversation with those settled in the neighbourhood will perhaps suffice to determine him on what spot to choose his

section, if he determines upon choosing it in that neighbourhood. It is, however, well that he should not be shy of asking questions of indifferent parties, because all colonists (excepting perhaps a few inland squatters) are directly interested in inducing new-comers to settle in their neighbourhood; for every increase to the population adds to the value of their own property, whatever be their trade or their occupation. But as all are not equally good judges of the value of land, a person inquiring thereon will have to take different opinions and ask many questions before he can obtain all the information he requires to guide him in determining on the situation whereon to fix his future home. Many streams run through the land at present occupied for agriculture in the Canterbury Plains. These can be often made available as fences, bounds, or barriers, as well as for the purpose of mill-power, and, when the streams are deep enough, timber or other heavy products are often floated upon them. Vicinity to a town, and easy access to the place for shipping produce, are matters necessary to be considered in choosing for any large agricultural occupation, as also the avoiding of too much wet or swampy land in the section chosen. Should it be intended to keep sheep ultimately upon the farm, a light dry soil, as it exists further inland from the sea, should be chosen for the situation of the farm. But a strong soil is to be chosen, if it is purposed to dairy with cattle.

To the small holder of land it may be observed generally, that he should not expect to live solely upon the produce of his piece of land. He may add to his income by draying, if he possesses a team, for others in the vicinity, as well as for squatters up the country, in

bringing down their wool to the place of shipment. Should he not possess a team, he may get shearing or contract work at rough buildings up the country; or he may get ditching, harvesting, or other employments upon neighbouring farms; or work in a neighbouring wood for sawyers settled there; or work upon the public roads: and all these may be regulated by contract to suit his particular circumstances. He will seldom find it suits him to go entirely out of the labour market. The possession of his house and freehold gives him more time to look about him, in order to make his bargains for the work he may do more to his advantage; but he will find if he does not work occasionally for others, that he cannot keep out of debt to the storekeeper, to whom, therefore, he may frequently be obliged to sell the produce raised from his land, when he might desire to hold it longer on account of the prospect of a rise in price; and this practice he will probably find it to his advantage to follow until he has some considerable amount of land in cultivation, with stock and teams sufficient to work it.

It is said to be a general rule over the world, that the farmer who depends on the sale of his crops alone will find it difficult to meet his yearly expenses; and that it is the sale of young stock, butter, pigs, and poultry, that tends to balance the expenses and leave a surplus for pleasure. In the colonies the larger farmers usually add to the above hiring out of teams and machinery, particularly during the first few years, unless they have an income coming in from some other source. More necessary, therefore, is it for the occupier of a small freehold without capital to start with, to avail himself of occasional wages to be earned off his holding, than

to trust to the sale of his grain crops alone to meet his yearly expenses. In England, those farms are said to pay best where the whole of the produce raised upon the farm is applied to the feeding of stock brought up upon it. And this argument is used by the squatters as tending indirectly to explain one cause of the economy. of their occupation. What, then, is the effect of laying arable land into artificial pastures?

The land of New Zealand, from north to south, is admirably adapted to the growth of the artificial grasses used in England, and the climate requires no housing for animals. It is observed, also, that land laid in artificial pasture will carry more than ten times the amount of stock upon it than it does in its natural pasture.

Paddocks in the Canterbury province have been observed to keep nearly a beast to the acre all the year round. Thus it may be perceived that a few hundred acres of land, laid down with artificial pastures, in well-fenced paddocks, would suffice to keep a large dairy of cows, with their increase; and if from fifty to one hundred head of fat cattle were raised on it every year for sale, a valuable property would be acquired. The yearly expenses of managing such a property would be much less than that of a station on the unfenced waste lands, while the comfort of working it would be considerably greater. It might take eight or ten years for a person possessing even two teams of bullocks to crop and lay down the few hundred acres of land in pasture which would be required for this purpose; but nevertheless it possesses sufficient attractions for many a small capitalist to strive to make such a property. That is to say, supposing he is sufficiently satisfied with the society in his neighbourhood, and finds the climate to suit his

general health, and that he himself is contented to live on the farm to superintend it, at least, if he does not do other work upon it. Similarly, a few hundred acres, occupied in keeping a few thousand sheep, would give a very good income, from the yearly sale of wool and wethers, while the occupation would he of a very easy pleasant nature, requiring the employment of little labour, and leaving plenty of time for recreation. There is plenty of room for hundreds of such properties to be made upon the Canterbury Plains; but the real difficulty attending it is for persons who have not been brought up to a farming life, to stick to the occupation of breaking up and farming land for a sufficient period of time to enable that extent of land to be made into paddocks able to keep the required number of sheep or cattle which is to furnish the income it is desired to attain. A person starting such a property should remember that at first he cannot expect to make the sale of grain crops alone to carry on his farm, and meet his personal expenses; but by buying a few cows for a small dairy, keeping pigs and poultry, his expenses of living are much diminished, and his comforts greatly increased; and when three or four years are over, the returns from the increase of stock, and the greater extent of land in crop, will very materially increase every year, and thus give the additional help he requires to carry on the breaking up and the cultivating of the remainder of his land. He may also economise in paying for labour, by agreeing beforehand for part-payment in produce, which often proves useful in enabling him to hold over the bulk of his produce for an increase of price.

One other method is open to a new settler to adopt, viz., having bought and chosen his land, let him find

tenants to break it up and lay it in pasture, upon short leases, say from five to seven years. It is true such tenants have been generally difficult to find, and from fifty to one hundred acres should be the utmost assigned to each tenant. They would generally desire some freehold in the vicinity, on which to erect their buildings, otherwise they would require them to be put up for them, or that they should be paid for doing so, upon what was not their own freehold. Tenants generally would only consent to pay a very low rent for land at a distance from a town, taken on a short lease, but this the owner of the land might be content to forego, to get his land made properly into paddocks of artificial pastures, when he derives an income sufficient to live upon from another source. Another portion, therefore, of the capital brought to the colony might be invested in the purchase of sheep, to be kept at an agreed upon rate, by a squatter up the country. This would give a small income (though a good interest on the money so invested) for the first year, but would considerably increase every year, and when the owner's freehold property was laid in pasture, by the expiry of the tenant's lease, the sheep could be transferred there. And as they would then require little hiring of labour in looking after them, a comfortable income could be realized upon the property. This method of investing money would require more capital than the one previously mentioned, but it would generally be adopted by persons who preferred living in a town, or were engaged in any professional pursuit, which afforded them an income to live upon independently, until they were ready to transfer their sheep to their freehold land.

A new-comer might also invest the remaining portion

of his capital (after having purchased his land, and let it upon a short lease) out on loan, on mortgage of land, or other security, in order to derive some interest for the use of that money. This might be preferred, if apprehensions were entertained that sheep brought up on the wild pasture of the country would not take readily to the artificial pastures in paddocks, or if the owner of the freehold should desire to adopt a breed of his own choosing. It may be mentioned, however, that in some instances sheep from the wild pastures have already been transferred to a paddock, and kept with success.

These investments, however, are decided on according to a person's capital, the prices of stock, &c, at the time of his arrival; and further, with a view to his own domestic requirements. So, if he has not a friend in the colony in whose judgment he feels he can place sufficient reliance to acquaint him with these matters, he should bear in mind that there are lawyers, merchants, commission agents, and others, with whom it is a business to advise on such matters. He should bear in mind that farming in New Zealand is not analogous to farming in Australia. Perhaps the following may show some of the principal points that occur, in contrasting the systems of the two countries: –

Visitors from Australia describe that country as possessing immense tracks in different directions of very fertile land, (some of which is level and but lightly timbered), which if it were sufficiently occupied and tilled, could not only supply their own wants but export largely. There are men settled upon the Canterbury Plains, occupied in farming, who had previously been similarly occupied in Australia. They describe the course of operations commonly pursued in Australia as consisting

in cropping successively in wheat the same piece of land until it is worn out; and this is continued for ten, twelve, or more years in succession. Land being plentiful and easy to be obtained there, it is supposed to be attended with less trouble to begin chopping a fresh piece of land, rather than manuring what has been already worked out. And the frequent droughts of the climate interfere materially with the raising of root crops, which can seldom be raised in any quantities except in very moist situations. Oats are said to be so liable to be shaken out by the hot winds, that a crop of them is seldom reaped, and the farmers prefer to take off their oat crops in the form of hay. There are also many districts in which hay is made of wheat. Wheat is said to grow short in the straw, and requires to be taken down rapidly when ripe, otherwise it soon shakes out with a hot wind. The scythe and reaping machine are therefore in great request. In South Australia wheat is described as being seldom above two feet high, and to be of so dry a character as to rub out of its husk easily. A machine therefore has long been in use in that colony which, going over the field, catches the ears of wheat in a comb, and a revolving drum rubs out the grain, which falls into a box attached, that is emptied as soon as it is filled. This machine is said to go over ten acres in the day, and produces the grain in a state ready for winnowing, leaving the straw standing, which is afterwards burned off before ploughing. The crops reaped with these machines are said seldom to exceed twenty bushels to the acre, and the same land is continued to be cropped until the yield is below ten bushels to the acre, which may be reached in ten years or more. The teams of the farms of course are generally

employed at draying mining produce, or wool, through the summer, when the ground is too hard to be ploughed. The clovers and artificial grasses of Great Britain are said not to thrive in the Australian climate, for the heat of summer parches them up, excepting in a few very moist situations.

If this be the ordinary course of the agriculture of Australia, it is easily to be comprehended why small farms, with the buildings and fences upon them, should be said to sell frequently at the upset price of the waste lands of the colony prior to the discovery of the gold-fields, which has caused so great an increase to the population. Australians, therefore, are not accustomed to estimate the value of an agricultural farm, laid down in the artificial grasses, which is peculiarly the advantage of a farm in New Zealand, or of a good dairy-farm in England, where a good sward of grass is generally considered to be the most remunerative crop obtained from the soil. Australians, therefore, err in estimating the value of farms laid down in artificial pastures, as being only a little above that of ordinary waste land, which is an opinion they frequently express on first arrival in New Zealand.

The South Australian reaping machine has been tried, but has not been found to answer for the crops in New Zealand, where, from the greater dampness of the climate, grain generally requires to be left at least one month in the straw, before it can be thrashed out with ease or economy. The straw of the grain-crops also in New Zealand is equal in size to that of Great Britain, which is much larger and stronger than that of Australia, and would not therefore be acted on by the South Australian reaping machine. Agricultural

districts in Australia are confined to the vicinity of rivers, because the want of water in dry seasons would materially interfere with conducting agricultural operations at any distance from a river. The native grasses and herbs are said, however, to thrive well in every locality, and afford the required pasture for sheep and cattle.

Visitors from Australia always impress upon people in New Zealand the fluctuating state of the Australian markets for agricultural produce, from the varying amount of the home-grown supply; and that this is greatly increased by the general practice of sending by sea large quantities of any article to the port, where the price is quoted as being high: for if a few ships arrive together with the article which is in demand, the price immediately falls rapidly; and as often rises suddenly again when the cargoes of the vessels have been sold; and that this more especially relates to articles of agricultural produce, which, being generally of a perishable nature, require an early sale. The growers of produce in a colony, therefore, prefer to sell to a merchant in their neighbourhood, rather than to export upon their own account. South Australia is reported to have exported 30,000 tons of flour in the year 1857, some of which was directed to England. But it is said that the demand for flour for consumption at the gold-fields in other parts of Australia was met, and could be generally drawn in sufficient quantities, from Chili, India, California, and other quarters, until the population was sufficiently settled upon the land of Australia to supply themselves. Visitors from Australia, therefore, advise that little of wheat should be sent from New Zealand to Australia, but rather barley, oats, potatoes, and dairy produce.

The price of draught stock at the starting of the Victoria and South Australian colonies is said to have ranged as high for the first few years in those countries as they have ranged in the Canterbury province, where good draught horses have sold for £100. That price, however, in Australia afterwards fell very low, and continued so until the great demand for draying up to the gold-fields caused the price of draught stock to rise higher than ever it had been before; and this demand in Australia of course causes the price of draught stock to continue high in New Zealand.

It may be mentioned, in conclusion, that among the modes at present discussed as being open to the consideration of capitalists interested in getting a freehold prepared for sheep-feeding, is the following: – That a person, conversant with the methods of ploughing by steam, recently brought forward in England, after choosing a few hundred acres of light land suitable for sheep-feeding on the plains, if satisfied that ploughing by steam would apply to breaking up of such land, might send to England for the requisite machines to break it up with, and afterwards lay it in artificial pastures. Should it then happen that his capital did not allow him to buy a flock of his own, he might agree to take in other people's sheep until a flock of his own had accrued to him Coal being advertised for sale, at the pit in the province, at 30s. per ton, and the circumstance of a small iron foundry being at work in Christchurch, which would facilitate repairs in event of accidents to machinery, might render this mode of proceeding profitable to any capitalist conversant with the details of ploughing by steam. While the expense of fencing could be reduced by using iron wire, and a

plough fitted with boards placed at an angle behind it, to facilitate the construction of a ditch on each side of the fence. The strongest implements of wrought iron, and abundant duplicates of machinery, are to be advised in breaking up waste land into which the plough has not previously entered. But the subject deserves attention from those possessing capital and experience for the business, as a large portion of the Canterbury plains is sufficiently fertile and easy of access, that it is well worth the attention of practical farmers to ascertain the most economical modes of laying down a few hundred acres into paddocks with artificial grasses. The possession of such a freehold promises a comfortable livelihood, joined to a light and easy occupation for its occupant. Want of labour and the fluctuation of prices has constituted the only serious difficulties of the practical agriculturist; those of a physical nature being generally deemed trifling.

CHAPTER VIII. ON "SQUATTING" FOR PASTORAL PURPOSES.

CHAPTER VIII.

ON "SQUATTING" FOR PASTORAL PURPOSES.

Terms used in the system – Insecurity of Tenure the objection to the system – The value of its Products counterbalances the expenses of Carriage – The continuance of the Native Claims in the Northern Island has prevented the development of the system there – Further details on the Economy of the system – It is avoided, notwithstanding the profit it offers, on account of the rougher life it entails, by some persons – Comparison of the system of Australia with that in New Zealand – At the Commencement of a Colony the Price of Stock is always high; after a few years it falls, and the price to the Right of a Pasture equals in value the Stock it will maintain – A New-comer is advised not immediately to start a Station far inland – A Notice of Prices, and the Capital required for the occupation – Details of Commencing and General Management of a Station – The prospect of Improving the Feed upon a Run – The number of Sheep generally obtained upon a Station before the Owner leaves it in charge of a Manager – Rates at which Sheep are kept upon Terms – The values that Runs on the Canterbury Plains have already obtained – How the Scab disease is Cured – The Economy of a Cattle Station – Mode of Breaking-in Heifers for Milking – Notes on the Produce obtained, and prospects of Selling it – A mode of beginning a Dairy Station requiring little labour – Notice on the Price of Cattle.

THE renting of the wild pastures of the Australian, Tasmanian, and New Zealand Colonies, with the view of feeding sheep and cattle upon them, is generally considered to be the most profitable mode in which the capitalist farmer can invest his money; and, in addition to other, advantages, it is from this source that, for many years after starting, the main exports of these colonies to England are furnished. This system occasions also

the exploration of the interior of the country by private enterprise, and provides an abundance of comparatively cheap animal food; all which is necessary before a newly-occupied colony can hope successfully to develope her mineral resources.

On the first starting of a colony, land is only beneficially occupied for agricultural purposes in the immediate neighbourhood of the town which it supplies, or from which its produce is exported. It takes very many years after a colony enjoying the possession of an extensive territory lying waste is started, before the back country can be beneficially occupied for agricultural purposes. The business of squatting, therefore, consists in occupying for pastoral purposes at a small and almost nominal rent, by licence from the Government, such land as is situated at a distance from the towns, and is therefore unlikely at any early period to be purchased for agricultural purposes. Those who first started this branch of industry in Australia termed themselves "squatters." The name is maintained in other colonies, and they generally deem themselves to be the aristocracy of the country, and usually discard the term "settler," which term is restricted in their society to a peasant proprietary. Tor the idea prevails among them, that the ready-money returns from agricultural operations can only meet the wants of the peasant class, who only, therefore, and not capitalists, ought to till the land in a new country possessing little population. The dwelling-house is generally termed the "Station;" while the land, the pasture of which is rented from the Government, is termed the "Run." The site of the station requires vicinity to wood and water, and the term is often applied collectively to represent

the entire occupation. The licences issued by the Government are always recognised as transferable so long as the rent is paid; but an understanding is maintained in all leases from the Government for the public sale of these lands, when the spread of population demands it.

Insecurity of tenure, therefore, is the great complaint on the part of the squatter, as attaching to the system, and hence the almost nominal rent that he generally pays. But his practical protection lies in this, – viz., that it does not pay to dray agricultural produce for any great distance for sale; for the expense of carriage would almost absorb the price received for the commodity. Thus the price realized by a ton weight of grain might be only £ 10,which price, after allowing for the expenses of a long land carriage, might not allow any surplus for profit over the expense of raising it; while the price of wool, which averages generally £100 per ton, might allow even more than. £10 for the cost of its carriage, and then leave a profit over the cost of producing it. Thus it has been found to answer to dray wool in Australia even a distance of 300 miles from the station up to the place of shipment. Again: where land is abundant, and is easily obtained, it seldom answers to cultivate other than good land, such as can easily be worked; but as poor land, either stony or hilly, constitutes the chief part of the surface of most countries, this latter would become useless to the colony unless it were applied to grazing purposes. Further, it is necessary to make good direct roads, and to metal them when there is much traffic passing, and this is sure to be frequent in a farming district, where much agricultural produce has to be conveyed; and the finances of a new colony seldom

allow of roads being metalled beyond the immediate vicinity of the towns, for several years after starting. But where the country is not enclosed by fences, a dray, with a long team of bullocks, can generally take a load, by choosing a track so as to wind round the various obstacles in the direct path. And such, tracks may become available, at comparatively little expense, for draying down the squatter's produce, which, consisting of wool, tallow, cheese, and butter, is far more valuable than the equivalent weight of any agricultural produce grown in back districts would be.

Sheep are not maintained economically where the country is heavily wooded or swampy, but cattle are preferred for such situations.

The comparatively small extent of land to which the native title has been extinguished in the northern island of New Zealand has prevented the development of the squatting system there, to the extent which it has attained in the middle island; but all the country of the middle island has not yet been explored and occupied. The Government have always been accustomed to demand a very low rent of the squatter, and, when the mercantile or other classes make an outcry to raise his rent, it is replied, that if the security is increased the squatter will gladly agree to pay a higher rent. Now this is effected in the Canterbury Province by putting a sufficient price on the whole waste lands in the province to deter the mere speculator from purchasing them, and accordingly the squatter pays a higher rent there than elsewhere. A protection is elsewhere granted to the squatter, in entitling him to compensation for the improvements he has made upon his Run; that is to say, for buildings, fences, partial cuttings for the dray-track

where required to be made, if the freehold of the Run should be purchased up. This is paid for by the purchaser, at a valuation, who must, of course, generally be very glad to have these matters finished upon his property.

In some circumstances the squatter may desire to buy the freehold of portions of his Run, when he finds others are purposing to do so, and if he has been several years in the occupation he may probably possess sufficient money to do so. But it is said to be a general rule in Australia, that it does not pay to buy land for feeding sheep or cattle upon its natural wild pasture; and that whenever cultivation spreads upon an occupied Run so as to endanger trouble to the holder of it, by his stock trespassing upon other people's cultivation, it is better to move off to occupy a fresh Run, when the owner desires to keep the stock in his possession, otherwise it is better to sell them at once. But this rule must vary in different colonies according to their circumstances.

The squatting occupation is supposed to occasion the employment of less labour, in comparison to the value of the commodity raised, than agricultural occupations employ: but it requires a person to be experienced in its particular business before he undertakes the starting of a station; otherwise he may find his outlay becomes equal to that of the agricultural farmer, and he is then without the security of tenure which the latter enjoys. The life however is rough, and to persons who have not been brought up to farming occupations, and are not rather hardy in their habits, it presents on first arrival in the colony a very uninviting aspect. It has been regarded so by many, who, rather than undertake it,

prefer to acquire a freehold in the vicinity of a town, in order to enjoy easier access to its society and that of the neighbourhood, preferring to take a less per-centage on their capital invested in order to avoid the apparent discomforts of the up-country life. This, to persons who have always previously followed a town life, and have the education of a family to attend to, becomes almost necessary. But such persons can, and (when they have brought sufficient money for the purpose, intending to invest in that occupation) generally do, buy a Run, stocked and started, and employ a manager to conduct it, while they live themselves in a town, or near to it. Similarly, some previously experienced in the business may leave their families in the town, and superintend the starting of a station, carrying it on afterwards with a manager.

The system of managing the waste lands in Australia, differs greatly from that of New Zealand; for in the latter colony a fixed price is the general rule, while in the former the auction system prevails, as also the plan of marking out sites for towns, with rural allotments adjoining, along the main lines of communication; in the best situations presented by roads, rivers, &c. The squatters were then able to hold the country outside of these districts on leases for fixed periods. But this system, though answering in the wide, extensive districts of Australia, would not answer in New Zealand, where the comparative limit of country occasions, among the working classes, some apprehension, lest the squatters might obtain too great a hold on their Runs, and interfere with the prospects of themselves and their children becoming ultimately the owners of a freehold of their own. In the system adopted in New Zealand, therefore, though a fixed period is inserted in the

squatter's lease, such relates only to the amount of rent to be paid during that period; but it does not debar to the public the right of purchasing the freehold of any portion of the Run during the squatter's lease; but these regulations differ in different colonies according to their local circumstances.

Experience shows that, where climate admits of feeding stock entirely on the open, it involves less outlay to raise and fatten them on the natural pastures of the country than to buy land and to raise root crops upon it for that purpose; or even to buy land and to lay it in artificial grasses with that view: it becomes therefore of advantage to the squatter, as long as fresh country affording pasture is to be obtained, to move off and start a fresh Run whenever the freehold of his first occupation may be demanded for agricultural operations. It is generally better for the squatter, if he have money to spare for the purpose of speculation, to buy land in the vicinity of towns or townland, as it there rises greatly in price, rather than to buy inferior land at a great distance from the town, in the hope that by doing so he may be able to maintain the pasturage of the Run. The portions of his Run that a squatter would desire to buy would be those portions on which he had made considerable improvements, or which from some local cause he knew he should be able to sell again at an advance of price, if he ever desired to do so.

Now the desire at the commencement of a colony is very great to possess both sheep and cattle, and the price rules proportionately high; but after a period of some years they have increased so considerably that the general demand becomes, not for stock, but for the pasture to feed them on. Thus the price of stock after

all the accessible country has been divided out and occupied yearly falls in value, while the value of Runs yearly increases. Those who came from Australia to Canterbury at the commencement of the colony, used to explain that the value of the pasture upon a Run was considered in districts of Australia that were then fully stocked, to be equal in value to the amount of stock that they would carry. So, in estimating the value at that time of a Run fully stocked, it would be generally put at 15s. per head for the ewes upon it, the lambs, wethers, and improvements upon it being supposed to be given in. At this time the price of ewes sold off the Run would be about 5s. apiece.

But this increasing value to the pasturage of the wild waste lands appears a marvel to the new-comer from an old-settled country. It is, nevertheless, so well understood by experienced squatters that speculation takes place in applying for Runs, as fresh country is discovered, the applicant not purposing to start a station himself, but merely to sell his right to another, who may be willing to buy it. Now the Government are interested in getting fresh country discovered, and also having it quickly occupied, in order to obtain a rent, &c, from those who occupy it, as well as to increase the export of the colony. Certain regulations are therefore made to obtain these objects, among which is the allowance of a certain time in which to put stock upon them; otherwise the deposit made at the time of application becomes forfeited. But no rules could sufficiently check men of experience, possessing large flocks in the country, from being able to take advantage over a newcomer in getting a premium from him for the transfer of a Run; for speculations of this nature extend to

the transfer of freehold land in every country, and as long as the Government regulations are complied with the public cannot complain in the matter.

Now, the starting of a station any great distance up the country is attended with difficulty even to a person experienced in the business; but a new-comer, without any experience, may find himself led into many expenses which he may not have expected. Indeed, the newcomer generally finds on inquiry so many risks attending the starting of a station far inland, that he prefers to give a few hundred pounds at once for a right to a station near the town, knowing he may save that money in a few years by the reduced expense of draying, and the generally greater conveniences of the position for carrying on the occupation. It is commonly reported, moreover, that considerable sums of money have been sacrificed in starting stations far inland, by persons inexperienced in the business, which stations in consequence have passed to other owners. Those concerned in agricultural operations need not, therefore, suppose that their occupation is the only one in which money has been sacrificed.

At the starting of the Canterbury Colony, a little book descriptive of sheep farming, upon the squatting system, was published by one who had been much experienced in the business in the neighbouring province of Nelson, in which the capital required to begin a station was estimated at about £1500. Now, at this time the price of ewes was about 12s. per head. Common riding horses could be had for £20, and the best draught horses for £40 a piece, while farm labourers could be obtained at about 3s. per diem. But two years after the Canterbury Colony was started these

prices had doubled, in consequence of the finding of gold in Australia. Consequently those who had the management of stations in Canterbury were put to great contrivances to save labour, in order to make their money meet the expenses of the occupation; and, further, for a year or two afterwards these prices had almost trebled, because there was a great demand at one time for sheep to stock and start the Runs that were being applied for at that particular period.

Now, as a general rule, the owner of a sheep station, as long as he purposes residing in the colony, does not like to part with it, after having gone through the trouble and expense of starting it, particularly when the buildings and fences are completed, and, from the number of sheep upon it, a clear income is coming in over the expenses of working the station. Moreover, he knows the value of his station is increasing considerably every year, and that it can be conducted without any great anxiety to himself when living in the colony, though he may not reside at the station. But if he were leaving the colony, purposing to reside entirely out of it, he would probably then prefer to sell the Run, lest he should, when at a distance, feel any anxiety as to its management. Sheep farming on the squatting system is the favourite occupation of colonial life, at the Antipodes, to persons who prefer a rural occupation to that of a town, and a station is generally expected to find a ready-money purchaser after having been advertised for sale, more easily than an agricultural farm. The valuation put upon a Run is seldom altogether paid down at first; for perhaps half the amount is left on security of the station, bearing interest, but payable in a few years.

For the purpose of describing the economy of starting this occupation, the reader must suppose an old experienced squatter to be addressing a strong hale young man who had resided a few years on stations up the country, and was thereby rendered sufficiently hardy and experienced to undertake the life, but was possessed of very little money, which it was desired to economise to the utmost. The course recommended would probably be as follows; viz., that the owner should first go upon the Run, and put up a small hut to live in; then to get his sheep upon the Run, and to keep merely a boy to cook for the first year; a horse and dray, however, would be required for him to fetch his firewood; but the shearing of his sheep and the draying of his wool and provisions should be done by contract. The owner should shepherd the sheep himself for the first year, and he might use his riding-horse, which would assist him greatly in a level country in looking after his sheep. The owner would still have time to dig a garden and to fence it in, and to put up some outbuildings, while at the same time he would be acquiring a thorough knowledge of the ground upon his Run. The sale of the first year's wool should afford the means of paying a shepherd, who could be engaged for the second year, and the owner would then have time to complete his garden, and to commence fencing-in some ground as a paddock for his horses, and be also able to increase his buildings. The increased sale of the second year's wool would allow of another hand being engaged; so more building, an enlargement of the garden and paddocks, and the general conveniences of the station, may be proceeded with. The increased wool sales of the third year would then allow au overseer to be em-

ployed for the fourth year, when the owner should live in a separate house, and be careful to give his orders as much as possible only through the overseers; for the labourers on a station do not like getting orders from different persons, as it often causes confusion and misunderstanding.

After the returns of the fourth year have been received, the owner may begin to consider whether he will reside generally upon his station, or remove to the town; or, again, whether he shall proceed to start another station in the back country. For it is known that three and four stations have been successively started in this manner, in Australia, by the same individual, or by his agents, and thus properties giving an income exceeding, £10,000 per annum have been attained by individuals who had begun the squatting occupation in the colony with but very little capital, but had persevered at it for a sufficient length of time to attain that income.

But, returning to the economy of the occupation, it may be remarked that the horse dray will in a few years be exchanged for a bullock dray, particularly when there is any great distance to go for firewood, and out-stations are started for the shepherds, who watch separate flocks, to live in. Out-stations become necessary to save the shepherds a few miles in their daily walks to see their sheep; for this daily oversight becomes necessary when – the sheep are liable to intermix with a neighbour's flock. Out-stations keep the bullock dray constantly employed in supplying them with provisions and firewood.

The extent of the Runs in the Canterbury Province being generally limited to thirty square miles, they would seldom require above two or three out-stations

on each Run: but in Australia, where Runs generally range from one to four hundred square miles, several out-stations may be required.

In Australia two or three shepherds usually tend their flocks from the same out-station, near to which they bring their flocks every night to be folded, while the hutkeeper watches over them. This precaution is necessary, because of wild dogs, from which the sheep require to be protected; whereas in New Zealand there are not wild dogs in sufficient numbers to require this precaution. The use of poison generally enables the shepherd to clear off the few strange dogs that sometimes appear upon his Run. This is effected by the shepherd running round his flock at night, when they are camped for their sleep, with a piece of poisoned meat trailing after him upon the ground. The poisoned meat is then left where the circle is completed, and the strange dog who may come at night is pretty certain to go to it, when he is thus prevented giving occasion of further alarm.

In the mountain Runs of New Zealand the shepherds seldom require to see their flocks above once a week, but when they are upon level plains the flocks require to be seen almost daily, in order to prevent their becoming mixed with a neighbour's flock, which is likely to occur unless a river or some natural obstacle prevents them.

It is generally allowed that the clovers and artificial grasses do not thrive in Australia, excepting in a few particularly moist situations, the climate being too hot, and parching them up. But it is not so in New Zealand. The natural pasture of the runs in New Zealand generally improves as they are constantly burned and pas-

tured upon. They can be further improved by scattering clover and other artificial grass-seeds where there. has been a recent burn, and then passing the sheep over to trample in the seed. This would be readily done by the sheep in search of the young feed, if they were confined upon a part which was springing up after a recent burn which had been sprinkled with seed, and was enclosed, for the purpose of keeping the sheep upon it. The present objections to this being acted upon extensively arise, not only from the high price of the artificial grass-seeds, which would probably cost above twenty shillings to the acre, and then three or four years would be required before the full benefit would be received from the spread of the grasses; but further, that if any considerable covering of these grasses were once obtained, it would be considered to be a sufficient inducement for capitalists from other quarters to come in and buy the freehold of such parts of the Run.

The above is to be considered as being only descriptive of the principles of the occupation to be kept in view, when the capital employed in starting a Run is very limited, and the owner is possessed of sufficient determination to carry such a course through.

In practice few occasions occur where such a course is strictly pursued; casualties and accidents, moreover, have not been taken into account. The amount of money a man has at command generally allows considerable deviations, to add to his comfort, and to suit his particular tastes.

Thus, those who come out direct from England would like to get up at first a good separate house for themselves, away from the workmen. They might like the garden and paddocks to be all finished in the first year;

accordingly, a bullock dray is generally procured, and several men are taken up at once to begin these accessories to the occupation.

A fenced-in paddock, near the house, is very useful to keep the horses in, as also a cow or two for the station, if a family is to reside there; and a paddock is soon contrived, by taking advantage of creeks or streams, to form a natural boundary on two or more sides of it, for such situations can be often procured. But the bullock team generally ranges at large; for if a horse is kept in the paddock it does not take long to ride them into the stockyard, when they are required for work. When horses are not kept in a paddock they are generally managed by keeping one of them tethered with a long rope, by means of which the others can be ridden in when required, and if they are accustomed to get an occasional feed of oats they seldom go far from home, expecting to get their feed every day. It has also become general to take up a married labourer, with a small family, for a shepherd, as the wife can cook, and the little boys be useful in the garden and otherwise, and, when old enough, can be trained to become shepherds. Some persons, also, it may be observed, prefer to borrow money to secure these little comforts immediately on starting their stations, feeling the life is otherwise too rough and irksome for them to undertake it, particularly when lately arrived, or if their own family is taken to the station.

Until wethers are born upon the station, and have become old enough to kill, it has often answered in the Canterbury Province to supply the fresh meat on the station by killing wild pigs, which are in some places very abundant, as are also wild ducks and other birds.

Thus, one or two days allowed per week for sport, may keep the station in meat, with the help of an occasional bullock salted down. But when wethers are grown up it is considered more economical to consume them, as they are more easily caught than the wild pigs.

Some of the squatters are of a domestic turn, and take great pleasure in improving their dwellings, as the returns from the station afford the funds for doing so. And this is said to be particularly observed in Australia, where labour has been so much more abundant (especially when convicts were employed) than in New Zealand; and on stations that have been long started, elegant and commodious dwellings may be sometimes seen. But in New Zealand the scarcity of labour has hitherto been a great check to improvements in the ornamental portion of dwelling-houses generally, while on stations still less of ornament can be attended to. The assistance derived from convict labour, and the greater length of time that Runs have been occupied, has enabled their owners to obtain a much greater amount of comfort and finish in their improvements all over the first-mentioned country than has yet been obtained in the younger colony. The squatter's occupation in New Zealand therefore sometimes contrasts unfavourably, at the first view of it, to visitors from Australia.

It is generally considered that a station requires to obtain about six thousand sheep, and to have its buildings completed, before the owner can expect to draw any considerable income from it; for the receipts from the occupation are generally absorbed in the expenses of carrying it on until that number has been obtained. Thus, if a station is started with one thousand ewes, the owner may expect it will take four or five years to

attain that amount of sheep, during which period the improvements required on the station will be going on, and may be expected to absorb nearly all the returns coming in from sale of wool and wethers. The owner of a station with six thousand sheep upon it will generally keep a manager, to leave himself free to move about the country, or to live elsewhere.

At the starting of the Canterbury Colony there was an abundance of country to occupy, and no want of money to buy sheep; but the excessive price of labour discouraged many from starting stations who would have had to conduct them by means of a manager. A plan of the following nature therefore arose: – A person who understood the business, and was sufficiently acclimated, would take a Run, put up the buildings, and buy sufficient teams for carrying on a station. This would be done after an agreement with another person, who wished to buy sheep, but did not like undertaking the up-country life to look after them. This enabled a practical farmer to start himself in possession of a Run, with a very small capital to begin with. At first the owner of the flock would be paid in a certain proportion of the wool, and the increase of the flock, which varied from one-half to two-thirds, while the Runholder kept the remaining proportion as the payment for his trouble and expense in looking after the sheep. But it was found afterwards to be more satisfactory to both parties for the owner of the sheep to be guaranteed a certain weight of wool per head, and a certain per-centage as the yearly increase of his flock: thus it became a usual rate in the province for the owner of the flock of sheep, given out on terms, to be guaranteed 21b. of wool per head, and 50 per cent, yearly, as the increase

of his flock, during the period of the term, which generally runs from three to five years.

This gives the owner of the flock a very good interest on the money invested in purchasing them, but entails on him the necessity of looking out for another place whereon to remove his flock when their term with the first farmer is expired. It is also advantageous to the practical farmer, as it enables him to start himself with a small capital in possession of a Run; and at the end of the period for which he keeps his friend's sheep he is in possession of a flock of his own, and does not therefore depend upon other people for assistance. But it will often be convenient for him to keep on the sheep for a similar period, if the owner desires it.

This facility of obtaining sheep from other people greatly enhances the value of Runs well situated and within a convenient distance of the town: for the right to such Runs has been sold, in the Canterbury province, during the year 1857, for one thousand pounds sterling, and in one case as high as fifteen hundred pounds has been paid; and these sales did not include any sheep upon the Run. These valuations would be considered by many, not conversant in the business, to arise from a spirit of speculation, rather than as being a fair business calculation; but the dislike which one newly arrived entertains to going into the distant back country, knowing the expenses entailed by doing so, might fully justify a young man anxious for a fixed occupation, and without prospect of care and anxiety in having a family to attend to, in giving such a sum, especially if he knows he shall have assistance in keeping other people's sheep, and the ready money he may have at command will allow him to lay out such a sum.

The tendency of sheep to multiply in the peculiarly healthy climate of New Zealand is very great. Seventy per cent, would be considered a low average upon a well-managed station, as some stations have attained an increase of one hundred and twenty per cent, during succeeding years: and, as the increase of stock proceeds in a geometrical ratio, the increase in number of a flock is supposed to compensate for the fall in price of each individually, which is expected to occur in every colony, when the natural pasture is supposed to have become fully stocked.

A peculiar value seems to have been attached to some of the stations that were first started on the Canterbury Plains: for those working them, having generally been practical squatters in other colonies, could do much of their work themselves; and as they had a less distance to dray their wool, and had purchased their sheep and horses at a lower rate than those that came after them, they received the high prices current in selling their wethers, and also effected substantial improvements upon their Runs, by their knowledge of the occupation, before the price of labour had advanced. Some of these Runs may be considered as having been yearly increasing cent. per cent. in value on the money that was originally laid out in starting them. To show that this is literally true, it may be mentioned that one of these stations changed owners, in the year 1857, at a valuation of £8,000 less than seven years after it was originally started; but there were great improvements, and some cattle given in, to bring the station up to this valuation.

The reader may thus see that this occupation is unlike any known to the farmers of England; but,

like all occupations in the colonies, it is subject to great fluctuation in prices. Thus, at the starting of the Australian colonies, when the applicability of the occupation became apparent, it is stated in books relating to those colonies that ewes sold from £3 to £4 a head, there being a great extent of country to occupy, which allowed many hundred Runs to be started. From the increase of these stations, the supply of wethers for the market in a few years greatly exceeded the demand, and the price fell rapidly; accordingly, those who could not make the proceeds of the sale of their wool meet the expenses of their station, had to sell their wethers for what they would fetch, which might be as low as only two or three shillings apiece; and, as might naturally be expected, many stations, it is said, changed hands, at great pecuniary loss to those who primarily started them. But the boiling-down system came into operation, when it was found that the value of a fat wether, converted into tallow, was about 7s. 6d.; this accordingly regulated the price given by the butcher, while the ewes generally sold about 5s. apiece. These prices continued until the finding of a gold-field caused a considerable increase to the population, and so occasioned a demand for butchers' meat, and this soon raised the price of fat wethers up to 20s. and 25s., while ewes would sell for 7s. 6d. apiece. Now in the Canterbury Province the price of ewes has generally ranged from 20s. to 30s. apiece, while the price from the butcher for wethers, has ranged from 25s. down to 15s., up to the year 1857, which price is now raised in consequence of a gold-field being at work in the neighbouring province of Nelson, as well because it is expected shortly, one will be discovered within the Canterbury Province.

Again, as long as the price of wool continues high in the London market, wethers are likely to be kept back from the butcher, while there is feed for them, on all stations that are not obliged to sell them to meet their working expenses.

Some, who had been previously squatters in Australia, and came among the first arrivals to Canterbury, judging from what they had previously witnessed, used to consider that a boiling-down price for wethers would be reached in a few years. Soon it was learned that the same opinions prevailed in Nelson at the starting of stations in that province, but the price of wethers there had steadily risen every year since the stations were first begun, and they continue still to rise, though the Runs are considered to be stocked, in consequence of the find of a gold-field in the province.

The circumstances that appeared to regulate the price of stock upon the Runs in Australia, before the discovery of the gold-field, do not appear analogous to what has appeared to regulate the price of the same in New Zealand. Indeed, the opinion is expressed that it is likely to require ten or twelve years before the waste pastures of the middle island of New Zealand are fully occupied, because the feed upon the Runs is capable of being greatly improved by burning, scattering grass-seeds, and being pastured upon. Further, the climate giving greater facility for salting meat, an export trade of salt provisions is expected to take place, when the present prices of fat beef diminish. It is also anticipated that the demand for sheep to be kept in paddocks laid down in artificial pastures, will help to keep off the day when it may be required to boil down other than very old sheep for tallow, in the absence of other modes of

disposing of the surplus stock, should it happen that no increase to the population, sufficient to occasion the taking off the surplus wethers, is attracted by the successful pursuit of mining operations. It is to be kept in view, however, that there may be a boiling-down establishment to convert old sheep into tallow, when they are too old to yield a fleece of sufficient value, while there may still be a market for good fat wethers.

Now, in Australia the sheep are said to be afflicted occasionally with infectious and dangerous disorders, sufficient to sweep off the flocks of a large extent of country; and to check the scab disease the Government have sometimes required the squatter to kill and burn his whole flock (giving him compensation for the same), and to place no stock again upon the Run for a twelvemonth, in order to give every part of it a thorough searching burning. No serious complaint has as yet appeared among the sheep in New Zealand, excepting the scab disease, respecting which the legislatures of the provinces have enacted severe laws, believing it can be kept under by proper attention on the part of the Runholder.

This disease is known to arise from an insect visible to the microscope, and to have been introduced with the sheep imported from Australia. A single sheep will infect a whole flock, because whatever the animal may rub against is supposed to retain the virus; thus posts, bushes, or the ground he lies upon, may help to spread the infection. The general mode of treating the scab disease is to erect a long tank near to the sheep-yard, with hurdles arranged leading to the tank, through which the sheep are passed, after being dipped, on to some clean or lately burned feed. The tank is filled

with a composition previously boiled in a copper, which is supposed to kill the insect; and if the sheep are again passed through, about a fortnight afterwards, any lurking eggs that have survived the first dipping are supposed to be destroyed, and the sheep may be considered clean. If the disease has once been very bad upon a Run, a thorough burning of it is required, otherwise the sheep will again catch the infection, and require several dippings in the year. Different compositions are used in the tank, which vary to suit the Runholder's ideas and the state of his finances; but the expense can be kept as low as two or three pence per sheep, if the tank is used, because above a thousand may be passed through in a day. Some stations use only tobacco for their dipping composition, which is sometimes grown on the Run for the purpose, in an old sheep-yard. When tobacco is grown upon a station, the leaves are plucked off, and left for three or four days in the sun to dry. Afterwards they are tied in bundles, and hung up in a shed until required for use. This is simply boiled in a copper, to make a strong decoction, which can be mixed with more water, to fill up the tank, previous to passing the sheep through.

The spring months are considered to be the most favourable periods for burning the feed upon a Run; but as sheep and cattle are generally to be found where the grass is springing up after a recent burn, it is often convenient to burn at different times of the year, in detached portions, which may serve to keep the flock together, and thus economise some labour in looking up the stock upon the Run. Burning in the autumn should be avoided, because the sow-thistle would be then lost to the stock, and that herb only appears in

the autumn months, but is among the most nourishing and fattening of all.

In describing the economy of applying the pasture of the waste lands in New Zealand to the feeding of cattle, it may be observed: Firstly, that a cattle station may be started with a less capital than a sheep station requires; but no returns can be expected from it by sale of the increase to the butcher under three years. Secondly, that the labour attending dairying is greater in proportion to the value of the commodity raised, than wool, which is the produce of sheep, requires. Thirdly, that with a high rate of labour, the sale of cheese and butter, produced for the first two or three years hardly meets the expense of production, though it must be gone through if a yearly income is ever desired to be obtained from those commodities, because it takes time to make up a good dairy of well-broken-in cows, when feeding upon the natural pasture of the wild waste lands.

One process sometimes adopted is as follows: – From fifty to one hundred heifers may have been brought upon a Run to start a cattle station with, and a stockman on horseback counts them every day, to see they do not go off the Run. A large stockyard divided into two portions is then erected, on one side of which is a row of milking bails covered with a roofing of thatch for cows, when feeding upon the wild pasture before they are milked, require to have their heads secured between two upright posts, which, after their head and horns are passed between them, are brought together upon the animal's neck, and there fastened. This prevents their running back, and the leg on the side they are milked is secured by a rope tied behind, to prevent their kicking

the pail or the person who milks them. This mode of securing cows before being milked is nearly universal over the cattle stations at the Antipodes, and is also adopted generally on the farms. Another shed is also constructed near the stockyard, which contains the calves, and has a small yard adjoining it for them to play in. A heifer being taught to go into the milking-bail usually has a rope first passed over her horns by means of a long stick, so, the other end of the rope being passed through the bail and round a post, she can be drawn into the position required, where she is secured by fastening the bails, and then, her leg being tied, she can be milked safely. This being repeated a few times with each cow, is generally sufficient to teach them to walk in of themselves afterwards when driven up to the bail.

In this manner all the young heifers on the Run have to be broken in for the first year, during which time nearly all the milk obtained from them would probably be required for their calves, as it is generally advisable to dry off a young heifer early. As each heifer with her calf is found they are ridden into the stockyard, and the calf is put into the calf-pen, which occasions the mother to remain in the vicinity of the stockyard, and she is therefore conveniently at hand to be got in at milking-time. Then during the second year it is ascertained which will make good cows for a dairy, and if it is the desire of the owner to get up a good dairy, he sells off all cows which do not milk well, or puts them out of his dairying lot, for such hardly answer to keep in a regular dairy. So by the third year the owner may begin to receive some returns from the sale of dairy produce over the expenses of

the station; but he can hardly expect that the receipts will exceed the yearly expenses before that period.

Meantime many pigs may be fed with the whey and skim-milk, and be allowed to run about and feed themselves in the neighbourhood, for they always come in when called to receive their milk. Thus starting with a few sows, pigs after two years may furnish a homegrown supply of meat for the station. But there is an objection to pigs feeding themselves near home, in that they root up the grass on the Run, and oblige the cows to go further for their feed, which is inconvenient, as they have to be driven up before milking: when, therefore, the dairy is in full play, it becomes necessary to shut up the pigs.

The milk obtained from cows feeding upon the wild pasture furnishes twice the weight of cheese that can be obtained in butter from it; and it is known also that the milk of cows fed in paddocks or artificial grasses will give near twice the weight of butter compared with those fed upon the wild pasture; for, in addition to the improved quality of feed, they have also a far less distance to travel daily to their milking bails, and rest is favourable to the production of milk. The above relates to the general principles to be kept in view in starting dairy stations on the waste lands of the colonies at the Antipodes.

But the climate of the Canterbury Province is so much colder than all those to the north of it that its dairy produce, when properly made, is considered better, and is said generally to obtain a higher price in all the ports to which it has been sent, than the dairy produce made in their own neighbourhoods. It is observed, also, that where the anise plant abounds upon the wild pas-

ture of a Run, there is a peculiar aromatic flavour in the milk obtained upon it, and this is supposed to occasion the difference of flavour observed in the produce of some stations from that of others. The making of butter may therefore be expected to become a branch of industry which will be largely followed when the stronger lands are laid in artificial pastures, because butter may then be extensively produced, without occasioning the employment of much labour in producing it. But at present the most profitable produce of cattle stations consist of cheese and bacon.

It is said that dairy produce is not largely raised in Australia, because the heat of the climate does not favour its production, though upon the high lands in the interior of the country good butter is produced; but then there is a long land carriage to the seaport towns, which detracts from the profits of producing it. It is said that it was a frequent custom in Australia to give the milk obtained from the cows entirely to the calves and pigs on the station; and this is also sometimes done in New Zealand to economise labour on the station; but then the cows are milked only once a day. This plan is as follows: – The cows and calves having been driven into the stockyard before nightfall, the calves are driven into the calf-pen for the night, and the cows are turned out to feed. In the morning the cows are again got into the stockyard and milked, when the calves are allowed to run with them during the day. This is to accustom the cows and calves to being handled, and they are thereby rendered quieter for after-management. It is also beneficial, because it is observed that when cows upon a station are not in some measure milked, they become too fat, and the increase of the station is observed

seriously to diminish. Also by this method a large lot of cattle may be conveniently looked after with but few hands upon the station. It is adopted sometimes by, and is well suited to the case of, a few young men who may have joined in partnership, and are looking after a large lot of cattle, purposing to employ but little labour beyond that of their own hands, until returns come in from the sale of the produce of the station. For by adopting this method they would have plenty of time for the first few years to erect their own buildings, to complete their improvements, and to get the required number of cows sufficiently broken-in with which to start a large dairy afterwards: as each cow and calf may be kept only for two or three months with the milking lot after being first brought into the stockyard, and may then be turned out to join the other cattle on the Run. A large number of cows by this method may be prepared for carrying on a regular dairy with afterwards, when there would be also an increase of the stock ready for sale, to help to meet the expense of the extra labour required for properly preparing the dairy produce for sale; and cheese ought to be kept for a moderate period, to attain its full value, before being offered for sale.

A cattle station generally requires some good horses upon it; and it is sometimes managed without the cows being milked at all; in which case the expenses of management are very small, but the increase on the station diminishes.

The reader may now comprehend the cause of the great difference in the value of cattle. For at the starting of the Canterbury Colony good milch cows would sell for £25; while young heifers, merely intended to stock a Run, would fetch but from £8 to £10 apiece.

Again, a fat bullock, about three years old, might fetch from the butcher about £15; but if the animal was partially broken-in for a team, worked about three months, and promised well, he would sell for £20; and again, if he had been about two years in steady work, and was able to take any place in the team, he would often sell for £25; while very large quiet bullocks accustomed singly to take a cart in harness have been sold from £30 up to £40.

Good stock still obtain high prices in the colony, though inferior sorts have fallen in value.

The crossing of the rivers in the Canterbury Province sometimes presents an alarming appearance to persons newly-arrived, who view them for the first time; but those whose business occasions them often to cross become so soon accustomed to them, that they consider no further caution to new-comers is requisite than "never to cross a river for the first time without a guide;" but, of course, ferries or bridges will be made over them as soon as the state of the funds for public works permits.

CHAPTER IX. EMPLOYEES AND EMPLOYED.

CHAPTER IX.

EMPLOYEES AND EMPLOYED.

The marked change in the manners of Workmen induces men of education to inquire into the origin of the relations that subsist in the United Kingdom between the Employers and Employed – Philosophers have taken interest in tracing the changes in the Laws of the Kingdom from the time of Serfdom – It takes time for a Nation to adapt itself to these changes – The effect of these changes in producing various classes of Workmen – The crowded condition of the Labour Market in the United Kingdom occasions trouble to those dismissed from employment; but it is not so in a Colony, where Workmen almost regulate their own Wages and Hours – Mode of proceeding for a steady Labourer to become an independent Yeoman – A notice of Sailors as Workmen in a young Colony – They are accustomed to run away from their Ships on arrival in a Colony, where Wages are high – The local Market in a Colony fluctuates greatly; it is therefore necessary for Workmen generally to take a turn at different Trades – The necessity of addressing Workmen in a proper manner in a young Colony, where they number strong upon the Electoral Roll – An improvement in their condition sometimes acts for the time injuriously upon them – Their generally improved circumstances in the United Kingdom noticed, compared with that of a Foreign Empire which has retained Serfdom.

PERSONS on their arrival in New Zealand perceive a marked change in the behaviour of workmen towards their employers, as compared with that which prevails in the United Kingdom.

It becomes, therefore, an object of interest to educated men to inquire into the origin of those relations as they at present stand. This can only be properly investigated by going back to the original institutions

of slavery or serfdom, as it existed in primitive heathen times, and at present exists throughout nearly all heathen nations. It is the boast of Christianity that she everywhere alleviates the evils of this custom, and has thoroughly broken it throughout all the dominions of the British Crown. Nevertheless, it is only by keeping in view that this was the original institution among mankind, and has subsisted, in a greater or less degree, throughout all portions of the British Empire, until comparatively recent periods, that persons can arrive at any comprehension of the different relations that at present subsist between employers and their workmen in different parts of the United Kingdom, and consequently the different modes in which individuals coming from different parts of it view their relations to one another. It has been a special branch of philosophy to trace the opening intelligence of the lower ranks, and to observe throughout succeeding generations how they have successively gained advances in freedom from their employers, and held the positions that have once been obtained. A. notice, therefore, of this institution, and that there subsist very different relations in different portions of the United Kingdom between employers and their workmen, may prove acceptable to those who desire some explanation of the variety of views that they hear expressed on those relations by persons who have met together in a young colony, after residing severally in various quarters of the British Empire, and some from a residence in foreign countries.

In the serf dominions of Russia and the Slave States of America the population comprises only the two classes of noble and servile. Travellers from both countries describe certain acts on the part of the servile

portion as being enjoined by law to designate the subserviency of one class to the other. The servile portion in each country are said to be obliged to stand uncovered, cap in hand, on meeting one of the other class upon the open roads, day or night; with a written permission from their owners, granting them leave to be abroad, ready open for perusal.

Now, a few centuries ago, all the Western States of Europe were in the same condition, and the elevation of the serfs from that servile condition has been a gradual process. Philosophy has always maintained that men born and bred in a servile condition are unable to take care of themselves, and that, consequently, to confer on such persons uncontrolled liberty of action is but giving a man a rope to hang himself. Men born and brought up in a servile condition generally know of no enjoyments beyond those which man shares in common with the brute creation; and the exceptions to this are so few, that they only prove the general rule as regards mankind at large. Now, serfdom compels labour with bodily punishment, but supports the serf in old age and sickness. A state of freedom only admits of labour in the form of contracts, and a nation progressing into a state of freedom requires the labourer to be brought up, almost from childhood, so as to be accustomed to earn his subsistence in the manner which is usual in civilised communities. He has to consider the expense of his subsistence, and to calculate, therefore, the price he will require for giving up his time to bodily toil; this condition being imposed upon him by the removal of the protection which his owner granted him when in a servile condition. History points everywhere to nations where the servile portion

have been brought up in great ignorance, and are therefore untaught and untrained in the necessity of restraining their desires, that when such portions obtain a sudden release from those restraints to which they had been accustomed, they give themselves up to the indulgence of almost every evil passion; and also shows that where portions of a nation have been born and brought up in a state of servile dependence, it has generally required the period of a generation to elapse, before all constituting the former servile portion are sufficiently instructed to live with benefit to themselves as freemen, able to act with independence, and to possess that feeling of self-confidence which results from a consciousness of being able to provide for themselves, and which is necessary to enable any citizen to enter heartily into the public affairs of his country, and to feel interested in its general progress of successfully accumulating wealth.

But such portions of the population of the United Kingdom as were once in a servile condition have long escaped therefrom.

The law supposes all classes to have learned how to provide for themselves by the labour of their minds or their bodies. And books describing recent changes in the laws of the United Kingdom in reference to the labouring classes, relate that the tendency of these changes is to reduce the previously implied conditions between master and servant into mere contracts, made between independent parties, engaging with one another to perform si certain amount of work for a specified payment in money. A nearly feudal obedience may still be maintained in the army and navy, also in the service of domestics, where good wages and easy work

are given as the equivalent; but this is service of a different nature from that of the yeomen class in the country, and that of the more intelligent class of artisans and mechanics in towns, who maintain themselves and their families in positions of greater independence, but involving a far greater amount of manual and intellectual labour. Nevertheless, the United Kingdom is very populous, and from that circumstance alone arises a very great difference in the relative position of employers and the employed to that which exists in a new colony thinly peopled; for the threat of dismissal by the employer occasions to the employed in a populous country an amount of trouble and inconvenience in obtaining fresh employment, which is not caused in a country thinly peopled, where the demand for the services of the labourer is steady and almost continual; and this inconvenience in a populous country is of so serious a nature as to oblige men, able and willing to work to maintain themselves, to be maintained in workhouses, or by other modes, established by law at the cost of their neighbourhood, when unable to obtain employment.

Again: the circumstances of a populous country occasion each workman thoroughly to learn his own trade, for the employer has time and opportunity to look out for the best workmen, and inferior workmen therefore see they are at a disadvantage, and receive far less recompense for their work than the better workmen in their line of business obtain. This has a tendency to make workmen generally find it to be to their interest to attend to their own particular trade only, to learn the work of that trade thoroughly, instead of taking a turn at others. And in carrying out this principle, a

saving is effected, by introducing considerable subdivision of labour into all the processes of trades and manufactures. In the economy of trades in a young colony, rough workmen only are required; for fine work occupies too much time and labour, and is not found to repay the outlay it occasions. Therefore it is easy for men brought up hardily, and able to stand bodily labour, to learn sufficient of several trades to be able to earn wages at some, when they may be unable to obtain employment in others.

Now in the dense population of the United Kingdom, the labouring classes have to look out for employment wherewith to earn their daily subsistence. They must seek the good will of the employer and ask to be employed. In country places the employer can exact the most implicit obedience, or obtain the utmost amount of work to be done, by holding out the simple threat of dismissal, which generally entails so much trouble on the person out of employ, that he will submit to much that is personally inconvenient and annoying rather than provoke that alternative; and recent changes in the laws are based upon the supposition that the employers have sufficient power for enforcing their rights, in being able to dismiss workmen, whom they are supposed to be always able to replace by others with little trouble. Employers generally can demand, and do require, a character of the men they employ, and this alone will enforce implicit obedience and respectful attention in any occupation, and in farm service enables a very good class of workmen to be raised, who still retain the character of true servants.

Again, a strict distinction of classes, an implicit obedience, and respectful personal attendance and attention,

are considered necessary to be maintained in the army and navy services, which otherwise are considered to be encumbrances, instead of being bodies useful to the nation; and severe laws are enacted to enable and compel those in command in those services to enforce the same. Now men brought up in those services almost painfully perceive the change in the habits and status of the labouring population in a newly-settled colony. Not that there is positive disrespect shown to those known as occupying upper stations in life, or as being employers of labour; but the feeling of independence in the labourer is perceptible. The employer has to go or send for the workman, and finds he is dealing with a man who has plenty of other calls upon his services, and is only debating in his own mind which it will suit him best to undertake. On men thus situated, therefore, harsh words, or orders given in an imperious tone, are worse than thrown away; for they would decide him immediately to close with some other employer. And so, too, an imperious tone used in conveying orders to a labourer taken into employment for a specified period of time, induces him to give trouble and to endeavour to bring to an immediate termination the period of service for which he had engaged, an attempt in which he generally succeeds.

Workmen generally on all descriptions of heavy labour restrict their day's work to eight hours, and the comparative ease of getting out of the labour market also operates in causing the different tone that subsists between employers and employed in a new colony. In two years after his arrival, a steady, well-trained farm labourer has frequently bought a few acres of land, on which he puts up a rough dwelling-house, (the walls of

which may be composed of sods), and in which he places his wife and family. He is enabled to keep them there, working by contract in the vicinity, raising little off his land for the first few years. Now though he may thus be out of the market for that yearly service which is required by the larger farmers, still his sons, when old enough, will be available for them. The larger farmers are therefore specially interested in seeing that by a proper application of the public funds of the colony, some supply of farm labourers is introduced by periodical emigrant vessels. For if this supply is not maintained they are at a great disadvantage in the labour market, as are also other employers generally. Likewise the steady journeyman, who knows his trade, has frequently, in a few years, saved enough money to buy some land and build a house, and to start himself as a master in his trade; and, though he may appear to be making slow progress for a few years, nevertheless he knows he is laying the foundation of what will be a profitable business to him afterwards.

This prospect of soon attaining independence frequently acts injuriously on first arrival, with the younger portion of the labouring classes; for, coming from a country where competition is great, – where, as they express it, "the nose is kept to the grindstone," – they sometimes appear to forget that a few years of steady work are necessary before they can hope to be out of the labour market, and seem to think that almost any wages they may desire may be obtained by being asked for. This is generally accompanied with a feeling, that houses, buildings, and the general accessories of an occupation, should be as complete and finished as they are in an old-settled country. The female portion are

generally heard to express disappointment at not seeing the same nice houses, green fields, lanes with hedges growing fruit, and the same comforts generally as in the houses which they had been accustomed to see near their former abodes. And this confusion of mind, and over-estimation of what they may fairly expect, may be in some measure helped by stories told them on the passage, by sailors or others, who may sometimes amuse themselves by raising to a high pitch the expectations of the confiding country-people, many of whom may never before have left the neighbourhood of their native village. However, the elder men, if ever they had any anxieties on their minds as to their prospects in the colony, are soon relieved of them, when they see others, brought up as they had been, who came out penniless as themselves, snugly and comfortably settled, with little anxiety or care about them, and they soon learn from the others how these advantages have been obtained. The view of numerous small holdings, the general rate of prices, and the demand for labour in the country, soon satisfies a steady man, with any common experience, that he has made a good exchange: but the female portion of the colonists take longer to learn these things. However, they also are found to become satisfied with the change, and the Old Country after a year or two is seldom spoken of, except to say they should like to hear how their friends are getting on, and to express a wish for some particular one to come out and join them in the colony.

Writers on young colonies, therefore, desire to draw agreeable pictures, for the information of the labouring classes, on the comforts and independence that have been attained there by some of their number; but it

does sometimes occur that these accounts are taken by the more inexperienced of those who read them as showing what they are immediately to attain on reaching the colony, instead of pointing out what is ultimately within the reach of the patient and industrious. Now, the wages for farm service have generally run from £40 a year upwards, exclusive of keeping the man, his wife, and his family, in provisions. Therefore, the farm-servant, if a steady, saving man, soon attains to the position of a yeoman, farming upon his own account; for with the wages of the first year, after he has settled the accounts for his passage, he may buy a pair of foals, or some young bullocks, which, when grown up, he has at command for a team to work his land with, &c. At the end of the second year he may buy a section of land; but if he goes upon it then, he may find that the next two or three years are a struggle to him, attended with discomfort, because he has not money enough to keep himself and family, until his harvest comes in. He must therefore obtain his household requirements on trust at the stores, or live on the proceeds of work done by contract in his neighbourhood. Now, this he can generally obtain in many forms, such as ditching; work in the bush at sawing or splitting timber; work on the roads for Government; shearing or other short contract work on stations, and harvesting for the farmers; or he may rent a team, and do draying as a carrier on the roads: but if he live by any of these means, he cannot do much upon his land for a few years, beyond raising somewhat for home consumption. It is generally considerably better, therefore, for him to remain at least two years longer in service, saving money to put up a more substantial house and fences

on his land, and also money enough to keep him for a year after he gets upon his land; for this will give him time to get a sufficient extent of land prepared for cropping, and also save him the necessity of a forced sale, immediately after harvest (to the storekeeper, for goods obtained on trust), of what he has raised, which he can therefore hold over, if he desires to do so, in expectation of an advance of price.

In opposition to the character of this steady plodding workman is that of seamen, who are generally supposed to spend their money as fast as they earn it, in a manner to have nothing to show for it. They receive a higher rate of wages while employed at sea, where their work is of a nature more trying to the constitution than is that of the agricultural labourer; but as soon as the voyage is over, and their money is paid them, the public-house is resorted to, where in a few weeks it is spent, and they have to look out for another ship going to sea. But the nature of their occupation makes them more intelligent than the farm labourer, and they are more eager to take advantage of the circumstances of their employers to demand an increase of wages; but, being light-hearted, ready, quick, and active, they often prove useful in assisting at the starting of stations up the country, as they can generally construct rough buildings, fences, and work of that nature, handily.

On arriving at a new colony, they are very apt to run away from their vessels; but too often, as fast as they earn their wages up the country, they resort to the public-house, and drink them out; thus the more such men earn the more they riot and injure their health, and consequently the sooner they tire of the life in the colony. Thus, if employment at any time gets slack on

shore, they are ready to go to sea again for a change. At one early period of the gold-fields in Australia, to which many of them went, it is known that vessels had to pay £12 a month for ordinary seamen, on shipping a new crew, when the rate of wages might have been but £1 10s. per month on leaving England. And it is said that some shipmasters, knowing this trouble about obtaining a new crew, preferred to ship their seamen on leaving England for the voyage to Australia only, as they found they could get men to agree to go so far only at a nominal rate of wages – for perhaps 1s. per month – and could then better afford to pay the enormous rates demanded for shipping the fresh hands to a new port. Advantage is generally taken of this irregular life of sailors to organize in colonial ports a system of obtaining their hard-won earnings from them to the great inconvenience of shipowners; for not only do men from the port go on board ship, and tempt the seamen on shore by enticing representations to stay at boarding-houses organised for their use, but they are also induced to stay there until they are in debt about equal to the advance of wages which they became entitled to on shipping for a new port; which is also thus secured to the keeper of the boarding-house. Now seamen leaving their vessels without leave become liable to forfeit their wages, and to undergo imprisonment; and shipmasters complain generally of not being sufficiently supported on shore in colonial ports to recover their seamen: it may be satisfactory, therefore, to masters of vessels, to relate that the full sentence of imprisonment allowed by law for a magistrate to administer – viz., the period of three months – has been undergone in the port of Lyttelton by seamen who had

deserted their vessels; and other ports in New Zealand are paying attention to the law on this head.

But when there is a disproportion between the rate of wages on shore and those on board a ship troubles may be always expected. It may be remarked that the port of Callao, in Peru, is considered to present the fullest development of this system of kidnapping sailors that is anywhere known to be at present carried on; for many refugees, expelled by the Vigilance Committee from San Francisco, having centred in that port, plenty of fit instruments have collected for carrying on such designs, and thwarting the masters of sailing vessels.

But seamen generally must not be thought to be the only portion of mankind living by manual labour who spend their money quickly; for many workmen in every kind of employment are equally improvident, and present enjoyment is, probably, the ruling principle with mankind in general; though experience may teach some in all ranks and classes the more solid comfort to be obtained by saving habits, and a due provision for the future. And although sailors must not be considered the only class of workmen who are prone to spend their money quickly, with nothing to show for it, yet they preponderate so greatly in young colonies that they appear to visitors to form so large a proportion of the labouring population, as to draw within their own designation all whose habits are similarly distinct from those of the plodding, thrifty, yeoman class.

Now the younger portion of the farm labourers, if not steady, are liable to be attracted by the examples of these men, and learn little conducive to steadiness of character from them, either on the passage out, or when arrived in the colony. And many of the hands employed on the station partake so much of this sailor-

character, that as fast as they earn money they come down to the public-house to spend it. Such men cannot contemplate bringing up a family in the colony, and are ready to move to other colonies where they hear there is any increase of wages to be obtained. It may be further remarked that it is observed of the native-born workmen of the United States of America, – many of whom can work well at perhaps a dozen different trades, – that they do not show a disposition to save their money; for, when not employed at work, they appear dressed, and move about with independence in public, in a manner involving far greater expense than could be maintained by those of a similar class in the United Kingdom. And it is observed of the population of the United States generally, that they do not desire to save money to leave their families; for they live up to their incomes, and are described as generally arguing, even when possessed of good incomes, and living luxuriously – that they had raised themselves from possessing almost nothing, and that they consider their sons are able and ought to do the same. And this is very important to observe, as it tends to show how differently the ordinary labouring occupations are regarded in the society of thinly-peopled countries, when compared with the desire that is shown for avoiding similar manual exertion in the society of all thickly-peopled countries, where manual labour is generally performed only by those who form a class distinct in themselves for their separate livelihood.

Now old-settled countries are supposed to enjoy a far steadier demand for the products of industry than young colonies, whether they be the products of agriculture or manufactures.

The employer can feel more confidence that he will

be able to dispose at advantage of what he has employed labour upon; and writers, therefore, arguing philosophically on the economy of producing, advise the subdivision of labour which is found to answer in practice. But in a new country people are supposed to be nearly all producing something, either for sale in their neighbourhood, or for export. Their market is, therefore, always more or less liable to be overstocked, and the price of each particular articles to fall, which may as suddenly rise again, on finding that those who had been supplying the markets were failing it. Employers, therefore, must be ready to change their products for the local market; consequently, there is not a continued demand for any large number of workmen who can work in one particular branch of their business only: but, if the workmen learn to work at different employments, experience shows they can obtain employment all the year round. The theory of the subdivision of labour, therefore, though applicable to the circumstances of a populous country, is not so to a thinly-peopled one, for the labourer would be out of employment by adhering to that rule; when many employers, in other occupations, would be glad, in consequence of the general scarcity of workmen, to obtain the assistance of any rough labour, especially in commencing their occupations.

It should also be remarked that the wants of the working classes of the United Kingdom have extended with the increased education and intelligence of the present generation. These wants exceed those of workmen generally in the less favoured countries of Europe, and are greatly above those of uncivilized aborigines. And where these wants exist in the more intelligent

there is generally a corresponding habit of steady continuous labour to obtain their gratification. And thus, though his wants are greater, the well-trained English farm servant is generally observed to give his employer a larger amount of labour, and that labour to be better directed than that of others.

Again, in considering the different tone existing between employers and employed, it should be remembered that not above one quarter of the population of the United Kingdom are supposed to be upon the electoral roll, while by the constitution given to New Zealand, as the labourers can so soon acquire the position of yeomen, nearly all the population may soon be placed upon it. Those concerned in making laws for the colony, therefore, have to answer to a more extended constituency, and one composed more largely of the working classes, than is usually the case in the United Kingdom. Employers, therefore, who may feel irritated at observing a different tone to that they had been elsewhere accustomed to, should consider that remarks made by them, either publicly or privately, derogatory of the labouring population, are not likely to assist those engaged in carrying on the government of the colony; who have extra trouble entailed upon them in subduing those feelings that will arise in the breasts of workmen when slurred upon, who feel their relatively freer position, and are rather disposed to remember struggles they have encountered in the old country to the prejudice of their employers in the new one. For workmen cannot be considered unimportant personages in a new country, and it should be remembered that civil words do not derogate from the position of an employer, though some, from possession of uncontrolled

authority over labourers of the convict class, or where a population are pressing upon one another for subsistence, appear to think that those in the position of labouring men are destitute of feelings, and regard not tone or the manner in which they are addressed.

But the greater freedom enjoyed by the labourer in the colony, after his state of comparative restraint in the United Kingdom, does act injuriously, in some instances; and as this has been observed on the continent of Europe, perhaps it may be useful to extract the following note, in which it is so well expressed, from Mill's Principles of Political Economy, page 129. Edition 1848: –

"Extracts from the evidence of Mr. Escher, of Zurich, (an engineer and cotton manufacturer employing nearly two thousand working men of many different nations), annexed to the Report of the Poor Law Commission in 1840, on the training of pauper children.

"The Italian's quickness of perception in rapidly comprehending any new descriptions of labour put into their hands, in a power of quickly comprehending the meaning of their employers, and of adapting themselves to new circumstances, is much beyond what any other classes have.

"The French workmen have the like natural characteristics, only in a somewhat lower degree. The English, Swiss, German, and Dutch workmen we find have all much slower natural comprehension. As workmen only the preference is undoubtedly due to the English; because as we find them they are all trained to special branches, on which they have had comparatively superior training, and have concentrated all their thoughts.

As men of business and general usefulness, and as men with whom an employer would best like to be surrounded, I should, however, decidedly prefer the Saxons and the Swiss, but more especially the Saxons, because they have had a very careful general education, which has extended their capacities beyond any special employment, and rendered them fit to take up, after a short preparation, any employments to which they may be called. If I have an English workman engaged in the erection of a steam-engine, he will understand that and nothing else; and for other circumstances, or other branches of mechanics, however closely allied, he will be comparatively helpless to adapt himself to all the circumstances that may arise to make arrangements for them, and give sound advice, or write clear statements or letters on his work in the various relative branches of mechanics."

On the connection between mental cultivation and moral trustworthiness in the labouring class, the same writer says: – "The better educated workmen we find are distinguished by superior moral habits in every respect. In the first place they are entirely sober; they are discreet in their enjoyments, which are of a more rational and refined kind; they have a taste for much better society, which they approach respectfully, and consequently find much readier admittance to it; they cultivate music; they read; they enjoy the pleasure of scenery, and make parties for excursions into the country; they are economical, and their economy extends beyond their own purse to the stock of their master; they are, consequently, honest and trustworthy." And in answer to a question respecting the English workman: – "Whilst in respect to the work to which they have been specially

trained, they are the most skilful, they are in conduct the most disorderly, debauched, unruly, and least respectable and trustworthy, of any nation whatsoever whom we have employed, (and in saying this I express the experience of every manufacturer on the continent to whom I have spoken, and especially of the English manufacturers, who make the loudest complaints). These characteristics of depravity do not apply to the English workmen who have received an education, but attach to the others in the degree in which they are in want of it.

"When the uneducated English workmen are released from the bond of iron discipline in which they have been restrained by their employers in England, and are treated with the urbanity and friendly feeling which the more educated workmen on the continent expect and receive from their employers, they – the English workmen – completely lose their balance; they do not understand their position, and after a certain time become totally unmanageable and useless. The educated English workmen in a short time comprehend their position, and adopt an appropriate behaviour.

"The entire evidence of this intelligent and experienced employer of labour is deserving of attention; as well as much testimony on similar points by other witnesses, contained in the same volume."

Twenty years ago, philosophers, observing the advanced intelligence of the labourer in the United States (arising from the comparative, cheapness of books, and the greater amount of leisure time upon his hands, obtained by a higher rate of wages), over the condition of the labouring population of Great Britain, published opinions that this difference of condition was likely to

originate troubles of a more serious character to the peace and good order of the United Kingdom than all the armaments of Russia or of other European Powers. But the same abundance of cheap publications now exists throughout Great Britain, and whatever alarm may have been excited by certain Chartist demonstrations before the period of the late Russian war, the higher rate of wages occasioned by that war, and the abundance of money coming in from the gold-fields of Australia, together with the relief to the labour market by the large emigration to that country, and the greater facilities of education now for some time enjoyed by working men, has greatly improved the intelligence and condition of the labouring classes of the present day, who now regard emigration more favourably than at any previous period in the history of the country. Political economists had long observed that every labourer who left Great Britain for a colony gave employment to others in Great Britain to manufacture for him, and the increase of exports to her colonies tends to prove the accuracy of the remark; but it is observed at the same time, that the tendency of the population to increase soon fills up the vacancies in the labour market; for the rising generation soon fill up the places of those who have left the country; and great advantages accrue to Great Britain in possessing colonies with friendly feelings towards the parent country, ready to receive all those of her industrious population who are willing to go to them.

But what a contrast to the social state of Great Britain does the empire of Russia present? Travellers who have resided long in that country may be met abroad, who relate that the ideas generally prevailing in

Great Britain on that country, which is undergoing the transition England has gone through, are in many respects erroneous. For instance, it is said that the policy of the family on the throne of that empire, since the days of Peter the Great, has been to seek the emancipation of the serfs, and to form by degrees a middle class to oppose the power of the nobles, but the latter have hitherto proved too strong. It is said to have been the policy of the late Czar Nicholas to emancipate the serfs as largely as he could. That he repeatedly promulgated laws to this purpose, as for instance, that the nobles were only allowed to borrow money of the Crown, who seized their serfs as Crown property if the money was not paid when due. It is said the late Czar had emancipated a large proportion of the serfs in his empire, and that this was the cause of his popularity in it. Also, that though the serf was transferred to an estate of the Crown, subject to military service, nevertheless this was an advance for him in the social scale. Again, the serf and his family would then have some opportunity of acquiring the habit of learning how to take care of themselves, as well as possessing the legal status to continue in that state of greater freedom. And though this gave the Crown a great source from whence to draw armies for pursuing schemes of conquest, still it was an advance in the social scale for the serf withdrawn from being a possession of a private owner.

Rumour now states that the present Czar is occupied with plans for abolishing serfdom entirely in his dominions, and when it is considered that all Europe was a few centuries ago in the same servile state, how thankful ought the labouring population of Great Britain and

her colonies to be in considering their own present condition. But this condition of foreign countries is not always remembered when prospects of a fresh foreign trade are first before the public mind, and also when individuals, on arrival in a colony, first perceive the varied manner which is maintained by the separate employers with their several workmen, which it would serve to explain.

In consequence of the cheapness of books, and the general facilities of education, knowledge has been greatly increased to the labouring classes of the United Kingdom, and the improved demeanour and general intelligence of the present generation over the past ones is nearly everywhere allowed; it is also contended that there has been an equally increased attention given to education in the upper ranks of society, where licentiousness in conversation, and addiction to bacchanalian excesses, have become less frequent than in the preceding generation, while the young clergy and others from the universities appear a marvel to the old school of country gentlemen; but the greater sphere presented by a young colony to the energies of a labouring population, frequently occasions, on their part, a display of intelligence in starting and carrying on their business which excites wonder and admiration from employers of labour, without previous colonial experience, who judging the rustic as he appears in the United Kingdom, know not the intelligence many of them can display when a sufficient field is before them to show their powers.

CHAPTER X. THE POLITICAL IMPORT OF CERTAIN IDEAS...

CHAPTER X.

THE POLITICAL IMPORT OF CERTAIN IDEAS PREVAILING AMONG PERSONS LIVING ON FIXED INCOMES, CONTRASTED WITH THAT OF THOSE LIVING BY TRADING OR PRODUCING OCCUPATIONS.

The necessity of considering these contrasts – Objections to study Political Economy, and the answer to them – The diminished proportion of the Agricultural Population noticed – Some pressure is generally required to induce people to emigrate, but when undertaken there is disinclination to settle again in the United Kingdom – Some wants of the Gentry considered, and the opening the Canterbury Colony presents for making up the incomes they require – People cannot live in the gay world, and bring up a large Family, without they possess Private Property – Colonial life inculcates self-reliance – The horror of Colonists at a return to the ideas of Feudal Times, and connecting Monasticism and Asceticism with Christianity in a Protestant country – How Persons retired from a Profession often lose the money they have saved and invested, to insure a fixed income – Some disadvantages experienced, by Young Persons who have not been brought up hardily, on first entering upon the world – The Political system Representation in the British Isles considered, as differing from that of New Zealand, where Political Demonstrations are regarded with more alarm – Gentry find they have much of Civil Law to learn, when commencing business in a Colony, and lose much of the regard they formerly entertained for appearances.

THERE is on this head a great contrast of ideas, because one party feel interested in keeping up prices of articles generally, while the others think it is their business to keep the prices of all articles of consumption as low as possible. This is also the source of a division in political parties; and to those who are entering upon a new

sphere of trading or producing occupations, after having passed a previous life of ease and pleasure, in the enjoyment of a good fixed income, it may be useful to relate the following contrasts of ideas in social and political matters, which prevail in the United Kingdom, but become materially modified by a residence in a colony. A school of philosophy, designated that of political economy, which has grown into a system within the last half century, must be applied to; for, however persons may disagree with the conclusions drawn from the arguments advanced by those writers, such a mass of statistics is accumulated and rendered accessible for the general public, by the writings of these philosophers, as to cause an acquaintance with their writings to be considered necessary for completing the education of persons destined for conducting the legislative business of the British empire. The tone of argument adopted in these writings is objected to by many, because the topic advanced for discussion is the increase of the material wealth of nations, independent of all moral considerations in doing so. This mode of writing cannot, therefore, but appear objectionable to those who deem the restoration of man's moral nature to be the main business of his life on earth, and who may justly deem that arguments advanced for man's material good, without consideration of his moral nature, are apt to convey erroneous ideas in instructing mankind. The love of riches is so inherent a desire in the human breast, that information on methods of obtaining riches, to be of real service to mankind, requires to be accompanied with instruction on the moral nature of the duties attendant on the possession of those riches; otherwise the melancholy, fallen condition of human

nature, induces man too freely to dissipate riches, as soon as obtained, in a manner forgetful that they are a trust for which an account has to be rendered; and that the philosophy must therefore be a vain and unsatisfactory one which teaches man only how to obtain a present enjoyment, without the means of retaining it, and using it to God's glory, and man's true good. Among the arguments brought forward by the writers of this school, is the tendency of population to increase, so as to surpass the means of human subsistence, and this position has been strongly controverted, as appearing to convey to the uneducated portions of mankind untrue and indistinct ideas of the moral providence of a Creator and Ruler of the universe. Strong objections are also taken to this school of philosophy, on the ground that all the professions are treated in argument as contributing but slightly, if not detrimentally, to the progress of a nation in the accumulation of material wealth.

But, on the other hand, it is asserted these writers do not profess to bring forward all the considerations that ought to be before the minds of legislators when preparing the laws of a country, but merely to lay the philosophy of one part of those considerations only before their minds, leaving them to draw from other quarters the moral considerations attached to the subject. It is said that the real difficulty attendant on the comprehension of these writings arises from the want of a sufficiently general knowledge how the common trading and producing occupations of a country at large are conducted. Also that a comprehension of the troubles attending the trading and producing occupations requires a close attention and personal expe-

rience in them, to obtain a comprehension of the difficulties that attend them, and that the nature of the arguments used by these writers cannot be sufficiently understood, without some personal experience in those occupations has been obtained. It is considered, therefore, the nation cannot afford to reject these writings as being unnecessary; for, though all in a nation are not required to be philosophers, any more than all in an army are required to be generals, nevertheless, a few of each have been always considered necessary, in their own sphere, to conduct operations with success.

The diminished proportion of the population of the British Isles engaged in agriculture is commented on in these writings. It is argued that though but a few centuries ago the bulk of the population were employed in agricultural pursuits, and even as late as half a century ago, the agricultural interest greatly predominated in the legislature of the country, still the proportion of the population now engaged in agriculture is estimated as being only one-fourth of the entire nation.

This is described generally as having come about by the small yeoman farmers of former times, with holdings of only a few acres, (finding themselves undersold by the larger holders in the prices of produce raised from the land), having sold their possessions, and afterwards either emigrated or taken service with the larger farmers, or joined the manufacturing population of towns. Then those owning the freehold of the properties next in size, up to a few hundred acres, finding they lived more comfortably in towns than in the country, on the rent they could obtain from others for the privilege of working their land, withdrew to live in the towns. These after-

wards finding a better interest could be obtained for money invested in manufacturing or commercial pursuits, would gradually sell off their landed property to embark in these other pursuits, and these accordingly have centred, and are continuing to centre, the great bulk of the nation. Thus landed properties are now held generally among fewer proprietors, each of whom holds generally some thousands of acres, and those who rent the land from them find they can raise produce for sale more economically when holding large farms, than when holding small ones; because, by the aid of teams and machinery, a less number of workmen require to be employed, and there is consequently a larger surplus for sale after meeting the wants of the farm. Small farms over Great Britain, therefore, have been generally joined together into larger ones, which enables a greater surplus to be raised for the manufacturing population.

But the skill of the manufacturing portion of the population has been meanwhile increasing in many particular branches very greatly in advance of other nations of the earth, and other nations are willing to take those manufactures from them. But a difficulty is experienced in the mode of paying for them, for commerce between nations at large consists practically in an exchange of commodities, and is not the merely transferring a certain amount of the precious metals in payment for goods received. The manufacturing interest within the last quarter of a century, finding they could dispose of a larger amount of goods if they took payment in wheat, have brought about a change in the law, by which that commodity can be introduced without paying the customs duty previously levied upon it, which was said to

favour unduly the agricultural interest. But in effecting this change a great disorganisation was brought about in the agricultural interest, which is one of the greatest interests in the country. Many individuals found this change in the law materially to alter the prospects they had in view for themselves and the families they were bringing up. Protective laws affecting other interests in the country about the same time were repealed.

Accordingly a strong, feeling for emigration arose among many who were in the position of employers of labour, in those interests, and public men in those interests, acquainted with that feeling, were enabled to start a new and interesting colony, viz., the Canterbury settlement. But it has been observed that all great changes in the laws, by withdrawing the protection heretofore granted to various trades or occupations of the country, disarrange so materially the calculations of many engaged in them, that a feeling for emigration is engendered, and people are rendered willing to hear the arguments brought forward in its favour, who would probably never before consider them. And this will happen both to the employers of labour and the employed, as both have been probably brought up to follow only one trade or occupation, and deem therefore their prospect of maintaining their relative position in society as jeopardized, when the protection they had been accustomed to is withdrawn, and this is more particularly experienced when the expenses of bringing up a large family adds to their anxieties.

The feeling of middle-aged persons generally is averse to leaving their native country. That step is seldom decided on until some stern necessity or pressure bears upon the individual; for the general feeling with man-

kind, when satisfied with their position, is that a little with certainty and comfort is better than the risk which they picture to their minds as awaiting them in a colony. Timid, apprehensive persons, to whom the idea of colonization is personally disagreeable, often erroneously attribute to giddiness of disposition, or love of change, the desire to emigrate, and many such cases may be met with; but deeper views and higher considerations must rule with the bulk of those, not in want, who take a step attended with some violence to their feelings in parting with old scenes and associates. To those possessed of religious feelings, there are ample arguments to induce them to undertake that step. The simple desire to remove themselves, or those in whom they take interest, from scenes of temptation or restraint which they apprehend may be greater than they are able to bear, may sufficiently express the desire of those actuated with such feelings, in many cases. The agricultural labourer, whose change of position, if a steady workman, is attended with the greatest amount of benefit to himself in a temporal sense, is generally deterred by the want of money from meeting the expenses even of an outfit for himself and family; but though the more intelligent among them are not so difficult to be persuaded of the advantage of the change, still there are many to be found who look upon emigration with aversion, and regard their claim to be assisted by the poor-rates of their parish as a right to be valued, the loss of which ought not to be risked. But it may be observed, that the labouring classes generally, when once settled in a colony, seldom return to reside in England. By the upper ranks in the British Isles, doubtless, the colonies have generally been regarded as being but

places to make money in, and to be resided in only for as short a time as possible; and this idea will probably continue to prevail with reference to colonies in the tropics, on account of the heat of the climate. But the climate of the colonies at the antipodes has agreed so well with so many delicate constitutions from Great Britain, and restored health to so many, that old residents from the upper ranks of life may be met there in such considerable numbers, that they form a sufficient society in themselves, and do not care about returning to live in Great Britain. Moreover, the restraints in dress and manners in the society of old-settled countries often prove troublesome to those who have resided long in new colonies. Besides, the density of the population of the British Isles, the crowd of people pushing against each other in the competition for existence, do not convey pleasing ideas to the mind of a colonist, who has often felt the want and knows the desire that exists for population in the colony in which he had resided. The great proportion of elderly persons everywhere met with, prone to bring up the ideas of bygone centuries, and the loss or removal of the friends and acquaintances of early days, all tend to remove that intense interest and affection with which many in the upper ranks of life have been accustomed to regard their society in the British Isles, previous to a residence in a new healthy and thriving colony. Nevertheless, to recruit their pecuniary resources, with the intention of returning to England to enjoy them, will doubtless continue to be the prevailing idea with the great majority of those born in the upper ranks of life who leave England to try a young colony in the hope of obtaining an independence.

Thus we may suppose that a young man brought up in a circle where habits are expensive, might fairly consider that he would require an income approaching to £1000 a year to enable him to marry and enjoy himself in that circle. Ten years later in life, when satisfied he should not have anxiety in providing for a family, half the above income he might consider would suffice his wants, particularly if he retired to a country district. But an income of £1000 a year in the upper circles is hardly sufficient to bring up a large family of, say, eight or ten in number, and to place them out in the world, without feeling anxiety. The sons would generally associate with those whose future incomes would so greatly exceed what they were likely to obtain from their parents, that they would feel themselves placed at considerable disadvantage when grown up and taking care of themselves, without they were placed out in a profession. But the professions, again, are considered overstocked, from the pressure upwards of the middle classes. Now, the expense of educating a son for a profession is generally considered to approach £1000 before he is clear of the parent's hands and earning his livelihood. If it is considered, again, how many parents have it not in their power to make an outlay of £1000 in the education of each of their sons, it may be understood why it happens that so many young men, well born and well bred, have been sent out to the colonies at the antipodes, at an age before they had acquired those desires and expensive habits which are contracted by associating with persons in more affluent circumstances, particularly in town life.

Another view in which this principle may be said to be adopted is – that the young man may be expected to

be more disposed than his elders to suit himself to the rougher life at the colonial occupations, whether it be in sheep-farming or otherwise; so that when the parents are satisfied that he understands a business, and is able to take care of money, and invest it with advantage to himself, that they can then send him his portion, with the hope that even that little may be sufficient to place him, ultimately, in a position of independence. This perhaps, applies well to clergymen or others in rural districts, who can bring their sons up hardily in the country, educate them chiefly at home, and then start them for the colony.

It may be observed that the Canterbury colony has attracted the sons of clergymen numerously, and that the families of clergymen, being among the most agreeable, have a great lead in the society of the place.

But many young men have been sent to the colonies with a good portion of the fortune they may ultimately hope to possess, but with no previous experience in business. All this money, therefore, in many cases, has soon been lost to them. £1500 has been sent with a youth of nineteen, who, though not at all prone to dissipation, and with plenty of friends to advise him, found he had run through it all in the course of six years. And larger sums in a less period have been lost by older men, from want of previous experience in business. The better course therefore, appears to be, for parents or guardians to avoid leaving it in the power of very young and inexperienced men to waste their money upon first arrival, by either allowing them, proportionately, a yearly income, or arranging that the money they take to the colony is invested out at interest, on sufficient securities, for the first few years

after their arrival. And this was early seen to be exemplified in the circumstance that there were many young men living on the stations working for hire, who were also in receipt of small incomes from the United Kingdom. Young men, with a capital of less than £1000, have placed themselves in a position to take a wife without any feelings of anxiety in doing so, in five years after starting, considering they have laid the foundation of a valuable property, and were then in receipt of a fair income from it; but this of course implies they had served some apprenticeship before starting on their own account. And this prospect is being daily considered preferable by many in the United Kingdom, who, living together as a large family for a few years, spending perhaps £1000 a-year in a continual round of balls and gaiety, have the prospect before them, that the division of property at the death, of the parents will give but one or two thousand pounds to each of the family, which is not a pleasing anticipation when persons have been brought up to view with aversion trading or producing occupations.

But this is the case with many families in the gay world, with whom the state of marriage must be looked upon as a misfortune, without there is property on the other side of the alliance. The elder ones in such families often feel the life to be irksome, and from a feeling of duty do go abroad, in order that they may have a better prospect for themselves, and with a hope also of being able to help their younger relatives.

The choosing of a colonial life may, therefore, more often proceed from causes of a moral nature than is generally supposed, and is not always fairly to be attributed to the mere desire of making money. How

do the ideas of those, born to struggle in early life to obtain any position of comparative independence, contrast with those who have been born and brought up in easy circumstances, in the view they take regarding the management of their families?

Thus while the former may be seen inculcating habits of self-reliance, eagerly enquiring into all modes by which people obtain their livelihood, or better their circumstances – and appearing to view the settlement of their children in positions of comparative independence, able to take a wife and bring up a family as the great desire of their lives – giving their attention to saving their money, and employing their time with that object in view – the latter may but too often be seen inculcating in their children that a personal attendance upon, and a deference to, the wishes of their parents, is the highest of human virtues, and one which should occupy a place in their minds superior to all others. And further, is it not erroneous to see parents, far advanced in age, jealous of their children, though grown into middle age, making endeavours to settle themselves in a position of more independence than the family house presents? Considering, that in return for the bringing up of their children, and introducing them to the pleasures and luxuries of life, they are entitled to demand these children's attendance upon them during their lifetime; though doing so may entail a great probability that the future period of their own lives must be passed in the state of single blessedness, and of comparative unprofitableness to society at large!

Elderly parents, who have lived in easy circumstances, are prone to remember what was taught them when they were young by their parents on the necessity

and dignity of the outward appearances they presented to the world, and thus the ideas of a bygone century are generally regarded by those possessed of long-descended wealth, throughout the world, as those which ought to be followed. And when the families of those brought up in such ideas find themselves obliged, by the loss of their incomes, to enter the general battle of life for their livelihood, with those accustomed to contend in it from childhood, they find themselves placed at a great disadvantage, and that they have much to learn. The man of fashion is, therefore, found to have a very different view of the utility of the marriage state to that possessed by the man of business.

Perhaps one chief disadvantage that attends the bringing up of children exclusively at home, as it is experienced in colonial life, may be said to be, that persons thus brought up have acquired a habit of leaning upon others; that is to say, they count too much on the assistance which others may render them, instead of learning to make their plans independent of receiving assistance from other people; because the fluctuation of prices, and the general instability of human wealth, may render persons who may at one time be able to afford assistance in pecuniary matters or otherwise, to other people, afterwards to be temporarily unable to do so, and thus those who, in pursuing their occupations in the colonies, lay their plans as depending on assistance to be received from others, will frequently find themselves to be very much thrown out in their calculations.

The necessity of personal exertions, bodily and mental, in all the occupations of colonial life at the antipodes, beget a habit of self-reliance, and a love of

independence, in those possessed of energetic dispositions, who feel that these are correct principles for regulating their conduct, and are necessary for obtaining success in trading or producing occupations. These principles, therefore, they desire to instil into all brought under their influence by the ties of friendship or relationship. Nothing acts more strongly against these ideas than the customs of the feudal ages. The two periods are in violent antagonism to one another. A colonist, whose mind is given to his new country, (ever keeping progress in view), feels that a recurrence to the ideas of those ages thwart him, and check all hope of advancing in material progress in a new country if introduced there, and this feeling originates in families a great antagonism of ideas, which is exhibited during the visits of colonists to their friends in England. For it must "be admitted that of late years a portion of the upper ranks of English society have shown some admiration for institutions drawn from feudal times, of a monastic nature. With a colonist monasticism or asceticism is not connected with the purer feelings of a religious life, but is regarded rather as antagonistic to it, leading to narrow views and sectarian prejudices, and indicating a decay of public spirit, rather than a desire for social progress.

It is remembered that monastic institutions were known in the heathen world long before the introduction of Christianity, and still prevail in the regions of Buddhism, and have therefore no necessary connection with Christianity; while the enormous abuses that attended them during the feudal ages caused Protestant Christianity to drive them out with violence. It was well known that, though begun under vows of poverty,

they had accumulated enormous properties; and as it was considered that throughout the Roman communion the attention of those superintending these institutions was mainly directed to obtaining the favour of wealthy persons who they desired to join their institution, in order that it might become possessed of their property, it is thought to be incongruous, and that it ought to be unpalatable to the feelings of Protestant England, that such institutions should be revived in the present day; for the laws and general policy of the country are so formed as to prevent the necessity of recurring to them by enacting a legal provision for the poor, and an established clergy for their spiritual guidance. Moreover, a colonist feels a higher line, in a religious sense, is taken by those who proceed to open up new countries for the hard-worked portion of the labouring population of the United Kingdom, which the improved modes of education that now prevail among them better fit them to enjoy; for new healthy countries must afford greater facilities to them for obtaining material comforts when they are disposed to be steady and to work for them, than the crowded condition of old-settled countries permits. Therefore when, as in some cases, it is found that a life involving celibacy, in institutions framed after mediaeval models, is taught young persons as presenting higher aims than accepting proposals to proceed to a young colony, where many are willing and eager to receive them as friends, such views are protested against. Moreover, it is felt that the action of submitting the will to the direction, if not dictation, of other persons, which is usual in conventual establishments, begets a habit of losing the sense of individual responsibility in weak minds, and those whose minds are the purest and

the most innocent from their simplicity, become the most exposed to this danger. Again, it is felt that establishments of this nature do introduce discord into families which are possessed of property, when members of it join them, frustrating the internal economy of their arrangements. It is known at the present day, that young persons are induced to join these establishments, when they are desired to stay in their families to take care of aged parents, or to keep house for relatives who desire them. Colonists, therefore, only view as a melancholy prospect the admiration which is expressed at the present revival of these institutions, and consider that if parents exerted themselves a little more to change the scenes and occupations of their family, instead of maintaining them constantly as attendants on aged persons, the attention of young persons might be turned to more suitable employments; it being matter of general observation that the ideas and feelings of most persons undergo a great change at least every ten years of their lives.

It may be useful to consider how families, not acquainted with trading or producing occupations, generally invest their money, so as to live upon a fixed income, in order to show how many have been brought to consider of the field which is presented by young colonies for recruiting their pecuniary resources, and to contend with some prejudices in the world of fashion.

Difficulties often arise in the pecuniary arrangements of families living in the gay world, retired from a professional life, and without any knowledge of trading or producing occupations from the mode of investing their capital. This is generally at first placed in the funds, but, as expenses increase, there is a desire to change the

mode of investment, in order to obtain a larger income, and thus a railway, or other business conducted by a public company, which is paying, probably, at the time, a much higher rate of interest than the funds give, is generally chosen to transfer a part of their capital to, in order to increase their yearly income. But this rate of interest is always varying. Public companies of this nature sometimes pay nothing at all for year after year, and their shares fall in the market to less than half their original value. If, therefore, persons depending for their income upon money invested partly in the funds and partly in a public company, find the latter is paying no interest, and that they cannot reduce their personal expenditure, they most probably sell out of the funds, and thus reduce their capital. But the inducements to do this may be strong; for parents often deem the probabilities of placing their children out in the world to advantage to be much increased by maintaining appearances before it, and, as this is probably particularly desired, more of the money invested in the funds may be transferred to another public company, in the hope of meeting yearly expenses.

But this other company may also fail in paying dividends, as did the first. A fresh sale of capital again ensues; and this may be repeated again and again, until the family have found that what they considered but a reasonable endeavour to maintain a proper appearance in society has resulted in serious losses of their capital.

The remarks of men of business acquainted with the nature of public companies, with reference to such cases, are of the following nature: – That men retired from a professional life had better keep their money invested in the Funds, or other permanent securities

giving a fixed, even though it be a small, rate of interest; and that they should make up their minds always to live within that income, whatever may be the inducements at any time to exceed it: because the watching of the rates of interest and the market value of the shares of public companies is a study in itself; and unless persons, from previous experience in business, are able to keep a close scrutiny on its management, they cannot hope continuously to derive a yearly income from the dividends of a public company. It is said that the rate of dividends and consequent value of the shares of public companies is of so fluctuating a nature, that persons ought never to depend for their incomes upon them alone (though many trade and make large fortunes by buying and selling shares). Persons not personally experienced in their business should view the investing of their money in a public company as applying only to the savings of their yearly incomes; for it often requires a few years at first starting to learn the most economical mode of managing the concern, and those who have the management of other people's money are more likely to make greater outlays at starting than if they were superintending only the laying out of their own. The market price of shares in most public companies is therefore apt to fall soon after commencing operations, and it generally happens that then is the best time for persons purposing to invest to buy shares.

But a fall in the market value of shares may be long kept off, as has been frequently shown in railway companies, by paying dividends out of the subscribed capital. Still, all companies are subject to fluctuations in the value of their shares, in the natural course of commer-

cial operations; and those who entirely depend upon them require other fields for investing their reduced capital before, bound it may be by the spell of fashion, it is entirely exhausted. It is, however, very erroneous to suppose that losses in money affairs necessarily imply imputations upon individual character, because circumstances really differ in every case.

It may be mentioned, also, that a sense of wrong sustained from their superiors has induced persons in all ages to emigrate, as well as the lower consideration of pecuniary advantages, though the latter may be the ostensible cause related. The quiet characters in a young community may remain unnoticed, while the peculiarities of the obtrusive, which are noised abroad by the local newspapers, are supposed by the timid and apprehensive to indicate the general character of the society, and are often used to dissuade others joining them. A strict moral tone may, however, be observed, though much in outward appearances or mode of life be altered.

To feel happy and live contented in any part of the world, persons must live within their incomes; but those who have been born and brought up in the receipt of comfortable incomes all their lives, possess very different ideas on the nature and value of trading and producing occupations from those who have been brought up to prepare themselves for their vicissitudes. How often may it be seen that parents who, from being born to the possession of fixed comfortable incomes, and never having had occasion themselves to contend in the world for the necessaries of life, do not appear to consider there is any necessity for an early training of their children to teach them how to contend with it, even when they know they have not that sufficient

amount of private property which would enable all their children to live with comfort, independent of some profession or occupation! On the contrary, they bring them up so delicately and sensitively, that when placed out in the world to take care of themselves, the slightest trials and temptations, which others have learned to bear and withstand, overcome them. This is sometimes increased by a theological view, that avoiding the evil ways of the world implies avoidance of all amusements, which men are prone to abuse; the consequences of which are perceived when young men who have been brought up in a very retired and secluded manner are suddenly placed in positions open to great excitement and temptations, as is often the case when they enter the military or naval services of the country, or the wilder scenes of colonial life. A wild and excited manner may become, therefore, habitual to them, which is often unfavourably contrasted with the demeanour of those who have been early accustomed to view those scenes. It must be remarked, however, that, in matters of amusement, what proves to be great temptations to some people, are but ordinary recreations to others. It is a ground of argument in Bishop Butler's reasonings, that men in one rank of life are not competent judges of the acts of those in another. If, therefore, men in a lower sphere of life attempt to judge correctly of men in a higher sphere, they must often err in their opinions, because they cannot know all the reasons that are present to the minds of these others in the determining of their conduct. And persons in the lower occupations of life should be careful not to draw adverse opinions of those in positions above themselves, whom they may see occasionally joining in occupations and

amusements that prove too exciting for themselves to follow.

The system of political representation in the British Isles may be now considered as it contrasts with that of New Zealand: for the employers of labour have not the same influence in determining an election as in the United Kingdom, and they consequently become more alarmed when representatives of the people appeal to their passions in order to carry out the policy they desire for the colony, or to obtain possession of office for themselves.

In one branch of the public business of Great Britain – viz., that of making laws and conducting the government of the country – the service of the public offices, particularly in the higher departments, appears to run very much among a few families; but this appears to be only in accordance with the general law of subdivision of labour which runs throughout the common business of the country: for those accustomed to conduct the service of the offices governing the country state that the knowledge necessary to be gained for their proper conduct requires not only considerable time and attention, but the command of considerable pecuniary resources, as obtaining the information which is required involves a very general mixing in the society of persons whose pecuniary resources are great, and who require, therefore, some appearance to be maintained in those they meet. And not only is there great trouble and expense occasioned in learning the laws of the country, and the feelings that prevail in the different classes constituting its own society, but also a very general acquaintance is required of the circumstances of several foreign countries. Those, therefore, who have acquired high posi-

tions by gaining the confidence of their fellow-countrymen in the conduct of public affairs, have done so not only by the employment of much individual mental labour, but also by a large personal expenditure. And the want of private fortune where there is sufficient mental ability, in persons born in humbler circumstances, must tend to keep the higher offices connected with the government of any free populous country generally in the hands of men born and brought up in the possession of large pecuniary means for very few born in humble circumstances attain any high positions in the conduct of the government of a country, though the laws may leave it open to all to do so.

When men from the lower ranks of life, therefore, conceive themselves competent to enter into the struggle for possession of the higher offices of the public service of Great Britain, they do not always consider that the principles of competition, with which they have to contend in the lower sphere, exist equally in the upper ranks; and that many of the highest rank retire from the endeavour for political positions who have been educated and brought up for them, solely on the ground of want of sufficient pecuniary resources to continue the contest. The possession of power in public offices is equally desired by persons of all political parties, and those born to possession of wealth will generally contend successfully with those not possessed of it. The contention for possessing political power is, perhaps, as keen among those whose circumstances allow them to be brought up to contend for it, as is competition in all the general trading business of a populous country; and the leaders of all the parties must be possessed of considerable pecuniary resources: but when these are

joined, in those of advanced age, to the possession of high political authority, brusquerie, and a haughtiness of manner to younger but rising men, has frequently broken up the parties or combinations that they have headed for carrying on the government of the country. For it is a principle in the representative institutions of the United Kingdom, that a representative of the people should be able to demand information from all the public offices; and when young men feel they are honestly giving their time and attention to master the details of the different points of policy in the measures on which they have to pronounce an opinion, and find these endeavours are thwarted – they must consider that their hopes of raising themselves to eminence are unfairly interrupted, and this generally leads to withdrawing their confidence from those leaders.

The advanced age of many persons holding high public offices in Great Britain is often the cause of wonder to a colonist. It contrasts greatly with the circumstances of young countries, where a considerable amount of personal activity, great command of temper, and general accessibility for personal conference, is required for the successful prosecution of public business; while the array of clerks, and the general subdivision of business into the different departments customary in the public offices established in Great Britain, is not required in a thinly-peopled country.

It may be said, generally, that the elaborate laws required by a populous country are unnecessary to a country thinly-peopled, where the possession of abundance among the lower classes diminishes the temptation to violate the common law of honesty. Nevertheless the "inherited anxieties" entertained by holders of

property in the British isles, lest their rights should be invaded, accompanies them to New Zealand, where the larger proportion of the lower classes upon the electoral roll causes apprehension whenever the demagogue tries to enlist their sympathies in his engrossing schemes, and causes some of the greater safeguards of the British constitution to be desired. But these apprehensions are deemed by the mass of the community to be unnecessary; for the yeoman class are not in want, or influenced in their judgments by a sense of obligation to powerful or wealthy proprietors, and can form a fair judgment of the capabilities of their representatives. The possession of wealth, moreover, is not required in the candidate for representative honours in New Zealand, where his general acquaintance with business and personal character are almost solely inquired for by his constituents. Representatives are paid for their work when taken away from their homes, and comprise many who have risen by steady exertion from the ranks of labour. Lawyers are greatly in demand, but their business is chiefly confined to the conveyancing of property, or drawing out financial agreements, for little of criminal law enters into their practice.

Another principle of the representative institutions of the United Kingdom is, that representatives of the people represent interests, and not merely numbers, in the population, which is necessary to protect the rights of property. Great political power can only be fairly granted to a representative assembly on the ground that the members represent nearly all the different occupations constituting the industry of the country. Rural districts must, therefore, have fewer voters for the representatives than the towns possess. The in-

fluence of a landowner in determining an election, consequently, greatly increases with the size of his property.

The habit of landowners has, therefore, been to continue the custom of leaving all their property to the eldest son, as was the rule in feudal times, because the eldest son thereby has greater influence in determining an election, and is therefore rendered better able to provide for the younger branches of the family, in some of the public offices of the country. But this is not just cause of complaint to other classes, because men are required for the service of the public offices, just as well as for the trading and producing occupations, which constitute its chief bulk and as all persons require some security for the tenure of the offices which constitutes their subsistence, in order to educate and prepare themselves for filling them properly, the nation is supposed to be better served by certain families in it devoting themselves to the service of its public offices only. But the entailing of landed property is unpopular with the lower classes in many nations. The laws of the United Kingdom restrict it to a few generations; but those of France, at the first revolution of 1792, obliged all landed properties to be equally divided at the death of the parents, and thus it was supposed permanently to prevent the possibility of a large landed aristocracy ever rising again in that country. However, it is observed in the United Kingdom, that the feelings engendered by the practice of entail incline the younger sons of country gentry to place little value on a general knowledge of the laws of the country, considering that a knowledge of the laws of property appertain only to those who possess the property to apply it to and that those who have distinct laws for themselves, as belong-

ing to the different professions, need not concern themselves about the laws of other professions.

Writers on the laws of England, therefore, observe on the want of this knowledge that generally prevails among the gentry of England, and urge that attention to the principles on which the laws are founded are incumbent upon them, though the details of practice must be left to professional men. In a young colony persons start occupations, employing labour, without having previously been employers of labour. It is not unusual, therefore, to see them beaten on simple points of law, in differences they may have with those they employ. Short compendiums on the laws of England, or writings on the principles on which they are founded, become therefore to be valued by many who would never think of reading on the subject before.

In the military professions, a knowledge of civil law is proverbially considered as being superfluous, and as a matter with which persons in those professions have no concern; but those whose livelihood depends upon trading or producing occupations find it necessary to keep up a general knowledge of the laws of the empire, and to observe the changes that are made in them: accordingly, colonists retired from those professions often find they make great blunders, from their preconceived ideas on the value of a knowledge of civil law, of which they often have much to learn; for the principle of honour enters largely in forming judgments on questions relating to military law, while written or witnessed agreements are only admitted as evidence in civil law.

It may also be related, that in the commercial world it is observed that clergymen and retired military men do not usually make good investments of their money,

when first entering upon producing occupations, which is attributed to the desire for maintaining appearances in those professions; and that following a purely governmental office life likewise leads to the erroneous idea of expecting always immediate returns from money laid out in those pursuits, when experience shows that in new countries several years may frequently elapse before a large income is obtained from those occupations, when the capital with which they have been begun is small, and the habit of avoiding to spend money has to be acquired, as the introduction to the art of making money. Nevertheless, to induce persons to view colonial occupations favourably, it may be stated that a large proportion of the incomes of many families who enter into the fashion, and spend largely in the gaiety, of the metropolis, is known to be drawn from properties or occupations which they possess in some of the distant colonies of the kingdom.

Observations allied to those contained in this chapter can be usefully applied in contrasting the ideas which are generally entertained among those who are born and brought up in easy circumstances, with those who have to contend in the world for their livelihood, and may serve to explain to the former some of the sources which impede their progress, when first entering upon the business of trading or producing occupations; for it may be said generally, that ideas of utility, profit and loss, enter chiefly into the views of the latter, while those of appearances and old family traditions enter chiefly into the views of the former, of which they find it is necessary to lose their accustomed regard, in order to become proper men of business.

CHAPTER XI. SOME OF THE TROUBLES THAT HAVE BEEN EXPERIENCED IN THE CANTERBURY COLONY.

CHAPTER XI.

SOME OF THE TROUBLES THAT HAVE BEEN EXPERIENCED IN THE CANTERBURY COLONY.

Two Schemes proposed for the Carriage of Goods from Port Lyttelton to the Plains, one by a Road not yet completed, and another by a Steamer, which is now at work – The custom of the Banks restricting Advances to Mercantile Firms, rather a surprise to the Agricultural Interest – How afterwards altered – The fluctuating Price of Grain very annoying to Farmers – Merchants charge 10 per cent, upon Accounts, if not paid Quarterly – Two unpleasant Occurrences, in consequence of confusion in Business, related – A Local Court installed to take cognizance of Debts up to £100 – Troubles in dividing Partnerships – Mistakes made between friends at the Starting of the Canterbury Settlement – The Necessity of maintaining a Public Spirit in it – The readiness of the Colonists to act as Police, and the comparative absence of Crime, allows a very small Police Force to be maintained – The absence of Beggars – On the trouble individuals feel in adopting a new line of life, and the difficulty of effecting Changes in the practice of any Profession or Public Office in a Country – The Troubles the Canterbury Colony has had to undergo at starting, are considered light to what other Colonies in its vicinity have undergone.

AMONG the first troubles presented to the new settlers on their arrival in the harbour of Port Lyttelton may be mentioned the delay in transferring their goods to the Plains; because a very steep, rugged hill lies between the Port Town and the Plains, and no good road available for the conveyance of heavy goods has been made. That service has therefore been performed by small coasting vessels; but the expense has often exceeded the cost of freight in the ships that brought them all the way from England.

To diminish this difficulty, therefore, two schemes have been long discussed; the promoters of one of which propose, by means of small steamers, to diminish the cost and the risk of the water-carriage to the Plains; and the advocates of the other scheme project the completion of a road which was commenced before the first body of colonists arrived. But the estimate for completing the road amounted to, £30,000, while the estimate for starting a steamer was only £4,000. Those who advocated the road, contended that it would be a permanent check on the heavy freights charged by the small coasting vessels, and give better promise to new settlers of getting their produce away, and, therefore, afforded more encouragement to produce. Others again contended if the road was finished over the hill, and a steamer was plying at the same time, that the latter would be employed to convey at least ten times the amount of heavy goods that the road would be used for, because the circumstances of the farmers demanded the continual employment of their teams upon or near to their farms, and the price of draught cattle and horses has been too high to allow carriers by land to compete successfully in conveying heavy goods, with carriage by sea, especially when aided by steam power. It is further urged that the money required for completing the road over the hill was more urgently needed in finishing the roads about the towns to the shipping quays for the better removing of farm produce, and also for improving the up-country tracks for bringing down the wool. Again, the road over the Port hill would require so large an outlay of the public money that it was felt to be better to defer its completion until the public treasury could better afford it,

when all would be glad enough to see it finished; but those who had purchased land and were farming it considered that they had a prior claim to have the roads passing their occupations to be first finished, particularly as the remaining portion of the carriage could be conducted by sea. It is also said by the older residents, that if the road over the Port hill had been completed, when the first colonists arrived, that there was not sufficient draught stock in the place to have taken the goods of the passengers over the hill.

It was suggested among the first party of surveyors to send to England for two small steamers, with plenty of duplicates of machinery, to carry goods to the Plains, instead of even commencing to make a cart-road over the hill. But there has been an objection to the introduction of steamers from the mercantile portion of the community, on the ground that small sailing vessels did the work, though it was done slowly and at a high rate of prices, but that the introduction of steamers would in all probability cause most of the sailing vessels to go away, and, therefore, if accidents happened to the steamers, which they had not the means of repairing, the service of carrying goods to the plains would be seriously hindered for a considerable time, because the steamers would have to go for repair to Sydney. A company has, however, been lately formed, and a small steamer has been obtained from Sydney, and placed upon this service, to the great convenience of the colony. Sailing vessels have seldom made the passage individually oftener than once in the week, that is to say backwards and forwards, taking in and discharging their loads; while a small steamer might make the passage every day that was not very stormy, for the bars

at the mouths of the rivers would not present the same obstacle to them as they do to sailing vessels, and they would be independent of the direction of the winds, which present advantages that would tend considerably to diminish the rate of freights that have continued so high as to enable seamen to earn from £6 to £8 per month in those vessels.

The irregularity of the communication, which continued for some years after the starting of the colony, has been the cause of losing opportunities for selling agricultural produce to vessels in the port, who were ready to buy, but were not able to wait until the produce had been brought round; and the high rate of charges was much felt by the earlier settlers, who had brought any extent of machinery, or heavy goods, purposing to farm largely, and who did not expect heavy expenses in getting them to the Plains.

The colonial custom of the banks restricting their advances only to mercantile firms has disconcerted many engaged in farming, who expected the same facilities for temporary loans that prevail in England; for as employers found the rate of wages for labour and prices for produce to be so very different to what they had been accustomed to in the United Kingdom, many experienced that they had over-estimated how far their capital would carry them; and as this would occasion, on their part, a desire for temporary loans, which they had been previously accustomed to consider an ordinary proceeding in their business, many considered it unfair that a large institution should be managed to the exclusive use of only one portion of the community. But the applications for accommodation were at one time so numerous, that the bank would

fairly plead that they could not be judges of the pecuniary resources of all the parties applying: they stated, besides, that whenever their ordinary rule was broken through, the number of fresh applicants for accommodation greatly increased: so this rule was afterwards modified, by appointing. a committee of generally influential and experienced persons, who should advise on what bills presented should or should not be discounted by the bank.

Now, as employers of labour in the United Kingdom generally deem themselves to be equally entitled with the mercantile world to the accommodations which are presented by banks, when they desire to hold over produce for a rise in price, or to meet the outlay they require to make for carrying on the general processes of their occupation; they consider that the demands of persons emerging from the lower walks in life, when competing with themselves for these advantages, should be judged of by a bank solely with reference to the general amount of security offered for repayment; for in carrying on business in the United Kingdom so much depends upon the personal credit of employers, giving them a presumed facility in obtaining money on loan, when it is required unexpectedly, that when this is interrupted disappointment ensues. But it was learned to be the general course throughout the Australian colonies to leave the squatters and farmers to obtain the loans of money they required almost entirely from other persons, who lent out money on mortgage; while the loans required in the lower walks of life would be met by private persons acquainted with the parties; and further, that any assistance granted to persons out of the ordinary course of business, would be rather in the

shape of very extensive advances to individuals, in whose capabilities and, experience in business those conducting the bank would feel confidence: because it was the prevailing opinion among those authorities that the employers of labour generally, among the squatting and farming population, did not consider that it was the returns, in the shape of interest, upon their money invested, so much as the amount of personal ease or enjoyment in their occupation which they thus obtained. And this consideration being added to the circumstance that the expenses of legal proceedings (if such had to be undertaken,) would be of a less costly nature to recover from one individual, instead of from several, determined them to consider it more profitable to make large advances to but few individuals, and those only when engaged in large operations.

Then, as it became known that the commercial world wanted money to pay for their imports, because there, had not been time for raising sufficient exports with which to pay for them, the policy of these general financial arrangements was better comprehended. For, commerce being generally conducted upon bills, and there being at first no exports wherewith to pay for what was imported into the colony, and which could not be paid for entirely by the money of the consumers, it was necessary that there should be money in the bank to enable the imports to be paid for, and thus to keep up the credit of the colony. And the power of the bank to do this might be interrupted, if they were required to cash all bills that might be presented to them; for those pushing upwards from the lower ranks of life might consider they were as well entitled as others to the advances of the bank; and, from their not knowing

the nature of large commercial dealings, particularly between strangers, the bank might be pushed, and the supply of stores steadily coming into the colony might have been interrupted.

But banking has been a safe and lucrative business in the Australian and the other adjacent colonies, as the dividends advertised of late years have shewn, and particularly those of the Union Bank, which has been almost the only one established in New Zealand.

The fluctuating price of grain has also been a cause of disappointment to the larger farmers. Thus, at the first starting, fair samples of seed sold at 15s., and sometimes 20s. per bushel, while the commoner sorts sold at 10s. per bushel. Then the labourer would estimate the cost of his living at that price, and demand from the farmer an equivalent rate of wages, which he was obliged to give; but when the harvest came round, the price suddenly fell to 5s. per bushel, at which rate it continued above two years, during which period some farmers were even feeding their pigs with wheat. However, in consequence of the very short supply of labour in the colony, wages did not fall, and the farmer had to meet an equal rate of wages and price for his stores generally, while the price of what he produced had fallen one-half.

Now this fall in price may be accounted for as follows: – The demand for consumption in the colony was very small, in proportion to the facility for raising it; by the fourth year the colony had grown enough for itself, with some to spare; the price accordingly was then regulated by the cost of exporting it, and the price in other ports. Again, the price in other ports would still continue at 10s. per bushel, but the cost of the carriage to it, and

the merchant's profit who exported it, would fall on the grower in the Canterbury Plains.

Again, when the price of grain was high in the colony, all residents in the town would desire to raise enough for their own consumption, if not to have a surplus for sale; accordingly, all townspeople, including professional men, store-keepers, and even artizans and labouring men, would then desire to rent or buy a small piece of land on which to grow sufficient for their own consumption. Therefore, when the squatters on the stations up the country were supplied, the regular farmers had only to sell to the merchants for exportation. And here the price would be very much kept down by the circumstance that many who arrived as labourers, having started growing produce for sale on their own account, before they had saved sufficient money to keep themselves for the first year, would be so far in debt at the stores that they would be obliged to sell at almost any price that was offered. Besides the mercantile community were generally more desirous to obtain money to send in return for goods imported from Australia, rather than agricultural produce, which incurred some risk of deterioration on the passage.

These circumstances, together with the comparative facility of raising produce on the level untimbered lands of the Canterbury Plains, may sufficiently account for the supply for the consumption of the colony having so soon exceeded the demand in it, and that so great a fall in price should occur.

Another trouble, though of a lighter nature, bore on the regular farmers, in that the mercantile community introduced a system of charging interest at 10 per cent.,

into their accounts, if not settled quarterly; and this custom was sanctioned by the practice of the Supreme Court, in allowing 8 per cent, to be charged as a legal rate of interest, without any previous understanding on the matter. Now, as the practice in older colonies is to allow long periods, without interest, between the large producer and his merchant, this system of charging interest came unexpectedly upon the agricultural community, who are not accustomed to, and would find great difficulty in introducing, this practice into their dealings with one another. But this, of course, is done on the part of the mercantile community to meet the bank charges on their bills coming due to the bank.

But again, considering that the colonists came from every direction of the British Empire, and were mostly previously unacquainted with each other, and that many were without previous experience in the business they had begun, it need not occasion surprise that some mistakes, annoyances, and disappointments of another nature, occurred.

For instance, a proprietor of land inquiring for money to be obtained on mortgage, was addressed by a young man beginning business in a mercantile firm, to the effect that he would have some money, belonging to another person, to lend out in the course of a few months, and that he would keep it for him. The proprietor afterwards called frequently at the young man's store, to know when the money would be ready, and was at last suddenly informed that the money was lent to another person. This proved a great disappointment to the proprietor, who had been expecting it, and taught him the necessity of caution, and reducing to writing

agreements of that nature before depending upon their fulfilment.

Another irritating case occurred where a person commencing a large farm hired his dray to go up the country to a wealthy individual, lately arrived from a neighbouring colony, who loaded it so heavily that the driver had to leave a part of the load on the road, and the owner of the load had immediately afterwards to leave the colony on business. The owner of the dray did not consider it was any part of his agreement to send this part of the load up the country, and it was exceedingly inconvenient for him to do so, because the up-country tracks were not then marked out, and there was some danger attending inexperienced persons, unattended, driving up the country; so, having received a message from the man left upon the station, to the effect that he did not want the articles left upon the road, he thought they might safely await (as they were enclosed in a barrel) until the owner of them returned. However, the owner of the barrel and its contents was away for several months, and when he did return claimed compensation for breach of contract from the owner of the dray. The owner of the dray supposed he had only hired out his dray for a specified time, and not rendered himself responsible for any goods upon it; but, not expecting an accident of this nature, had not drawn up any agreement in writing upon it. Accordingly when he consulted his lawyer on the point, he found that if the case went to a Court of Law it must be tried in another province, when, supposing he gained his case, he would probably be £100 out of pocket, and if he lost it, very likely £300; so, though well-disposed to try the point at law, he was obliged, in consequence of the state

of his finances at that time, to consent to a compromise, which only left him £40 out of pocket.

This latter case was only one among several which showed the necessity of the colony possessing a court within it, before which should be cognizable debts or matters in dispute exceeding in value £20. The General Assembly have since passed a law, which is now in force, extending the jurisdiction of a local court permitted to be formed in each colony to £100. And this was very greatly desired, because the expense of attending courts of law may amount to a practical denial of justice to persons in reduced circumstances, who might desire to resort to them.

Troubles have also arisen unexpectedly between friends and relatives in making out divisions of property; some of which may be explained as follows: –

Some families in the United Kingdom are brought up, in consequence of having only small pecuniary resources, to view the state of marriage, as being generally that of a misfortune to them. This may arise from old associations requiring them to maintain a certain appearance before the world, which they can only do by living in the single state. Want of training in trading or industrial pursuits may hinder them from endeavouring by those means to improve their pecuniary circumstances: or ill-health, want of personal friends, or many other causes, may preclude their obtaining employments or situations with a fixed income attached to it, sufficient to justify the expectation of bringing up a family without anxiety.

Thus, some families, when several in number, may grow up into middle age without entering on the state of marriage. And this, of course, to the generality

of mankind, is a position more or less irksome to contemplate.

One in such a family may therefore determine on starting himself in a young colony, with such money as he can obtain, with a previous understanding of being joined by others of the family afterwards. When this occurs among people previously totally unacquainted with colonial business, the person who has gone first to the colony has probably laid out more of his capital than was perhaps judicious, in pushing on the buildings and accessories to the comforts of his occupation, because he trusts to the money which his relatives would afterwards bring him, to continue the occupation. Now this may appear to him, on many grounds, to be advisable. For instance, the high rate of labour for building and domestic service would suggest a great economy as arising from relatives living together, to which no objection would be expected, as they had probably previously been accustomed to do so. A good position for an occupation, with vicinity to a town, may thus be secured, but a larger outlay has been undergone by the first of the family, of an unremunerative nature, than his pecuniary circumstances, if contemplated upon his own capital alone, would otherwise justify. He occupies himself inquiring into and learning the general mode of conducting the business he has started, and a long list may be made out of articles generally useful to the occupation, which may be sent to his friends, concluding with a remark that money was more required than the articles; but that if a certain amount of money was brought, the articles enumerated would be useful.

But the heat and impetuosity with which young

people leave their homes for the first time, previously inexperienced in business, eager and willing to embark in life for themselves, perhaps glad beyond measure to know they can do anything to assist the relative gone before them, may cause every attention to be paid to getting all the articles enumerated in the letters; but the remarks about the value of ready money are not heeded. Then, in due time, the person in the colony is joined by his relatives; but, instead of the money, he finds a goodly array of articles, with an intimation that the money is coming afterwards, but is awaiting the sale of some property or other matters not completed before they started. And when the money does arrive, it may be found to be clogged with injunctions from the parents or trustees to invest it in some mode which materially diverts it from the purpose, which the first of the party, in the colony, had designed for it. This might be easily accounted for by supposing the parents to be in advanced years, and apprehensive that the plans of the first starter for the colony might be found to fail; and that the whole party might therefore return upon their hands almost penniless: they might, in consequence, direct that the money should be invested in some mode that appears to them to be more secure. But time may be lost before this is re-arranged and the money is rendered available for the occupation. But, in the meantime, the plans of the starter being baulked, the returns of the occupation are interrupted. The young relatives move about in the colony and perhaps hear the plans of their relative who came before them criticised; for it is remarkable how people in a young colony descant upon other people's affairs, and think they could manage them better for them than they do

themselves; forgetting that domestic arrangements offer impediments and interfere more or less when planning the economy of an industrial occupation; and even often determine the modes in which they are conducted. Thus doubts may be entertained as to the business character of the first comer's arrangements, and the idea be considered of getting their money separately together, in order to enter upon speculations they may hear of as promising to be lucrative. Then, after the first pleasure of meeting again is over, and those last arrived have learned the business of the colony, it is found that to become married is considered indispensable to their comfort. Accordingly, a division of property is now called for, and this can seldom be effected, especially if the persons had been previously inexperienced in business, without detriment to both, but especially to the original mover of the party, who may not, therefore, be inclined to look with favour on this change of purpose in his relatives; for both parties may expect to suffer when a forced sale of goods takes place; and the first-comer would regret he had not taken into account that selfishness is a prevailing ingredient of human nature, and that the propensity of mankind, especially in the lower walks of life, is undoubtedly to desire to pull others down to their own level, rather than to encourage families to build up their houses, by affording mutual help and assistance to one another.

It appears advisable, therefore, for persons going out to a colony, to know and settle beforehand how they purpose to divide, in case they should desire afterwards to separate establishments or occupations; because, if they are not clearly agreed upon this, they may after-

wards be delayed in starting themselves in their separate occupations; and as many go without previous experience in business, the consideration of these arrangements is often unduly postponed. Independence is doubtless a ruling idea in colonial life. To be independent of the wants or wishes of others prevails as much among the upper as the lower circles, and shows itself in the readiness to part establishments, notwithstanding any extra expense or discomfort entailed by doing so. At the same time, colonial life is everywhere spoken of as being particularly adapted to the circumstances of large families, for if they act together they can assist each other in numerous ways which local experience points out for economizing labour; and several large families are to be met in Canterbury who act well together, and express themselves well contented with their prospects.

But at the first starting of the Canterbury colony, from the absence of direct information, great mistakes were made by guardians and elder relatives as to the requirements of younger branches, when settling in the colony; the prevailing idea of course being that what was good in England was the proper thing to adopt there also.

Thus, people in the United Kingdom, supposing that matters of business were similarly conducted in the colony, were apt to feel somewhat offended that their well-meant endeavours to assist their friends should be met by statements to the effect that they were of no use at all, and complained of being asked to do things that appeared to them entirely out of the proper course of business.

Ludicrous stories were at one time told of the inter-

pretations put upon requests made from the colonists to their friends in England; as, for instance, a man writing for an Alderney cow to be sent out to him, would perhaps receive a bull of another breed, which he had no occasion for. And this extended itself into public affairs likewise. Thus the earliest promoters of the colony were told, in reply to their kind intentions of getting up subscriptions for the erection of churches, schools, colleges, &c, that they would soon be in a condition to have these things, but what they then required was the management of their own local government, for that the paternal fostering of the Old Country would waste away the patience and energy of the people, by procrastination, which necessarily accompanies the administration of the public business of a country that has to await orders and instructions, in detail, from an office at so great a distance that it cannot be conversant with the local wants of a small community newly started into life.

Political leaders held the opinion that the vigorous and energetic ideas with which the colonists left England, would fade away, when they found that plans proposed and entered upon for their material progress were liable to be subverted by orders, from an office which could not judge of the consequences arising to the small community concerned; and that either a general disregard or disinclination to enter upon the administration of public affairs would ensue among the people at large; thus rendering the possession of office a temptation to a system of jobbing and intrigue; or that the general good feeling toward the parent country would be entirely withdrawn. While the people settled into a moody, discontented state, with an absence of

interest in public affairs, and a general decline of public spirit prevailing among them; seeing that, under this system, there was not sufficient inducement to excite the upper ranks to make that enquiry and interest into the circumstances of the lower classes, which is engendered by the representative system of England into the management of parochial or other business, even in the remotest country districts.

New Zealand never was a convict settlement, and the people required to be kept up to a spirited remembrance of their rights and privileges, as being the security to induce exertion on their part, to render the country the seat of a future opulent and contented colony, instead of being allowed to contract extravagant habits, and a proneness to indulge in low and animal pursuits, which the absence of political privileges is too apt to foster, wherever the abundance of food in a newly-settled district gives a facility for enjoyment; but when the change of administration on the introduction of the new constitution granted to the, colony, took place, the contention between the new and the old possessors of the public offices was sufficiently sharp to alarm for the time those not previously experienced, in political struggles, as to the prospects of future quiet and good order in the colony.

But it should be remembered that public spirit in the population is as essential to the proper conduct of a civil government, where the republican form prevails, as that the principle of honour should rule in a nation under the monarchical form. 3 The small extent of the police establishment has been hitherto compensated by the willingness of the settlers to act the part of the

policeman when any occasion has presented itself. For instance, among a cargo of labourers, imported from Melbourne into the province, were some two or three of the convict class, and one of them immediately recommenced his calling as a housebreaker. It was soon known that two houses at stations in the country had been entered and robbed during the absence of their inmates, in one, the box of a female servant had been robbed, among other things, of the letters of her affianced. A strong feeling was excited everywhere to catch the thief; and it was soon reported that a stranger, with a bundle on his back, had been seen in the vicinity of the dray track, but he had always disappeared before he could be overtaken. However, as the track passed an eating-house, a watch was kept for him there; and in a heavy shower of rain he was seen to pass it, when one colonist ran out with the intention of keeping him in view, or of detaining him in conversation, while another ran for a magistrate. There was no difficulty in obtaining a conviction in this case, as the stolen goods were found upon his person. Another case may be instanced, where a violent character, having escaped from jail, was met and recognised by a squatter, up the country, who happened to be a magistrate; he was accordingly chased, and while being conveyed back to prison, on the following day, he again tried to escape; but a pistol-shot through the thigh arrested him in his flight, and he was safely lodged again in jail. Now when men could earn from 8s. to 10s. a day by honest labour, it appeared very bad policy to spend perhaps weeks in obtaining property to the amount of £2 or £3 by theft, and, as the foregoing instances showed an intention on the part of the people fully to support the officers of the law, it

was felt that the very small police force enrolled in the colony was sufficient for its purposes.

The absence of crime constitutes one great charm for those living in New Zealand, for men able to work can make so much more by the high rate of wages than by stealing, that it is literally felt to be true by the labouring population that "Honesty is the best policy." Professional beggars are quite unknown, they would be an object of curiosity to the colony, for the laziest persons have obtained their keep by work of the slightest nature.

The rough life of a young colony entails some trials to the moral courage of those who have been brought up in the luxuries of an old-settled country, and there is philosophy in the changes of opinion brought about among bodies of men, whether large or small, for they are occasioned by such trials.

The subject of colonisation, viewed in the light of this publication, must be comparatively new to the majority of readers in the United Kingdom; but why should that circumstance deter the writer from putting them forward? To please themselves, and not to enquire into the business of others, is doubtless viewed as being the only profitable subject for contemplation by the bulk of mankind. Selfishness is doubtless a prevailing ingredient in human nature, and generally determines men's actions much more than the principles that they may profess to guide them, and troubles of every nature, public and private, may be traced to it. However, it is not so with all; for the philosophical mind may be met with, though it is comparatively rare, in all ranks and classes, desirous of enquiring into what constitutes the good of others. And in consequence of

the cheapness of books in the present day, men of a philosophical turn, in all classes of the population, may indulge their taste in some degree. But it should ever be borne in mind, that new ideas, started in any age, which appear to oppose the privileges, the prejudices, or the material interests of any large body of men, receive from those classes a very vigorous opposition. The generation in which new principles of any philosophy, involving great changes in the practice of any profession, or on which are founded the means of any class earning their livelihood, must, in a measure, die out before such principles are generally adopted. The nation at large must wait until the new principles brought forward in any science are sufficiently agreed upon by those who are placed in responsible situations, and are earning their livelihood by the practice of that science, before any new principles can be incorporated into either the laws or the general practice of the kingdom.

This is well exemplified in the science of medicine. Thus two new schools, in some senses allied to one another – viz., Homoeopathy and Animal Magnetism, have been brought in the present day into a prominent position, and are supposed to be advancing as fast as the very novel treatment they prescribe can be expected to find acceptance: but before they can come into the general practice of the nation, the majority of the families must have witnessed, or become personally conversant with, many instances where these new schools have succeeded after the old one has failed. Writers on these schools, generally introduce their system by remarks on the time all previous discoveries in science have required before being publicly adopted and taught.

Thus it is related that the law of gravitation, discovered by Sir Isaac Newton, was not adopted into the system of the college to which he belonged until forty years after its discovery; while to the present day it is rejected by colleges in Spain; and, similarly, that all principles in the science of medicine, involving great changes in the practice, which are now practised and adopted, did receive, when first promulgated, great opposition, and this throughout the generation of their discoverers. But how does the popular belief in the nation at large, on the efficacy of the remedial art, contrast with that of its professors? Thus the popular belief may be said to be that medicine completely cures diseases; but the philosophy of the art regards the human constitution as so predisposed to inherent diseases that medicines can only be considered as palliatives, joined to the avoidance of exciting causes.

Again, how are difficulties of a political nature in the conduct of public affairs generally overcome? Take, for instance, the introducing of great changes into the mode of conducting any of the public offices. Those installed in a government office, brought up in a certain routine, are not prone to listen to complaints of errors in their administration which entail extra work upon them by requiring prompt investigation. It is but human nature to shelter themselves under the plea that complaints are frequently made which, on investigation, turn out to be either groundless, or are greatly exaggerated, and that this is ground for delaying or refusing investigation into others brought before them. A social evil may therefore arise, and when this has grown into sufficient importance, the conscience of some among, those employed in that office, but who are generally in

a subordinate position, and therefore brought more immediately into contact with the evil, becomes aroused.

The desire may therefore be entertained to bring about in the minds of their superiors a change in the custom of the office, which may remove that evil: but this so generally proves impracticable, that some among those who feel the evil, but are possessed of ardent and conscientious minds, feel their duty to their Creator lies in leaving that office, and calling the attention of the country to the evils they deplore. Now the public sense generally appreciates the value of warnings conveyed by persons who have sacrificed some little position or comforts in prospect, in order, for conscience sake, to contend with social evils; and does not allow the public laws, intended to deter the designing and malevolent, to be turned into means by those administering the public offices, which they are ready enough to do, for concealing or delaying inquiries into their administration. The nation glories in her laws, allowing free scope for expression of opinion, whether it be conveyed in publications under the guise of fiction, or that of simple narrative, and exults in possessing this liberty more strongly than other nations on the continent of Europe: so inquiry is generally excited to ascertain the cause or truth of what is brought to their notice; and when conviction is imprinted on the public mind, of a social evil being fostered, a change is brought about in the conduct of the public office that fosters it.

But this is too frequently a long and tiresome process, and but few persons who have to consider the means for their daily living can afford to wait for this conviction gaining a hold on the public mind, or to spend their time in bringing it about, though they may relate

or write about it as occasions offer. If therefore, they are not possessed of private resources, on which to live until changes are brought about in the mode of conducting a public office, that will enable them again conscientiously to join it; it is generally more agreeable for persons placed in a subordinate position to choose another line of life, where the mind may feel more satisfied in its every-day pursuits; but this delay, it is argued, cannot be avoided, for the constitution of the country regards the public offices as appointed merely to administer laws made by the United Legislatures, and are not intended to lead the public mind in forming new laws, or making changes in those already established, which is the prevailing popular idea regarding the purposes for which they are appointed. So to arouse the public mind is a legitimate course of action, though highly distasteful to the timid among the wealthy.

Any person therefore, who has been accustomed to inquire into the opposition and repugnance habitually entertained by mankind to receiving all new principles of science, when they are first brought forward, will feel little difficulty in considering further the views brought forward in these pages on the subject of colonization, when being applied to the wants of the crowded population of Great Britain.

The troubles that have been experienced in the Canterbury colony appear in many instances to have originated rather in the spirit of eagerness, and a consequent too great readiness to spend money on the part of some of the employers of labour, who were without a previous experience in the economy of production; but the difficulties have been much lighter to those who

have had to contend with the ordinary troubles of business in crowded countries: and visitors from other colonies usually describe the province as having enjoyed unusual advantages in a physical point of view for commencing producing occupations; want of labourers being the almost sole drawback; and the residents must be generally considered contented with their choice, for the number of departures from the colony have been few, while most of those who had left it, have returned to it again.

3 Further political matters will be alluded to separately.

CHAPTER XII. POLITICAL MATTERS.

CHAPTER XII.

POLITICAL MATTERS.

Self-Government was not obtained in New Zealand without a struggle – The presence of a large warlike Native Population was supposed to furnish grounds for deferring the boon – The Natives were conciliated by the arts of Peace, viz., giving good wages for their labour, and also trading with them – The relative numbers of the two Races by the Census of 1857 – The Financial Debate in the General Assembly – The result is that a Loan of half-a-million of money is obtained on security of the Land Fund, with the guarantee of the Imperial Government, to be paid off in thirty years – A Steam Service contracted for – Opinions in the Colony on the position of Elected Superintendent – A Source whence future Political Parties may arise – The scarcity of Labour in the Canterbury Province explained with the provisions made to meet it – A Bet made that the exports of the Province in 1861, her twelfth year, will amount to £500,000 – This is compared with the Exports of South Australia and the Victorian Colony – Agricultural capabilities of the Canterbury Province, and her Census of 1857 – Probable future Legislation in favour of the Pastoral Interest – The Canterbury and Otago Schemes for obtaining the emigration of Labourers compared – A topic of Complaint with the Colonists of the Northern Island against those formerly administering their Government.

VARIOUS publications on New Zealand have probably informed the general reader that a constitution has been lately granted the Colony by the Imperial Legislature, which is supposed to be formed very much on the model of that of the United States of America, with certain very important powers for introducing changes with the consent of the Imperial authority.

The details of the constitution, and the laws already passed, maybe gathered in various local publications. Provincial almanacs register the acts of their Councils and those of the General Assembly, while the newspapers furnish the debates and general feeling in the Colony; therefore, allusions only to the most important measures passed, and the principles on which contention has been going on, with reference to those now proceeding, and others likely to be brought forward, may prove of interest to the reader. The party formerly in power did not resign without a struggle, and the principle of responsible advisers in administering the government, similar to that of Great Britain, was not carried without reference to Imperial authority; but the feeling of the Colony was strong in its favour, and no light amount of irritation was felt that the political privileges of the Colonists had been so long withheld.

The circumstance of there being but a very small white population, while there was a large native or aboriginal one, contributed to this. For there had been a war between the native and the white population, but this was brought to a conclusion by judiciously employing them in constructing roads in the Colony, for which they were paid at 2s. 6d. per day. This high rate of wages was afterwards increased, and the natives were so well satisfied, that they became frequently employed, and ultimately traded largely with the white man. Thus the natives became gradually sensible of the advantages accruing to them from the presence of the white man. They were well pleased at the high wages he paid them, and were glad to exchange their wheat, potatoes and timber, for tobacco, tea, sugar, and European manufactures. These comforts have been greatly increased

to the natives; for the finding of gold in Australia, having raised wages there highly, has also raised the rate in New Zealand, and natives now commonly earn 5s. per diem and upwards. Many of their young men and boys, when living near Europeans, soon learned the value of accounts, and also to read and write their own language. So, many now possess cattle, and breeding mares, others can saw, or bring firewood for sale on their own bullock-drays, while the women hire themselves out to assist in washing, and other household labour, at 3s. a day; and it may be said that the younger portion of the tribes in his vicinity have adopted the religion of the white man.

Also, whatever fears may have been excited by the disproportion in the number of the white to that of the native population, are now done away by the steady flow of emigration that has been yearly going on since the Maori war. The general estimate of the native population, in 1857, amounted to 90,000; while the census of that year exceeded 37,000 for the white population, which may possibly increase 50 per cent, per annum for the next few years. But as the Maories get good wages, and what to them are high prices, considering their simple requirements, for the produce they may raise, troubles of a political nature with them are less likely to occur each year. However, after the war, anticipations of troubles with the Maories have been usually adduced, as affording sufficient reasons for withholding from the colonists the desired boon of self-government; but this, after some contention, the General Assembly of New Zealand received, in their second year's meeting, from the home authorities, and proceeded to plan their general financial policy.

The business of the General Assembly during the first year was rather of a preliminary nature; but the contention was sharp, as the party who had been administering the Government were not disposed at once to yield up their places, though they had been accustomed to hear themselves blamed, and to have exception taken to their policy, by the great masses of the white population in the colony.

It was urged in the course of debate, that there was comparatively little land in the Northern island, of good quality, and at the same time free of the native claims, to be offered for sale.

It was argued that, in considering the public finances of those provinces, more money came in from the Customs than from sales of land; therefore, it was contended, that land might beneficially be almost given away, as long as people resided upon and cultivated it, because the annual revenue population brings to the Government, in the shape of customs on manufactures imported, would be yearly increasing, and becoming a more permanent source of revenue than could be derived from the sale of waste lands. On the other hand, it was argued that there was a large quantity of waste land for sale in the Middle island, which, if properly husbanded, would realize a very large amount of money in their provinces; while, from the scantier population, their Customs' revenue was there very small. Debates on these points arose, for the purpose of determining from which fund, viz., whether from the Customs, or from the fund occasioned by the sale of waste lands, the expenses of the general government should be drawn. Then, when the debt of the New Zealand Company was considered, it was found that there was no probability of meeting

that charge, with any funds likely to accrue in the Northern island; but there was a prospect of paying it off by the sale of waste lands in the Middle Island. It was well known that the feelings of each province were opposed to allowing authorities from other provinces to superintend the administration of their waste lands; therefore a proposition of the following nature was adopted, and has been carried into effect, viz., to divide the debt due to the New Zealand Company equally between the three provinces of the Middle Island, and to borrow money in London to pay it off, pledging the land fund of those provinces as security for the loan. Then, as the Northern Island required money to complete purchases of land from the natives; money was also to be borrowed in London to meet the native claim, and the land-fund of those three provinces was to be the security for the repayment of that loan. The provinces of the northern island were then in receipt of sufficient revenue from their Customs to carry on their respective governments, while the provinces of the Middle Island depended mainly on the sale of their waste lands. Thus the land funds of all the provinces are pledged; but as the Imperial Government have lent their guarantee (which reduces the rate of interest to 4 per cent.), the yearly charge is very moderate, and the loan will be paid off in the course of thirty years – so this important matter may be considered as concluded. The starting of an efficient colonial mail steam service is also concluded, which is not only greatly desired by the mercantile community, but is also required to remedy the present inconvenient delay of communication between the seat of government and the provincial authorities.

The principal topic under discussion now in the colony is the position of elected superintendents, which has been found to occasion some inconvenience in practice; for the authority of the General Assembly overrides that of the provincial councils, therefore an elected superintendent can plead, when he has occasion to differ from the ministry appointed by the General Assembly, that he is responsible to the people who elected him; and, as all the provincial councils have adopted the rules of the British House of Commons, the introduction of bills into those councils is left with the superintendent. Should, therefore, a violent party feeling in a province compel him to a prolonged resistance to the authority of the General Assembly, the wheels of government in that province may be nearly stopped!

It is argued, therefore, on one side, that the superintendent ought to be nominated by the general government, because the interests of each province are sufficiently protected by its own elected councils, and the superintendent can only act in conjunction with them. It is said that, as the constitution gives a nearly universal suffrage to New Zealand, an elected superintendent must be almost entirely the representative of the labouring classes, and that the rights of property may be liable to be interfered with in seasons of popular excitement. It is argued, further, that although the presidents of the different States of the American Confederation are appointed by election; nevertheless those States were independent of one another; organised and advanced in the mode of conducting their governments at the period of their federation; but that the case of New Zealand differs, in that the provinces are not yet sufficiently forward in their political organisation to

allow of elected superintendents being placed over them. It is said, also, that the position of elected superintendents was urged in the British House of Commons by only one old colonial reformer, with whom it happened to be a hobby – viz., the late Sir W. Molesworth, Bart. On the other hand, it is argued that, whatever be the theoretical defects of the anomaly, it is well known in British history that the labouring population do not surrender what they deem a right once granted to them, and, therefore, the endeavour to do away with the office of elected superintendent would cause more contention than the anticipated advantages promised. It is argued that the difficulties which have hitherto arisen might be obviated by a clearer definition between the powers of the provincial authority and those of the general government, so that each may understand more distinctly than they do at present their respective powers, and that this would prevent the subordinate authority from endeavouring to encroach upon the higher authority; and further, that this has occurred hitherto merely from the circumstance of the provincial councils, having first been called together, and put into action, when the constitution plainly contemplated the General Assembly being first assembled to appoint the work for the subordinate legislatures. It is said, however, that in two only of the provinces, viz., Wellington and Canterbury, is much feeling shown in favour of the office of elected superintendent: while in the four other provinces it is desired to do away with the position. And this is supposed to arise from the state of the electoral roll, because the confidence of the proprietary classes cannot be given to a man at the head of the province who has been nominated entirely by the labouring

classes, from among their own ranks, and who cannot, therefore, be supposed to possess sufficient information on the different wants and policies of the colony, to judge fairly between conflicting interests, or to head becomingly the hospitalities of the province, and to convey information concerning it to strangers visiting the country. This is considered not to accord with the principle of representation, as practised in Great Britain, which is supposed to be so regulated as to represent fairly the different interests of the country, and is not based upon the supposition of representing numbers only. It is defined that somewhat of compromise, or rather of forbearance and concession, is the spirit of the British constitution; if either party were to employ to the utmost the powers allowed by law, there would be a stop to the government of the country.

There have been some troubles in consequence of the provincial councils having passed bills granting permission to private persons to erect mills, bridges, &c, which bills had been afterwards disallowed by the general government, solely on the ground that the subject was not in the jurisdiction of the provincial council, and that the sanction of the general government should have been obtained before the bills were presented by the superintendent to their respective councils; and as this caused a year's delay in rectifying the mistake, the public were not pleased at so much time being lost before the desired conveniences were obtained. But there is no doubt that the bias given to mere numbers by the state of the electoral roll causes the chief hostility to the circumstance of the superintendent being an elected officer; and many future differences between political parties may be expected to

turn on this point. Other divisions may be expected to arise from the following source: At the first starting of a new colony, if we suppose the population to be divided into the two classes of employers and the employed, we must suppose that those who employ labour, make their calculations in the hope of obtaining some returns for their money laid out by the sale of their produce, before they part with their money in the first instance; but as this is viewed in countries newly occupied as being attended with some uncertainty, it is usual for certain rights to be held out by those who have the business of making the laws, and regulating the usages of the young community, as a further inducement to the employers to proceed in their occupation. Now, these rights may be of different descriptions to suit different occupations; but, whatever they may be, they will enter into the calculations of the employers, as being rights to which they consider themselves legally entitled. But it may happen that, some years hence, these rights may be objected to by the mass of the population on different grounds, and the demand be made to do away with them. If, therefore, this is done with the consent of the holders, it would be fair enough; but if any are deprived of these rights without compensation, and against their will, they must deem themselves to be injured individuals. But in the conduct of public affairs under representative institutions, when men are bidding against one another for the popular favour, to obtain possession of office, some will be found who are more regardful of the popular clamour to withdraw these rights, than to respect the abstract title of those who hold them; so these rights may be interfered with, in a manner seriously to affect the

pecuniary prospects of some of their possessors. Such will surely, therefore, consider those who had deprived them as being unfit persons to conduct public affairs, in consequence of showing this disregard for the rights of private property. Injuries of this nature may therefore be expected at some future time, to lead to the formation of distinct political parties, independent of the personal animosities they may engender.

The scarcity of labour that has existed in the Canterbury Province may be explained by relating, that the ships sent out by the Canterbury Association, viz., about twenty in number, might convey nearly equal numbers of cabin, intermediate, and steerage passengers, the hold of each vessel being pretty well filled with their luggage. Now both cabin and intermediate passengers would be desirous of employing labourers, therefore the supply brought in these ships did not equal the demand, even though some of the cabin passengers, who were young men coming out to learn, would be glad to take work, even when in receipt of small incomes from England; and when it is also considered how soon the labourer rises out of the condition of a farm-servant, it may be better understood how limited was the supply of labour, compared with the demand for it. Labourers came in from other colonies, but so did employers at the same time. After the Association stopped, two small vessels, freighted with labourers, were received from Melbourne. Then an agent, sent to England, succeeded in the course of about two years, in sending out five or six vessels filled with emigrants, but the supply of money running short, only three more could be sent out during the next two years. The revenues of the colony being now large enough to sup-

port the expense, it is expected an agent for the future will be employed permanently in sending out emigrant vessels periodically.

The rapid rise in material wealth that the Australian and New Zealand colonies have made, has been matter of great surprise to those only acquainted with the circumstances of the countries of Europe. Among the first-comers to the Canterbury Plains, was one from the colony of Victoria in Australia, who, in three years after Canterbury was started, having formed some estimate of the capabilities of the Province, ventured the opinion that its exports in the year 1861 (that is, about twelve years after it was started) would attain the amount of £500,000; and this opinion, being backed by a small bet of £5, was circulated through the colony.

It was formed on estimating the natural rate of increase of sheep then in the Colony, or known to be on their way to it, leaving a moderate surplus for the export of dairy and agricultural produce, and was at the time deemed to be almost incredible; but experience has shown it to be highly probable, from the rapid rate at which the exports are increasing. This estimate was formed without calculating on any mineral produce, but, as it is highly probable that a gold-field will be at work before the year indicated, a great addition to the exports of the Province is expected from that source. Now, this anticipated export is only analogous to the rise of the Australian colonies, as appears on reference to a small publication of statistics, by Poster, recently Colonial Secretary of the Province of Victoria; for it therein appears that the exports of the Victorian colony, composed almost entirely of animal products, viz., wool and tallow, exceeded £600,000 in the twelfth year after

it was started. But this colony had a larger extent of pasture for their flocks to range over than the entire Middle Island of New Zealand presents; and it enjoyed, moreover, easy access to New South Wales and Tasmania, which were then well stocked with sheep; so young men with previous colonial experience could start their Runs with a large flock, which gives a great advantage in commencing the occupation. From the same publication it is gathered, that the exports of South Australia amounted to about £400,000 in the twelfth year after it was started, and this was divided between mineral produce, valued at about £230,000, wool and tallow about £70,000, and agricultural produce, consisting almost entirely of flour, at £100,000. The price of flour at that period being about £10 per ton, this export would probably amount to 10,000 tons. The above-mentioned estimate of the probable exports of the Canterbury province, in her twelfth year, appears therefore to be only analogous to the early rise of the two colonies, as being intermediate between the two.

In viewing the capabilities of the Canterbury Plains, the agriculturist would observe, that from each of the two centres at present established, viz., Christchurch and Kaiapoi, 10,000 tons of flour might be easily exported, if all the country within a day's draying of those centres were fully occupied as arable farms, and engaged in raising wheat, as their chief product, for sale, while the abundance of running streams offers an ample water-power for grinding it. But the estimate of the capabilities of the province should not be limited to that amount, because the public surveyors estimate 300,000 acres, within ten miles of the sea coast, as land well suited for agricultural purposes.

It may be observed that the published returns of 1857 give the exports of the South Australian flour, (some of which was sent to England,) as amounting to 30,000 tons, which it is thought will increase yearly, and supply most of the demand in Australia. And it should be noted that the exports of New Zealand to Australia are expected to consist principally of barley, oats, and dairy produce, rather than of flour, which the Australians can raise to any extent, provided they have the labour, as their climate is well adapted for wheat. But from the want of labour to till the soil, it is hardly expected that the exports of 1861, from the Canterbury province, in agricultural and dairy produce, (for the latter will be largely raised on the agricultural farms,) will attain the value of £100,000 in that year, which would furnish an equivalent, in comparing the progress of this colony with that of South Australia in agricultural productions alone. Nevertheless, it is supposed, from other sources, that the amount of £500,000, which was estimated in the third year as being the probable value of the exports from the province in its twelfth year, will be attained, for the export of 1857 was generally estimated at £100,000, of which the wool alone was worth about £80,000, 4 (as could be judged of by estimating from returns of the census,) and the remaining £20,000 was made up in agricultural and dairy produce.

Thirty thousand bushels of wheat were exported to the province of Wellington, which was purchased gene-

rally at from 4s. to 5s. per bushel. The census returns of the province of Canterbury gave, for the year 1857 330,000 sheep, 13,000 head of cattle, and a population of more than 6,000 souls, while the revenue of the colony exceeded £40,000, which was nearly equally divided between the customs and the land fund.

Speculations upon the probable price of land in future may take this form.

The pastoral being the principal interest to the colony, and the occupation constituting its chief source of wealth, it is obviously the public policy to suit itself to these requirements.

The province contains thirteen millions of acres, a great portion of which is high and mountainous country, but six millions of acres may be safely assumed as capable of being let at a maximum rent of £100 for 20,000 acres of land, when fully stocked: this would bring to the public treasury a yearly increase to the funds arising from the sale of waste lands (which are solely bought for agricultural purposes) amounting to £30,000 per annum. But it must be expected that, in eight or ten years, the Runs first started will be overcrowded, and some means must be adopted for increasing the feed on the run, to support the increase of the stock; for, when not required by the butcher, the wether is worth keeping for the sake of his wool; and, as long as there is sufficient feed, it is more profitable to keep him than to boil the carcase down for tallow; but it would never answer for the squatter to spend money in improving the quality of feed upon land, the freehold of which was not secured to him. Schemes of the following nature may hereafter be thought of: – If 10s. an acre can be obtained for large tracts of gravelly,

poor soil, not adapted for agriculture, and far in the interior, it ought to be considered a good price, and it would be worth the squatter's while to pay that price for the whole extent of his Run, provided it extended over a sufficient term of years to enable him to meet it from the proceeds of his occupation; thus he might well afford to pay £500 a year, when holding 10,000 sheep on a run of 20,000 acres, besides being able to afford to spend money yearly in improving the quality of the feed upon the Run. A scheme might, therefore, be proposed to him, rendering it compulsory on his part to pay £500 a year, extending over a period of twenty years, at the end of which time the freehold of 20,000 acres would be made over to him; this would assess the land at a valuation of ten shillings the acre, and would secure to the public that it should be all sold, and not merely dotted over in detached portions, securing the best part of it, and leaving the remainder valueless. Such properties might be estimated to return from £5000 to £10,000 a year when completed, but requiring twenty years to complete them. If objections were urged to this by the other part of the population, that the price of good land was thereby reduced, it might be met by excepting all good agricultural land, well-timbered land, or that containing minerals, which could be surveyed and sold at the same price as the rest of the land in the colony. Neither side of course at present are ready to consider such a project; but it has occurred to a few individuals in the colony, as being likely to be brought before the public mind at a future day. It has been thought that such an arrangement might be beneficially extended over a tract of two millions of acres of waste land, situated

nearest to the places of shipment; and if it were adopted, £50,000 a year would accrue to the public treasury for twenty years in succession, without affecting the rent of the remaining four millions of acres, which might still be bringing in £20,000 per annum, until other terms were made with them.

The consideration of such plans as the above set before one newly-arrived in the colony, may tend to satisfy him that each province has its own particular line of policy to pursue, of which the residents are the best judges, though party contentions may at times appear to run high, and that the opinions of neighbouring colonists, acquainted only with their own localities, are not sufficient guides in determining the merits of different policies advanced.

The presence of natives in the Northern islands requires in some points a different policy to be pursued to that which holds in the Middle island. The settlers in the North can carry on a trade with the natives by exchanging English manufactures for agricultural produce, which they again export, and in consequence of the high price of labour, this sometimes answers better than to grow largely themselves for export; while the policy of the Southern provinces, in consequence of there being few natives, more particularly requires obtaining European workmen. But here different ideas appear to regulate the governments of Canterbury and Otago: the former hope, by a systematic aid to emigrants, to obtain the classes they desire; while the latter appear to expect that a population will, of their own accord, find their way to the province, if pleased with the prospects held out to them of advancement.

One great source of complaint between the colonists

in the Northern island, and those formerly administering their government, arose from the presence of native claims to the great bulk and best portions of the waste lands. It was contended that these ought to have been purchased before the increase of population from Europe should induce the natives to place so high a value upon them, that purchasing from them afterwards, would become difficult, and the occasion of a large expenditure, which would be greatly required by the provincial government, for prosecuting their public works. 5 The presence of these extensive native claims were always a very irritating topic in the Northern island, and doubtless occasioned the chief source of that great disagreement which existed between the colonists and their former government.

But the rude abundance throughout New Zealand, among the lower classes, constitutes a valid safeguard against serious disturbances; nevertheless some hope to rise to power by pursuing the trade of agitation. The demagogue is not absent. Even when common labouring men are earning 8s. and 10s. per diem, may some be heard to tell them that they are injured and wronged, and ought to contend with their oppressors!

It is objected by some to make the sale of waste lands the principal source for obtaining funds for introducing labour and carrying out public works, on the ground

that these expenses are thus thrown upon the yeoman class who can ill afford it. It is replied, on the other hand, by those who have practically encountered the difficulties of conducting the government of young communities, that it is very difficult in their early days to obtain sufficient money for carrying them on without some simple and inexpensive mode of collection is adopted, and that no simpler one than the sale of waste lands exists. For the custom of employers is to pay for work done, and not to be done, while workmen desire to avoid the sense of incurring any heavy debt to a private employer; so both these parties desire that the cost of the labourer's passage should come from a public fund, and that necessarily when the cost is high. Also that the introduction of labour and continuance of public works yearly improves the value of land, and it is therefore just that the owners of it, whether large or small proprietors, should bear the expense. Again, that it is not the custom of traders to lay out their money on what does not promise them immediate returns, so their, contributions can be only obtained for local improvements, as experience shows they require all their money to maintain their credit out of the colony. A sufficient price placed upon the waste lands, therefore, to deter the speculator, appears to be a practical means of keeping them open for the small holders to obtain advantageous sections at the upset price, until all the lands adjoining the centres of population have been occupied; after which period it may be open for consideration, whether it is necessary to sell the back country to capitalists in the colony or companies formed in the mother country at a lower rate, when there are other funds to help to keep up the required supply of labour, and to continue

the public works. Thus, in different stages of their growth colonies have a different policy to pursue; for the yeoman class may not be induced to come out to them by the mere cry of cheap land, when they experience that, by its distance from a town, or want of means of communication, the districts open for them to choose in become practically dear land for them to occupy.

LONDON: RICHARD BARRETT, PRINTER, MARK LANE.

4 Recent information gives £109,000 as the declared value of the exports in 1857, increased on account of a rise in the price of wool; and the revenue for the first half of the year 1858, as reaching £48,000, occasioned by increased land sales.

5 If the reader here remembers that the wages of the native tribes when first brought into contact with Europeans seldom exceeds three or four pence per diem, (which is nearly the rate during the winter months in parts of Ireland and Germany), he may better comprehend the great advantages that have accrued to the Maories of New Zealand by the continued presence of the white man, and the increased value with which they now regard their claims to the waste lands.

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