The Life of Henry Williams, [Vol. I. ]

Hugh Carleton

First published by Upton and Co. in 1874

Digitised and made available online by the University of Auckland Libraries and Learning Services.

Epub © 2013 Early New Zealand Books Collection

ISBN 978-1-927289-02-0

[FRONTISPIECE]

PAIHIA
DRAWN BY HENRY WILLIAMS 1835
LITHO. BY SCHMIDT & CO. VICTORIA ST. AUCKLAND.

[TITLE PAGE]

THE LIFE
OF
HENRY WILLIAMS,

ARCHDEACON OF WAIMATE.

By HUGH CARLETON.
Agnosco Procerem.

Vol. I.

Auckland:
UPTON & CO.,
1874.

[TITLE VERSO]

AUCKLAND: PRINTED AT THE "HERALD" OFFICE, WYNDHAM STREET.

MDCCCLXXIV.

[DEDICATION]

To

THE WIDOW OF ARCHDEACON HENRY WILLIAMS,

THIS IMPERFECT RECORD OF A GREAT AND

GOOD MAN'S LIFE

IS AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED.

HOROTUTU,

BAY OF ISLANDS,

NEW ZEALAND,

August 3, 1873.

[ERRATA]

ERRATA.

Page II, line 30, for "though" read "through."

Page 12, line 30, for "being" read "been."

Page 23, footnote, for "Take" read "Toke."

Page 41, line 11, for "face" read "pace."

Page 50, line a,, for "at their knees on" read "on their knees at."

Page 134, line IT, for "disease" read "decease."

Page 135, line 14, for "whakapona" read "whakapono."

Page 208, footnote, for "pico" read "piko."

[MAP]

[Map of New Zealand]

[MAP]

[Map of Bay of Islands]

[Pages 5-50]

MEMOIR.

IN compliance with a request that may not be gainsaid by me, I have undertaken to write the life of Henry Williams, forty-four years a Missionary in New Zealand.

Not without hesitation; being conscious of my own inability to do justice to the task, – to describe, as he ought to be shewn forth, one who is entitled to take rank among the great men of his age, and who is only not known as such by the accident of his work having been done beyond the pale of the civilized world.

But I have felt it a duty, having leisure, and personal knowledge of a most difficult period of his career, to offer my own humble tribute to the memory of a man who was looked up to by his own family with a feeling akin to veneration; by his intimates with admiration absolutely unqualified, and by that portion of the public which happens to know the real history of a country which he has served so well, with a respect and gratitude that year by year is striking deeper root.

Would that the pen could here be laid aside. But there is more, and of another character, to tell. Upon him, prominent as a man of mark, were concentered the assaults of those to whom mission work was a hindrance, of those whom he refused to follow in a tortuous path, and, above all, of those self-seekers who thought to profit by affecting sympathy for the native race. Though living to a ripe old age, he did not live down calumny, any more than did his predecessor, the unselfish and brave-hearted Marsden. Some, to whose lives his own was a reproach, – some, to whom the very nobleness of his character was an affront, –

some, who were worsted in their attacks upon him during life, are busy even still, working, like moles, beneath the earth, but ever and anon rising to the surface, each to throw up his own little hillock of dirt. Few in number, to what they were, and of little note. Of no name, it might be said, being one and all anonymous. For it must be admitted, in justice to the leaders of that great persecution by which he was at one time well nigh overwhelmed, that they, at least, have grounded arms.

The character of his mind was of that stamp, which, in active public life, is only too sure to bring down the enmity of those who have irregular ends to serve. For no man would he turn one step aside, to the right or to the left. Go his own way he would, when once assured that it was the right way. Gifted with a resoluteness which refused to perceive the sufficiency of any obstacle to bar his course upon the straight and narrow way, coupled with a singleness of purpose which defied every attempt to lure him aside, he was deemed "impracticable" by every schemer whose road he crossed. Add to this an inborn love of truth, for the sake of truth itself, which rendered him not only averse to compliment, but likewise incapable of disguising his scorn for all that is mean, tricky, or evasive, – and then, to anyone who knows the world as it is, sufficient cause will have been shewn for the virulence of animosity that has been displayed against him.

Courage was, perhaps, his most prominent characteristic. Courage, both physical and moral; and, in truth, he came to have urgent need of both. Physical courage, backed as it was by great personal strength, which when compelled to put it forth he was not slow to use effectively, brought him through many a rough encounter, ensuring him the respect of a people the god of whose idolatry is "Force." Moral courage that never counted odds, but for which he must have succumbed when borne down with obloquy, buffeted by every wind that blew, though coming clear at last through all, putting his trust in God and a righteous cause. It remains to be told how he stood at bay against the combined assault of Bishop, of Governor, of

Secretary of State, and of Church Missionary Society (the bitterest trial of all to him), never yielding one inch of the ground he first took up, nor advancing one step beyond; how he maintained, from first to last, his one condition, – "substantiation or full and honourable retractation" of the charges brought against him; how each assailant in turn retired, without having ventured within arm's length, leaving Henry Williams, together with those others whose battle he had fought, in undisturbed possession of the field.

As the physical courage was made effective by muscular strength, so was the moral courage supported by a most logically constituted mind, the consciousness of which was a strengthener to conviction, A false conclusion, to a man at once so single-minded and so keen in apprehension, was impossible. Of the vigour of his faculties in this respect, his overthrowing in long-continued argument such an adept in mental gymnastics as the Bishop of New Zealand will be proof sufficient.

Among those who could not see below the surface, Henry Williams was thought to be "a stern man." Yet, where duty was not in question, he was soft-hearted, almost to a fault; of a winning and easy courtesy of manner that is reached by few; of a delicacy of feeling that none but kindred spirits could understand, or even perceive. The attribution of sternness was an error; yet not altogether a groundless one. The appearance, at least, was upon occasion there. When duty was once in question, he would not – perhaps could not – see or think of anything beyond that duty. Born with an instinct of order, which manifested itself in the smallest details of domestic life, and which was developed, through that noblest school of training – the British navy, into the most punctilious regard for discipline, he troubled himself as little about the inclinations of others as he did about his own, where once "The Service" was concerned. He had entered into a new service – a higher one; but carried into it the impressions graven by the old one. From his own great Commander above he took his orders, and in carrying them out he exacted that obedience which he so rigidly compelled himself to pay.

It shall be moreover admitted, that the seeming "sternness" was carried a step further than even this. Courteous as he was, he never carried courtesy up to the point of feigning what he did not feel. To loose-livers, or to persons in any way objectionable, intruding themselves on his notice, he was able to put on a look that would effectually check any approach to familiarity. It was only to be expected that such as had supposed their dignity to be aggrieved would relieve their minds in the approved colonial fashion, – by reckless and unblushing abuse.

Wilful offence, indeed, he never gave to anyone, – that alone excepted which follows upon fearless proclamation of the truth. And even that need not have followed; for his natural high breeding was such, that his plainest utterance was free from the slightest tinge of rudeness. What he said was in the instinct of command: but rudeness pre-supposes equality.

Of "that deformed idol, Public Opinion," he took no note whatever. To borrow his own words, he steered always by his own compass. For what, indeed, was public opinion to him? He had come forth from home with his own special commission, – to serve and to elevate the Maori race, – "the people," as the old Missionaries, borrowing a Scriptural term, made a rule of calling them throughout; and with that charge he suffered none to interfere. Not out of any feeling of sentimentality towards the race; he carried too much ballast for that, – his practical hard-headedness was incompatible with flights of fancy, – but because it was his appointed work. None was more severe in reproof than he, when they swerved from their allegiance; none more unflinching in maintenance of Maori rights when those rights were unlawfully invaded.

His deep-rooted loyalty to the Crown he imported from the old into the new career; but gave no heed to "opinion," where the interests of the colonists were deemed to be in conflict with those of their native fellow-subjects. Deemed, I say; for, in truth, they never were in conflict, as we are slowly beginning to perceive. There are but few left who are now unwilling to admit that our native policy, with a few occasional gleams of

light, has lowered like a thunder-cloud over the Colony from first to last; or that Henry Williams was arraigned upon two charges, foolishly incompatible, – treason to the Crown, and treachery to "the suffering and complaining natives." 1

With characteristics such as these, Henry Williams was not a man to achieve popularity. Nor would it have been to his credit if he had. For, in a colony, "a man must stoop to rise." A base-born maxim, 2 and a discredit to its author; for he said it, not in scorn, but in sympathy: un-English, but with more truth than Englishmen are willing to admit. And these rough-hewn characteristics, be it remembered, were prominent, obtruding themselves upon the sight of all. But the more finely-moulded ones were kept in the back-ground. Nor indeed were they of a nature, under any surroundings, to have been recognised by the many. It is unlikely that his utter unselfishness – his deadness to temporal interest should be appreciated, or even believed in, among those who nearly all came into the Colony for the sole purpose of bettering themselves in the world. His delicacy of feeling was not likely to win upon those who affect coarseness of demeanour as a virtue, or his deep-rooted loyalty to be held in honour among those who keep to their own allegiance only for the sake of the substantial advantages it confers. I speak of popular estimation only; for there were those in the country who understood him well, – who knew that a paltry or ungenerous thought could not so much as cross his mind. Among these he earned for himself the highest title of honour that can be conferred on earth, – that of A Christian Gentleman.

A few words may be permitted in regard to the execution of the work to which I have been appointed. An opportunity is afforded to compile a memoir of much interest to the general reader. The materials, at all events, are there. A subject as yet unhackneyed, if not absolutely new; much of the old history of the country, now rapidly fading out of sight, to be preserved;

stirring events to be narrated, with fuller knowledge than when they were described before, and the story of a hard-fought battle, waged against him by some of the most able and influential in the Colony, supported by their allies in the mother-country, a contest from which Archdeacon Williams finally came out a victor. And, indeed, it had at first been intended to write for the general reader, confining the record to matters of a public character, excluding all topics of merely domestic interest. For many reasons, however, but for two especially, the plan has been changed. The direct descendants of Archdeacon Henry Williams are sixty-nine in number. The collateral branch, in New Zealand, is twenty-seven strong; and this without taking into account alliances by marriage. To these must be added the English relatives, who are not a few. It is for The Family that this work has been taken in hand, as a memorial, to themselves, of one who was inexpressibly dear to them. Therefore, in selecting from the large body of materials at disposal, preference will be given to such matter as is likely to be of special interest to the family itself, even though it should involve more of domestic detail than is suitable to biography in its most elevated style.

Moreover, it has been deemed expedient not to revive old griefs more than is absolutely necessary to preserve the continuity of the story. To pass over, without mention, the events which led to the dissolution of the Archdeacon's connection with the Church Missionary Society, and to his subsequent restoration, would be faithlessness to the subject, even to the memory of the deceased. But to give unnecessary pain, by severity of comment, to those who took a prominent part in these unhappy transactions, which, I believe, they now most heartily repent, is as far from the intention, as it is from the wish of the compiler. Certainly, there were some rough passages of arms in that memorable conflict; but seeing that the Archdeacon was not the smiter, but the smitten, – not the aggressor, but the victim for awhile, the first consideration must be – what measure of comment is in fairness owed to him? Due regard being paid to his fair fame; care being

taken that nothing absolutely essential to his vindication shall be pretermitted, the endeavour shall be to confine the narrative as much as possible to his "Missionary" life, – to dwell upon that, while touching with a lighter hand those political complications, in which, despite of all his care, he became entangled.

Now this could not be done, with full justice to himself, were it not that the stormy period of his career has already been most thoroughly and publicly examined, in a book entituled "A Page from the History of New Zealand"; – a book which has dealt unsparingly with his detractors, and of which no one has yet ventured to call in question one single line. I shall therefore now be able to write, with tacit reference to that work throughout; to presume that the reader of the "Memoir" has already read the "Page," and thus to avoid laborious disproof of much that is no longer believed. It will be at all events possible to give a simple recital of the facts of the case, without descending to the intricacies of controversy.

The desire has been to make him, so far as possible, his own biographer. By help of his own journals, supplemented by those of his wife, and by his private correspondence, this may be done. His letters shall be freely used, my own care being mainly to supply connecting links. There is but one objection to this, – namely, that he does scant justice to himself; that he becomes a loser through his habit of keeping himself in the back-ground, of minishing the value of his own labours, and the many perils that beset him. His very work was as quiet as his account of it. It makes no display: one might almost wonder where it was. It is simply marked by a series of unostentatious success; success achieved not by flashy exploits, but seemingly without effort, though the fine tact shewn in hitting the right time, place, and manner, supported by that innate stubbornness, which refused to take one backward step, but made good the ground, inch by inch, as it was gained.

Because of the great numbers of these letters, a comparatively small selection only can be made. My own strong opinion is, that the whole series ought to be printed, without reserve, as a

separate publication. The whole, because I have not seen one line that I could wish suppressed – not even of those which were written by him when suffering under the most galling imputations that could be brought against an honourable man. The whole, because they would shew his perfect consistency of thought and mind, from first to last, and the farsightedness of his judgment as to coming events. Not an instance can be found where forethought was wanting, or a prediction unfulfilled. How few could bear, as he can bear, to have every line written during a long, a harassed, and eventful life, brought up into noon-day light. I would print the whole, were it only as a hand-book for the guidance of all who shall hereafter labour in such a field.

Henry Williams was born in 1792. His father, Thomas Williams, of good Welsh family, came to Nottingham, where he remained until his death in 1804. Henry, the third son, was from early boyhood bent upon entering the Navy, to which profession his grandfather and three maternal uncles had belonged. This predilection, which tinged the whole of his career – his very phraseology when under the influence of feeling, seemed almost instinctive. When a child, with no guide but the Encyclopedia, he framed the model of a man of war, with rigging and sails complete. From the time that he was able to think for himself, he had made up his mind that he would be a sailor, and nothing else. Another final career was ordained for him, which was nevertheless affected throughout by the predilection of boyhood.

The sea-going associations did not stand alone. There were better still, indelibly impressed upon his mind by his mother, which, never quite lost sight of during the impulsive period of youth, rose up again in his mind with redoubled force before that period had passed. The mother was a Marsh, a highly accomplished woman, at a time when accomplishments were not so rife as now. The religious instruction, early imparted by her, was followed by abundant fruit. The son has often being heard to say (and he had no severer critic than himself), that among all the follies and weaknesses of youth, his mother's teaching had never been forgotten. The one leading thought did not exclude the other; for

both combined in shaping out his future course of life. And in this wise – events are purposely anticipated – was it brought about. He had indulged himself with one single periodical – the "Naval Chronicle." On or about his wedding day, his brother-in-law, Edward Garrard Marsh, 3 of whom there will be much future mention in these pages, made him promise that he would take in the "Missionary Register" likewise. From this he learned how the Tahitians had burned their idols, and had become converted to the knowledge of the one true God. His seafaring instincts were strong upon him still; he resolved to embark in the service of Christ, and consecrate the rest of his days to those wild and dangerous islands which, now vulgarized by familiarity, were then the subjects of romance, of curiosity, and of dread.

To return to the chronicle of events.

A brief reference to the earlier incidents of his career shall suffice, stirring and adventurous though they be. For it is with the second period of his service that we are concerned. He entered the Navy in 1806, at the age of fourteen, serving under Sir Joseph Yorke, a friend of the family, first in the "Barfleur," afterwards in the "Christian VII"; in the "Maida," under Captain Lindsay; in the "Galatea," under Captain Losac; in the "Race Horse," under Captain De Repe; in the "Saturn," under Captain Nash, and in the "Endymion," under Captain, afterwards Admiral Hope. He was one of the volunteers who joined Captain, afterwards Sir Charles Napier, to co-operate with the army under the command of Lord Wellington; and after that expedition had been countermanded, though about to sail, he joined the "Thames," under Captain Walpole, and continued in her until the peace. At Copenhagen, in 1807, he served both afloat and ashore, working at the land batteries, and was told off to a forlorn hope on the eve of the capitulation. He was in the engagement of February 13, 1810, when the boats of the "Christian VII" attacked nine French gun boats in Basque roads. In the "Galatea," he took part in the engagement off Tamateve, May 20, 1811, between three English

frigates, under the command of Captain Schomberg, and three French vessels of superior force; receiving a wound from the effects of which he never entirely recovered. For this service a war medal was given. It was sent out to him in New Zealand by the Admiralty in 1848, and is now an heir-loom in the family. He saw further service at the Cape, the Mauritius, Madras, and Calcutta. The last engagement in which he took part was the last naval engagement of the war – namely, that between the "Endymion" and the United States frigate "President." This is more specially referred to, as being a turning point in his life. It happened that Mr. Williams was one of the prize crew sent on board to carry the "President" to Bermuda. When taken possession of she had already six feet of water in the hold, and was only kept afloat by exhausting labour at the pumps. It blew a gale; in addition to that, the prisoners rose, and attempted to retake the ship. The attempt was repressed, but the situation was one of the extremest peril, without the sustaining excitement of battle. Had the gale commenced twelve hours sooner, all on board must have perished.

This it was that first awakened him to serious reflections, the first upward step towards a changed career.

On the conclusion of peace, he retired on half-pay, which he drew until 1827; when he was removed by an Admiralty order that all officers in holy orders should be struck off the half-pay lists.

Mention must here be made of one of the many calumnies to which he was subjected in after life, corroboration of which was sought in the fact of this very removal. It was put about in New Zealand, with assiduity of malice, that Lieutenant Williams had been dismissed the Navy in disgrace; 4 the half-pay list, where his name, for the reason given, was no longer found, being appealed to in proof of the charge. A written apology, under threat of prosecution, was demanded, and obtained. At the desire of Bishop Selwyn, publication of the apology was not exacted. The advice was well meant, but ill-judged, the Bishop being as yet but young in the Colony, – not yet made aware of the persistency of

vulgar malice. The result has been, that the retractation is forgotten, and that the calumny is yet alive. But more remains to be said about this same half-pay. In order not to burden the funds of the Church Missionary Society, by drawing a stipend, – in order that the work to which he had devoted himself should be a free offering, not only of the rest of his life, but of all his worldly means, Lieutenant Williams resolved to maintain himself and his family upon his own half-pay, eked out by a few small bequests from relatives. He accepted a passage; also the rations which were served from the common store to the whole Mission, but drew no salary from the Society until the half-pay was stopped.

All papers connected with the retirement of Lieutenant Williams from the Navy are to be found in the Appendix to this volume annexed. 5 It is indeed a marvel that in this Colony, disproof of anything reflecting on his unblemished integrity should be still required.

In 1818, he took Marianne Coldham to wife; for fifty years, within a few months, his untiring fellow-worker, and comforter in his many troubles.

Mention has already been made of his brother-in-law, the Reverend Edward Garrard Marsh. 6 With him, Henry Williams maintained an uninterrupted correspondence, which will be largely drawn upon in the course of this work.

Mr. Marsh was a member of the Church Missionary Society. Through him, the attention of Lieutenant Williams was drawn within the circle of their work; the result of which was, a craving to serve on that scene of Mission labour which then appeared to present the greatest difficulty, – namely, the Islands of New Zealand. A beginning had indeed been made; but the Mission could not be said to be more than half established; and the difficulties were such, that withdrawal from it altogether had been contemplated.

It was wisely ordered that Lieutenant Williams should have the counsel and guidance of so able an adviser as Edward Marsh. To him did he pour out his whole mind from the first; knowing well that the sober guidance of such a monitor would detect and check in him any excess of zeal or of ill-regulated enthusiasm, and prevent his being carried away by his own fervent temper, or by the hasty impulse of the moment. His adviser set forth, deliberately and temperately, all the difficulties of the undertaking; foretelling, again and again, as if by prevision, what actually came to pass in after times. Fiery zeal the younger had, and more than enough; but he felt and knew that he had not the maturer judgment of his elder brother.

His first intended step towards the new career was baulked, for a while. The disappointment was great, but the event proved that all was for the best. Having been informed that the Church Missionary Society were about to equip a vessel for their New Zealand station, he offered to take command. Their intention had been already relinquished; but he was told that he could be received as a missionary. He closed with the proposal, expecting to be employed as a layman, and addressed himself forthwith to preparation for the work. Final arrangements had been carried through, when disastrous news arrived from New Zealand. The Society itself was undecided, seemingly dispirited through the small success of the efforts already made. The violence of the natives seemed indomitable, their rapacity unquenchable. The house of one of their Mission had been plundered; himself driven out of it, and his wife's arm broken. Intelligence was daily expected in England that the Society's pioneers had been expelled the country, and that the Mission would have to be altogether abandoned. But Lieutenant Williams was not to be deterred; he steadfastly adhered to his intention, though his impatient spirit chafed under the repeated disappointment of delay. The time was not lost; he occupied it in training assiduously for his future duties. He turned his attention to surgery and medicine, for the practice of which, especially of the former, he found much occasion during his after career. In this he was assisted by Mr. Tuckwell, of Oxford, and

by Mr. Fernandez, of London. He also strove to acquire general knowledge of all such arts as were likely to be of practical use in an uncivilized country.

The following observations, addressed to him by his brother-in-law, are prophetic in warning.

Reverend E. G. Marsh to Henry Williams.
Nuneham, June 7, 1819.

I have heard from Mr. Pratt and answered his letter, so that I suppose your affairs are now in progress. The arts you mention are likely to be of the greatest importance, though I doubt if in one of them, namely boat building, the New Zealanders may not already excel you. But before I converse with you any further upon this project, it seems high time that I should admonish you to count the cost. In the other hemisphere you will be cut off from all intercourse of a direct, though not intimate kind, from those with whom you have been most familiar. Many of those practices of civilized life, which impart to it much of its charm, but which are so common as to be little thought of, will appear greater objects of desire, when they are no longer to be had. Your companions will be ignorant, may be perverse, or may even misinterpret or reject what you most design for their good. Even those who ought to co-operate with you, may often disappoint you, and indeed there have been disagreements between the settlers and missionaries, which must impede the good work which the Society has begun. In every case of this kind you must bear in mind that you will have no retreat, few persons to consult, and no other pursuit to draw off your attention from the occasions which offend. If you can contemplate all this and yet find it in your heart to persevere, if, knowing that you must not look back, you will yet put your hand to the plough, then I have nothing more to do, but to wish you good success in the name of the Lord; but it is expedient for you to enter upon the service with a mind fully made up for all encounters and hazards.

I have but one thing more to say to you upon this subject. It is possible you may find a difficulty of maintaining yourselves upon your own means. Let me advise you therefore to stipulate for help, if there should be need for it, though of course every one in such a situation must refrain from pressing upon finances which he knows are designed to advance not his comforts, but his Work. . .

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh,
Cheltenham, October 7, 1819.

I thank you for your very cheering letter, which under present circumstances was received most gratefully. We now conclude it

is the will of God that our departure should not take place this year. I had been preparing my mind for this from the first; and whilst I bow in submission to His will, I rejoice that He has called me out of darkness into His marvellous light, and from the pursuit of war, to an earnest desire to lend my feeble efforts to convey the Gospel of peace to a far distant nation.

For the sake of closer intercourse with his friend and chief adviser, Lieutenant Williams removed, in 1820, to Balden, where, with his wife and two children, he remained until September, 1821; when he followed Mr. Marsh to Hampstead. While at Balden, he was directed by the Society to remain at least two years longer in England, and to study for ordination. This was not in accordance with his original intention; but his old habits of discipline had trained him to obedience without demur. This was a wise and fortunate proceeding on the part of the Society, as in due time was amply proved.

He was ordained Deacon, June 2, 1822, by the Bishop of London; and Priest, June 16, 1822, by the Bishop of Lincoln.

After his ordination, further intelligence, of a disheartening character, was received by the Society.

Very unpleasant news from New Zealand. The visit of the chiefs to England has been productive of great evil. All the presents Hongi received were changed in New South Wales for muskets; he is supposed to have a thousand stand of arms. Mr. Kendal is implicated: those Missionaries who steadily obey the instructions of the Society and refuse to sell muskets are despised by the natives, and two are thinking of returning.

The Society offered to change Mr. Williams' scene of labour; but he induced them to permit him to carry out his original intention.

Our story is of New Zealand, and of New Zealand only. With a view to making a beginning, incidents of early life are passed with as brief mention as will content those for whom alone this "Memoir" is compiled. Let us therefore proceed at once to the eve of his departure from England, setting out his reply to the final instructions of the Committee of the Church Missionary Society.

Henry Williams to the, Committee of the Church Missionary Society.
August 6, 1822.

GENTLEMEN,

I hope you will not measure my zeal in this Holy cause by the fewness of the words which I may this day address to you. But while I have the opportunity I would desire to express my gratitude to Almighty God for suffering one, who had long trod the path of sin, now to go forth as a Minister of His Word among the Heathen. And to yourselves, Gentlemen, I would return thanks for that great kindness which I have received at your hands, from my first connection with you. While this kindness serves to increase my affection towards you, I hope it will free me from all anxieties for the future; trusting in that gracious promise of our Lord, that if we seek first the Kingdom of God and His righteousness, all things necessary shall be added unto us. I have long felt the deplorable state of the Heathen, and especially of that people among whom I hope to live and die: for it is my desire, even to the end of my days, to spend and be spent in the service of my God, in bringing these people to the knowledge of His ways. I am not ignorant of your great anxiety in reference to this Mission; I feel anxiety myself; and it shall be my main object to endeavour to repair those breaches which the Enemy has made in our small body, by promoting brotherly affection and union; without which, I am sensible, we cannot expect the blessing of God.

In the observance of the orders and wishes which you may from time to time send to me, I shall ever consider it, I do assure you, as a most sacred duty, to regard them as rigidly as ever I did those of my Senior Officer while I was in His Majesty's Service. I look to you for direction, as the Stewards of the Lord's Vineyard; and shall at all times, I hope, be thankful for your advice. Nay, more: if reproof shall be thought needful, I trust to be enabled to be thankful for reproof also; for I ought to be aware that I have many infirmities, and you may soon have occasion to discover them yourselves; but I do hope and intreat that, when any part of my conduct does not meet your approbation, you will not fail to tell me with all possible plainness.

With regard to Mrs. Williams, I beg to say that she does not accompany me merely as my wife, but as a fellow-helper in the work; and though it will be, for some time, her chief care to watch over those tender plants which are committed to her immediate charge, yet she will, I trust, be performing therein no inconsiderable duty to the Mission. They have been dedicated to the Lord; and we hope that you will consider them as part of your Missionary Household; and that when we shall be laid in the grave, they may be raised up to carry on the work of the Lord.

Mr. Williams left England September 17, 1822, on board the "Lord Sidmouth," with his wife and three children.

The "Lord Sidmouth" was a convict ship, carrying out female criminals, two hundred and seventy in all, including one hundred free women going out to join their convict husbands and children, at Hobarton and Sydney. This mode of conveyance, which few would have adopted unless by extreme necessity, was deliberately chosen by him, that not a day's work of duty might be lost.

So soon as quiet was established on board, he took his work in hand. Ill received at first, as might be expected with such a congregation, he won his way by degrees, and succeeded at last in obtaining at least an attentive and respectful hearing. In a letter to Mr. Marsh, he says: –

Every part of the ship below was so offensive that I was always glad to keep the deck. Marianne was the first who ventured into the prisons for the purpose of reading the Scriptures; I could not accompany her, feeling quite unable at that time to do so. But on the week after our departure, being Sunday, we had service below. I delivered to them my commission from Ezekiel iii, 17, 18, 19. . . . I have been proceeding step by step until last Sunday, when I endeavoured, as our brother Peter had done before us, to shew them the disposition, activity and power of that great enemy of God and man, the Devil, who "as a roaring lion goeth about"; 7 also how he was to be resisted by faith in Jesus Christ, as the Captain of our salvation. Very many of the turbulent and baser sort used to meet together, some before, some behind, some on one side, others on the other; some killing cockroaches close to us, talking, laughing, coughing, &c, till I was obliged to call in the more 8 forcible

arguments of the surgeon. I did not fail to impress upon them that the offence was not against me, but against their Maker, that knowing the terror of the Lord I would not desist from persuading them, it being for their benefit and not mine. I have always observed that this method has the desired effect with those who listen to me. But the Doctor's battery was to bear upon those out of reach of my guns. They are kept in great awe by him: a single word or look is sufficient, and, though he does not like, – I may almost say, hates "Methodists," he always attends to this point. ...

While at Rio, Mr. Williams and his family received much attention from Mr. Bernie, Surgeon to H.M.S. "Conway," who volunteered to be their cicerone and interpreter on shore. There they were introduced to Mr. and Mrs. Crabtree, a young married couple, whose invitation to remain with them at their country house until the "Lord Sidmouth" should sail was so cordially given that it was perforce accepted. The unremitting kindness shewn by these worthy people, and by Mr. McCrae, Mrs. Crabtree's brother, is not yet forgotten.

On the voyage, Mr. Williams turned to account what time he could spare by cultivating the acquaintance of the ship's carpenter, in the hope of gaining a step towards a project he had never lost sight of, – that of building a Mission vessel in New Zealand, and so turning his professional knowledge to account. With the assistance of that functionary, he planned a schooner of 100 tons; burthen, breadth, depth of hold, size of timbers, &c., being all set down with precision. As usual, he looked ahead, and when the time came, reaped advantage of the forethought that had been bestowed. Shipbuilding will presently become a stirring episode in the tale.

The "Lord Sidmouth" reached Van Diemen's Land (so Tasmania was then called) February 10, 1823. At Hobarton, Henry Williams met Samuel Marsden, for the first time. Kindred spirits; resolute alike, uncompromising and enterprising; appointed to work in concert for many years; the succession, in the course of nature, remaining to the younger. Mr. Marsden, being on public duty, was unable to accompany the Missionary party to Sydney; but directed them to proceed thence to Parramatta, the

place of his abode, there to await his return, and to prepare to be stationed, in New Zealand, at Whangaroa, the scene of the massacre of the "Boyd."

They sailed from Van Diemen's Land on the 14th, and arrived in Port Jackson on the 27th February.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.

Parramatta, April 9, 1823.

For the particulars of our voyage I believe I must refer you to my letter to Mr. Pratt, and to Marianne's, as she kept a most minute journal of all transactions with regard to my ministerial duty, on board. I fear it was not attended with much benefit, beyond that of distinguishing the Sabbath day from the remainder of the week; there was not one individual in whom I thought there was a conviction of sin, a desire of living a new life, and walking in the fear of the Lord; yet I hope I discharged my duty towards them. We seldom had service twice on the Sunday, but I always assembled as many as thought proper every evening, as soon as their beds were sent below. By these means a considerable check was maintained over the passions of the most abandoned, and great order was preserved during the passage. On February 27, we entered the Heads of Port Jackson, where the change of scene is very striking, when contrasted with the barren appearance of the coast, for that is sufficient to strike the beholder with horror; but directly upon opening the harbour, it is most beautiful. Several islands are scattered about, covered with shrubs, and the water instantly loses its roughness. I had been up nearly all night, having too much on my mind to allow of my sleeping; and it was with very considerable happiness that we came to an anchor by eight o'clock. After breakfast, I waited on the Rev. Mr. Hill, a friend of Mr. Marsden's, with whom I was greatly pleased. Having delivered Mr. Marsden's commands for our proceeding to Parramatta, he invited us to his house for the night, it being settled that in the morning early we should leave for Parramatta. This arranged, and calling upon a few of Mr. Hill's friends, we returned on board, for the purpose of apprising Marianne of our intentions and to prepare the convict girl for landing with us. We had here much to attend to, and it was with great difficulty I joined the family at Mr. Hill's by sunset, packing and depositing the baggage in store. I found great relief in going with all the party across the road to an old church to the weekly evening lecture. Mr. and Mrs. Clarke are at the Native Institution, not thirteen miles from this, quite in the bush. They are very highly spoken of, and there is quite a contest to keep them from the New Zealand Mission. ... I cannot but admire Mr.

Marsden, both for his activity, his zeal, and Christian forbearance. He has had very much to try him; but I believe few people regard less than himself what the world thinks of him. He is in great spirits at present about the Mission, and I hope he may live to see some fruit of all his labours.

Much delay was experienced in obtaining a passage to their ultimate destination; but the time was improved by cultivating the acquaintance of two young New Zealanders – Te Puhi and Whatu, and studying the language with them. Mr. Williams also took whatever duty was committed to his charge.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.

Parramatta, April 22, 1823.

My ministerial duties' are very irregular. The Rev. Thomas Hassall, Mr. Marsden's son-in-law, assists him generally; therefore, on the Sunday morning, I mount my horse and go to some of the gangs at the out-posts where we assemble, usually from thirty to sixty persons of the baser sort. Nevertheless, I occasionally assist Mr. Marsden, and Mr. Hassall takes to the bush. Mr. Marsden preaches in the morning, as the Governor is always present at that service. In the afternoon, either Mr. Hassall or myself take the whole duty. Upon one occasion, I was required to address the Governor and Council, &c, Mr. Hassall being absent, and considering the remarkably slight manner in which the Sabbath is observed, I took for my text, "Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy."

He left Sydney July 21, 1823, on board the "Brampton," a fine roomy ship, in company with Mr. Marsden, the leader of the party. With them were Mr. and Mrs. Fairburn, in the service of the Church Missionary Society; also Mr. and Mrs. Turner and Mr. Hobbs, Wesleyans. On August 3, they came to anchor in the Bay of Islands, 9 off the mouth of the Kerikeri river. There they learned that Whangaroa had been pre-occupied by Mr. Leigh, a Wesleyan. It was consequently determined that Mr. Williams should be stationed at Paihia, a few miles further up the harbour.

It now becomes necessary to interrupt the narrative.

Let it be for once observed that this is not a history of the Mission, but of the life of one member of that Mission.

Consequently, let it not be thought that the work of one man is brought into undue prominence, to the disadvantage or neglect of his fellow-labourers. One among them, having been gathered to his rest – Richard Davis – has already found his own biographer. To others, it may be assumed, the like tribute of memory will be paid, in due course; but it is to be hoped, for each, that the day which shall entitle to posthumous honour may not be very near at hand.

It will however be necessary, for the due understanding of correspondence which assumes complete acquaintance with the subject, and for the avoidance of multiplied explanations, to give a compressed statement of the condition of the Mission, when it was joined by Henry Williams; this to be followed, in due place, by corresponding statements, at the epochs of the arrival of Bishop Selwyn, and of Mr. Williams' decease.

The story of Ruatara 10 has been often told; how, impelled by restless curiosity and a craving for progress, he went forth from home, like Peter of Russia, bent upon mending the condition of his people by bringing back such fragments of civilization as he might gather in his wanderings; how he shipped before the mast, – the only means of attaining his end; how he maintained his purpose, undeterred by ill-usage, privation, and repeated defraudment of his hard-earned wage; how he fell in with Samuel Marsden, and became, with him, the joint main agent in the christianizing of a barbarous land. For to Ruatara, as much as to Marsden himself, is the honour due. Each was necessary to the other; each furnished means without which the labour of his associate must have been thrown away. But for the determined support which Ruatara, as a high chief, was able to afford, Marsden could never have gained a footing in the land; and without the sustained labour of the civilized European, the work of the Maori innovator, too much in advance of the time, would have withered, like Jonah's gourd, and have come to an end with Ruatara's own premature decease.

Marsden, however, before falling in with his native ally, had already conceived the idea of bringing New Zealand within the pale of Christianity. In the years 1808 and 1809, he brought that country under the notice of the Church Missionary Society, and obtained a promise of co-operation.

The Church Missionary Society resolved upon sending out, as pioneers, men who had been trained to the practice of useful arts, and would therefore be capable of teaching these to a quick-witted race as pioneers. Mr. William Hall, a ship-carpenter, and Mr. John King, who was expected to be able to effect improvement in the dressing of the phormium tenax [New Zealand hemp], through which Mr. Marsden had hoped to defray a portion of the expense of a Mission vessel, were the first chosen. They accompanied Mr. Marsden to Australia, in 1809, in the "Ann," – the ship on board of which he fell in with Ruatara, working his way back to his native land.

But delay was still to intervene. Intelligence had been received of the massacre of the crew and passengers of the "Boyd," in Whangaroa harbour, in revenge, as was generally understood, for the flogging of a chief [Te Puhi, of Ngatiuru, commonly called George,] on board during the voyage. 11 Also of certain reprisals, as they were called, by the crew of a Sydney whaler – misled, it is alleged, by false information (possibly by resemblance of name – Pahi, to Puhi), upon the Hikutu, a tribe that was entirely guiltless, killing men, women, and children, and severely wounding their chief, Te Pahi, who saved himself by swimming, but did not long survive. Now Ruatara was Te Pahi's near relative, and the inheritor of his influence.

For some while, it was deemed unwise to allow the pioneers to proceed. Another volunteer, however, Mr. Thomas Kendall, having arrived from England, he and Mr. Hall were directed, in 1814, to proceed to the Bay of Islands, in the "Active," a vessel purchased by Mr. Marsden for the service of the Mission, there to re-open communication with Ruatara. They carried out their instructions with success, returning to Sydney, accompanied not only by Ruatara, but by Ruatara's uncle, the renowned Hongi, and five other chiefs of mark. 12

Success had now become at least a possibility. On November 19, 1814, the party re-embarked for New Zealand, this time accompanied by Mr. Marsden, as leader. It should be mentioned that Mr. Kendall had been gazetted by Governor Macquarrie into the commission of the peace.

On December 20, they anchored near Whangaroa harbour, between the Cavalles and the main land, off Te Ngaere. George himself, and about a hundred of the Whangaroa warriors, were encamped in view. War was raging at the time, and Mr. Marsden resolved to offer himself as mediator for peace. With this intent, he not only went on shore, but accompanied only by his friend, Mr. Liddiard Nicholas, passed the night, without misgiving, among savages whose hands might be said to be still reeking with English blood. It is enough to say that his object was attained.

On December 22, the "Active" anchored off Rangihoua, Ruatara's own place of residence, 13 a few miles within the northern head of the Bay of Islands, destined shortly to become the first established Mission Station in New Zealand.

To give the Mission a stable position, – to render them no longer interlopers, dependent upon caprice, but settlers, with a stake in the country of their adoption, it was necessary to secure for them a piece of land which they could call their own.

Mr. Marsden succeeded in obtaining from the chiefs at Rangihoua a conveyance of two hundred acres to the Church Missionary Society, and, at a later period, thirteen thousand more, from Hongi, 14 at the Kerikeri, for a payment of forty-eight axes.

In February, 1815, he returned to New South Wales, leaving Mr. Kendall, Mr. King, and Mr. Hall, in New Zealand. Mr. Hanson, the master of the "Active," left his family there, and subsequently joined them himself. The total number of Europeans at Rangihoua, including a blacksmith, sawyers, and their families, was twenty-five.

Such was the germ of the New Zealand mission, destined in after time to cover with its branches the whole of the Northern Island.

In 1816, Mr. Carlisle and his brother-in-law. joined the Mission, from New South Wales. Of them we hear little more.

In 1819, Mr. Marsden paid his second visit to New Zealand, bringing with him the Rev. John Butler; Mr. Francis Hall, 15 who, however, did not long remain, and Mr. James Kemp, as lay settlers. Mr. William Puckey came from Sydney to assist in putting up the buildings at the new station, which was being formed at the Kerikeri, and finally settled in the country. The Kerikeri was taken charge of by Mr. Butler and Mr. Kemp.

In 1820, Mr. Marsden paid his third visit, in H.M.S. "Dromedary," bringing with him another lay settler, Mr. James Shepherd; also stores and cattle for the settlements. In the same year, Mr. Kendall, accompanied by Hongi, and Hongi's brother-in-law, Waikato, 16 visited England. There Mr. Kendall was ordained; and Hongi received many valuable gifts, by exchange of which at Sydney he succeeded in laying in a store of arms and ammunition, enabling him to enter on that career

of havoc and wide-spread destruction which constitutes an epoch in the history of old New Zealand. 17

In 1823, Mr. Marsden paid his fourth visit, bringing with him the Rev. Henry Williams and Mr. William Fairburn, who had before been at New Zealand, in the Society's service. At this time, Mr. Butler and Mr. Kendall were no longer connected with the Mission.

This bare outline of early proceedings is little more than a key to names which must be presently brought in. It is needless to enlarge, the story having been already told by the Bishop of Waiapu, in his faithful book entituled "Christianity Among the New Zealanders."

Up to this time, not very much had been accomplished; nevertheless, the work of these few men had been not altogether without success. All suspicion of the objects of the Mission had been lulled; the natives had become satisfied that peace and good-will, however strange those terms might be to the existing state of things, was all they asked; and more, – that they had something to say for themselves, full of wonder at the least, even perhaps of truth. But two practical hindrances had yet to be got rid of; one, the inexorable operation of Maori law, which, though unwritten, was clear-cut and well defined; the other was, the determination of the natives to starve them out, unless they consented to barter arms and ammunition for food. It was of the first necessity that Mission land should be considered as privileged ground, like the precincts of an ambassador's residence in Europe; that the stations should become cities of refuge, and that taua or muru (of both of which we shall hear more anon) should lose force therein. The demand for arms had been resisted, not always with success; but, from this time forward, was never yielded to again. 18

Mr. Williams at once addressed himself to the establishment of a new station at Paihia, making preparation with a view to removing his wife and family from the Kerikeri, where they had been left until their own house, or rather hut, should be built. Meanwhile the "Brampton" was wrecked, in working out of the harbour, on the reef of rocks to which she has given her unlucky name.

Mr. Williams, with Mr. Fairburn, hastened to give what assistance they could. From his account, mismanagement seems to have been the cause of the disaster.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
October, 1823.

I took my leave of Mr. Marsden on Saturday, September 6. On the following day, the captain, a most profane man, determined to sail. The wind had been blowing into the Bay, and increased in the morning; he, however, got under weigh, and attempted to work out. He stood on too close to a reef; the ship missed stays; orders were given to let go the anchor, but from the great confusion, and from the horrid curses and oaths, the anchor was not let go till she was amongst the breakers. If was too late; the cable parted, and she ran upon the rocks, where she will remain a reproach and a beacon to all captains who so strangely prefer the day of sacred rest for their toiling and extra working days. The captain and crew were enabled to clear the ship of every thing, and took up their station on an island [Moturoa], about six miles from Paihia.

The necessary preparations having been made at Paihia, Mrs. Williams gives an account of her first landing there.

September 15. I accompanied my husband down in his boat to our new home: the day was beautiful, the only fine day in the midst of a fortnight's storm and rain. After rowing down the Kerikeri river, we called at the island of Moturoa, and saw the hut in which Mr. Marsden, Mr. and Mrs. Leigh, passed two nights and days. Near to this, the captain had now landed his stores, and erected a tent. We then sailed to the wreck, – a melancholy spectacle, remaining quite upright with her masts all gone, the

natives all around her, the captain on board waiting only the return of his boat to leave her. He had been allowed by the natives to keep possession until he had landed all his goods. Thence we sailed to our new settlement. The beach was crowded with natives, who drew me up while sitting in the boat with great apparent glee, exclaiming, "Te wahine" ("The wife,") and holding out their hands, saying, "Tena ra ko koe," and "Homai te ringaringa" ("How do you do," "Give me your hand.") I cannot describe my feelings; I trembled and cried, but joy was the predominent feeling. The cultivated land, on which was springing up our crops of oats and barley, extended close down to the fine flat beach, bounded on either side by a projecting point of rock, overhung by clumps of the noble pohutukawa tree. Within an enclosure of paling stood our raupo hut, which had, except in shape, the appearance of a beehive. By the side stood the store, and scattered about were the cart, timber carriage, goats, fowls, and horse, and near the beach were the saw-pits. Behind was a large garden, 19 already partially green with numerous rows of peas and beans. The entrance to the house was dark, and within were two rooms with no floors, and boards nailed up where sash-lights are to be placed. Mr. Fairburn and my husband laid me a boarded floor in the bed-room before night; and I never reposed more comfortably. On Sunday, Mr. Williams opened another raupo hut for a chapel. The day was fine. The bell was rung for a quarter of an hour, and sounded sweetly as the congregation walked along the beach. The natives carried the chairs and planks for benches. The Union Jack was hoisted in front of the settlement as a signal to the natives that it was the sacred day. The whole scene was delightful.

No difficulty was found in obtaining permission to found a Missionary settlement. On the contrary, the chiefs competed with each other for preference; not indeed, at that time, for the sake of the teaching, but for the sake of the iron tools and other European valuables, which all white men were deemed able to distribute in abundance. The main consideration for the new-comers in making choice of a site, was the selection of a chief powerful enough to afford continued protection.

Here are some domestic details from Mrs. Williams' journal.

The Missionary's wife must, for the sake of cleanliness and preservation from multitudes of fleas, wash and dress her children, make her own bed, her children's and her visitors'. She must be house-

maid and chamber-maid, and nursery-maid, and must superintend the cooking; for the best of the native girls would, if she were not watched, strain the milk with the duster, wash the tea things with the house-cloth, or wipe the tables with the flannel for scouring the floor. The very best of them also will on a hot day take herself off, just when you may be longing for some one to hold the baby, and swim; after which she will go to sleep for two or three hours.

The superstition of the natives is great indeed; so is their cruelty. Let all holders forth of the innocence of savage ignorance come and live among savages. The more I see, the more I feel the truth of the doctrine of grace. We daily behold the natural man. Yet, they have some pleasing traits to bring into higher relief the ruin which sin has made.

Mr. King told me that a female cookey [slave] had been killed and eaten at Rangihoua for stealing potatoes. Mr. Turner witnessed the horrid sight of a cookey stretched out and partly roasted; he begged the body, and buried it. Patu, the girl who washed for me while at the Kerikeri, has since had an infant, which she destroyed. One morning, at breakfast, soon after we came, Te Koki 20 having drank a large basin of tea, desired that his cookey [servant to Mrs. Fairburn] might never be suffered to drink from that bowl. Mr. Fairburn told us that if Te Koki heard of its being allowed, and that he were afterwards taken ill, he would kill the girl.

. . . . . . . . . .

The chiefs say that they will bring us no pigs, unless we sell muskets. Not long ago we heard that thirty pigs were brought down the river to exchange for muskets. The captain had so much pork that he refused to buy, and they were all taken back again. We had lived upon salt beef from Sydney for three weeks, and fish, when time could be spared to catch it.

The first object of the Missionaries, with a view to obtaining freedom of action, was to obtain release from the trammels of native law; a law which, pharisaically strict in matters of observance, harassing to the extreme in trifles, maintaining a continuous supply of small offence, was wonderfully elastic where high-handed robbery was intended. A pretext for punishment, – of course in seeming accordance with law, was never wanting; and punishment would for the most part result in profit to the minister of the law. Not

without difficulty, the Missionaries did succeed in getting themselves placed beyond the pale; but the accomplishment of this took many years to bring about.

The next object was the acquisition of the language; not in the slovenly style in which it may be learned by conversation, but in a scholar-like fashion, ascertaining the rules by which it is governed, compiling a dictionary, and fitting themselves to undertake a translation of the Holy Scriptures. For this purpose regular meetings were organised, at which notes and suggestions were exchanged, and formal rules of construction deduced. This, also, was the work of time.

Not only the language, but the men who spoke it had to be made matter of patient study. The Missionaries had to make themselves acquainted with the idiosyncracies of a race whose motives of action differ essentially from our own, – whose ideas of wrong and right in no wise tally with our own, and who are tenacious of time-honoured custom to an extent that the sturdiest of English Tories would scarcely understand. They had to set to work to learn; to fit themselves for the situation; and this, unfortunately, is what their successors in native management, the Colonial Government, forgot, or were too proud to do.

In 1823, day-schools were established, and Sunday-schools for the children. Visiting the natives round about, for religious instruction, was not neglected, though preaching, for want of more perfect knowledge of the language, was as yet impossible. It was moreover clearly seen, that any attempt to take the stronghold of the enemy by storm would be futile. The one fair chance was to proceed by sap, slowly and surely, making good every step in advance as it was won.

All privations, save one, were borne as though they did not exist. This one thing lacking was a Church for congregational service; and the want induced a craving which household service could not entirely allay. This feeling – perhaps remotely akin to nostalgia, is not unknown even to the rougher sort in strange lands. Denizens of an old country, thickly populated, know not what it means. They can suppose it, but cannot feel

it, for the Church bell is always within hearing to them. They are free to attend, even though choosing perhaps to stay away.

But Mr. Williams aspired to more than a Church; he must needs have an organ within it; and prepared to endow the Church, when it should be built, with as good an instrument as his means would allow. He was saved this expense, by the gift of an organ from his maternal uncle, the father of the Rev. E. G. Marsh. Mr. Williams' passionate love of music, hereditary in his mother's family, followed him through life. Of all the fine arts, indeed, he had the most refined appreciation, and was himself no mean proficient in the use of the pencil.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.

Since we have been here we have greatly missed the Sanctuary, and the assembling with the congregation; for I cannot but view the progress of each as buoying up each other's spirits. But here some two or three retiring to a shed, or to one of the rooms of the dwelling, with seven little children to attend to, deadens the spirituality at which a Christian aims. Those in England who absent themselves willingly from attending the means of grace, so constantly within their reach, little prize their privileges. Experience is a noble school. Our intention is to have a building consecrated for the express purpose of worship; we have the frame prepared, and ready for going up. An organ I will have for it as soon as I can lay by the money. We have established daily prayers in the native language; our native boys and girls all join in the religious exercises of the day. We sing a hymn in their own language, and conclude with a native prayer. They appear to enter with pleasure into these things, and are always the first to assemble.

The state of the natives at this time he thus describes: –

Our visits amongst the people are frequent, but they are sadly dark. They are by no means averse to our conversation, but they are dead as stones; – they want the power from above. Before this world was created out of chaos, the spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters – was brooding over that which was, at the command of God, to spring up into life and beauty. This, I feel, is the only fountain from whence all success must flow. A new creation must here be wrought before the seed of Divine knowledge will spring up in the land. Our prayer meetings,

I hope, will increase our delight in this work, and strengthen our faith in the Lord, that He will be with us, to direct and to bless us.

The following letter may serve as a specimen, among many, giving a picture of every-day life at Paihia; also of trouble with the natives. Its homeliness and quiet good sense, the absence of any attempt at display, is characteristic.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh
Marsden Vale, January 27, 1824.

Up to the departure of our good kind friend, whose name I have attached to my place of residence, I forwarded the outline of our proceedings.

The period of Mr. Marsden's departure was a critical one; for, upon the eve of it, it was reported that the house just left by Mr. Butler was about to be given to the flames, from the rage of some of the chiefs in consequence of Mr. Butler sending some turkeys to the Wesleyan settlement, which they said had been promised to them. Though we were at a considerable distance from the scene of this disturbance, it was necessary to send and prevent such a step, if words could do it. Accordingly, Mr. Fairburn took my boat, though late, to the Kerikeri, and returned by break of day: the vessel about to sail. He reported the house to be standing, but that the natives were very troublesome. One of the chiefs, a man of sad character, had broken into the house, and stolen several things; and Mr. Shepherd, who was sleeping there, coming into the room at the time, and disturbing him on his exalted perch on one of the beams, he threw a quantity of harness and other things down, hoping thereby to entangle Mr, Shepherd. He then sprang from the beam; but Mr. Shepherd, being active, escaped through the window. A scuffle ensued, but no material damage. The chief told Mrs. Shepherd that he would certainly kill her husband. He then returned to the den from which he had just issued, and resumed his plundering. He carried off several things, and so that affair ended.

February 4. Affairs are generally improving. Schools have been opened at Rangihoua and the Kerikeri; as yet very unsettled, neither the children or parents knowing yet the view they ought to take of it. Our domestic concerns are as agreeable as circumstances will permit. In the course of two months we shall have double the room we have at present, as Mr. Fairburn is living in our rush mansion; by that time he will obtain one for himself. Our permanent dwelling we think to build of mud, setting a new fashion. It will be more expeditious, much cheaper, warmer in winter, cooler in summer, and not so liable to catch fire . . .

It is very singular to see how observing the natives are in every thing. They took a fancy to some of my books, before I had any idea that they cared for such things, – two volumes of "Milner's Church History" and some others. These are to assist them in the wars by furnishing them with paper for cartridges. Indeed, it is very necessary to keep the most vigilant look-out. Some turkeys we had have fallen a sacrifice; and also some fowls. But I think they meet with as little encouragement from us in this way as anywhere, so few things being out. For whatever may be out of sight even for a minute, is gone. Yesterday, ten bottles of lime juice were taken out of a case which stood under the window; it was bad, otherwise it would not have stood there. I was outside for a moment; one of them contrived to take the girl's bonnet and several other things from her box; but it was recovered. The only means we have of punishing these people is to forbid them entrance, and to tuhituhi them, – that is, to note them down in writing. To turn these people out of the yard, is not always practicable. We can show our displeasure by not speaking to them, which they feel very much. A circumstance of this nature took place a short time since. The chief [Tohitapu] 21 who has so lately had a fight with us, as they term it, came into the yard, and, after some time asked for an axe, as we had twelve logs of timber belonging to him, which had been stolen. We referred him to the thief for satisfaction, but he would not take that as an excuse. 22 He thereupon took up an adze belonging to Mr. Fairburn, and soon after walked out of the yard with the adze. We told him that rangatiras [gentlemen] do not steal. He said it was not stealing; only taking away. We therefore tuhituhi'd, – that is, took note of the circumstance. Ten days after he came again. We took no notice of him; he wanted to shake hands, but we turned away. Several days after he came again, and tried to shake hands; but we would not, in consequence of his having stolen the adze. At last he came in company with our chief [Te Koki], and they together hoped to obtain an axe or adze in return for the one he had taken. They asked the question, but it was refused; and, while we were at breakfast, an old chief brought the adze to us; but we would not receive it from him, as the chief who stole it must return it. Our chief therefore took it back, and the one who had first taken it came and laid it down at our feet. We then shook hands, and were good friends. The account of this man's last fight with us, I have written to Mr. Pratt. He is a sad,

troublesome fellow, and a very great man. All the chiefs in our immediate neighbourhood are exceedingly friendly; but we must expect a troublesome visitor occasionally. It requires a good deal of patience and prudence at those times; but notwithstanding all uncomfortable circumstances, we lie down in peace every night without thought of molestation, our windows not secured, and in a rush box, which would burn to the ground in less than ten minutes. We are sometimes visited by numbers, under the name of a fight; but they always give warning, and this generally terminates with something being stolen. But I hope they will soon come to a conclusion, as I have told the people in our neighbourhood that if they offer any violence I shall move to some other place, and they have been considerably better-behaved for some days. This morning [February 9], at break of day, the yard was filled with natives, and our girl came and told me with apparent fear. I arose immediately, and looking out of the window found it even so; for the yard was surrounded by them, and as yet I knew not whether they were friends or foes. But they were quiet, and upon going out I discovered that they were all friends, – an old gentleman, who had for some time being absent, among them. I was glad to see him: he told me that Matohea, a neighbouring chief – a great rogue, – was coming to set the house on fire. I told him that I did not know, but I thought that he knew much better; that it was of little consequence to us. I asked, what was the cause of the man's intended visit; he said, we had accused him of stealing several things. Certainly, I answered, it was known by all that he was a thief, and a very bad man. After some time my old chief asked me if we would not give the people a fish-hook each. This I considered very bad policy; but as he repeated the question, I said that perhaps we might give them ten, as one was so small a gift. This is the way I am obliged to excuse myself from giving to several who are continually asking for things. I made the old gentleman a present of a turkey, the only remaining one; the others had been stolen. He was much delighted; he afterward took breakfast with us, and asked several questions, – whether we thought of going to Port Jackson, or to any other part of the Bay of Islands. He said that he had heard that we were going to the place of Tommy Tui. I told him that, if the people behaved ill, we should be obliged to remove; but that if they did not, we should remain. One of his relations replied that if Te Koki (our chief) made a fight with us, we should go; but if they were strangers who came to destroy us and to steal, we ought not to go, as they would fight them. This was not bad reasoning; therefore I told him that we would remain. Strong inducements were held out by the chiefs to part with muskets and powder. They tell us, did we let them have such things, they would kill everybody who should come near us; that bye and bye the natives from the South would come and kill us all; that if we

do not part with them, they will take all their pigs and potatoes to the ships. This they certainly do; for we seldom see a pig, while hundreds are taken to the vessels. Also the potatoes; few we receive, though the ships are loaded with them. This must make a considerable alteration in the supplies to these stations, as Mr. Marsden had calculated greatly upon the potatoes for the support of the schools. We have been driven to the last basket frequently, and left unable to feed the natives at work for us.

Great advancement in the language is made by Mr. Shepherd, and we are all paying particular attention to it. We met on Tuesday week to examine some words, and on Monday next we assemble again, for two days at least. We, in Council, have condemned the book called "The Grammar." I cannot tell what share Professor Lee may have had in the composition thereof, but it certainly appears far from simplicity. I therefore, in my last letter to Mr. Pratt, made a request for a small printing press, with which we may prepare small books, &c, &c, and make what alteration we from time to time may think proper.

February 11. We have just returned from fishing with the line, and have had tolerably good sport, having caught near ninety fish, some of which weigh nine and ten pounds. This is a great relief from salt beef, and will serve for two or three days for everybody. We might almost live upon fish; but it takes some time to catch them. On our return, one of the natives in the boat heard that Motoki, 23 a chief of noted bad character, and our present enemy, living a mile and a half away, had killed a slave not belonging to him. A few months since, there was a disturbance on the other side of us, and all the natives collected together for a fight, in consequence of one of Motoki's slaves being killed, as he was detected in a theft. Motoki was afraid to make a disturbance then, as his antagonist was strong; but it appears he has adopted this mode of revenge by slaying one of their slaves. To-morrow, therefore, we may expect a fight on our other side. These fights are seldom bloody. They have great talking and storming, and sometimes burn their houses, take away their potatoes or pigs. But this man, Motoki, is greatly disliked by all, and it will be a good thing if they touch him up, and turn him out of this place to some other part of the island. We have nothing to do with these little matters, but frequently speak on the impropriety of them. You would have much satisfaction in spending six months among them. They are a surprising people, and notwithstanding their utmost wildness, and their national propensity to thieving, still they are evidently restrained from committing any flagrant act. If they steal from us, it generally is from our own carelessness. But if these are bad, our own country people are worse. For I cannot think it possible

for persons, as we are, having property in charge with this people – property of considerable amount, to be placed among the inhabitants of England with no stronger law to protect them, without meeting with much worse fare. We lie down at night in perfect security, though a stick would penetrate any part of our dwelling, and a spark of fire would consume us. And in all their vexatious humours, I do not see but that the English and others are the same, under the same circumstances. It was said, this morning, "the natives have spat in the faces of the Missionaries, and they must stand and swallow it." I said, "the English will do the same"; and certainly about London many will be found, and others would do it but for the law which keeps them within due bounds. Here there is no law; not even natural law for us. I am told it is very well for me to talk, not having experienced these things, but bye and bye I shall tell a different tale.

Upon the whole, the Missionaries were not ill-used. What they had chiefly to apprehend, was the chance of being "stripped" at any moment; not, indeed, recklessly or wantonly, but according to the strict letter of Maori law, for some offence unwittingly committed – possibly against etiquette, – which they did not at first even know to be an offence. For ignorance is no excuse in Maoridom, any more than in England, where every man is presumed to be acquainted with the law. Possibly, such offence might have been committed by a retainer, over whom control was only nominal. Yet, this also is not strange to England, where the master is answerable for the act of his servant. Sometimes, however, the angry passions of a chief would excite him to set law at defiance, and to follow the impulse of his own unbridled will. On such occasions, life was really in danger. Defence, of course, was out of the question. There was nothing for it but to shew a firm front, and manoeuvre for time. The following episode may serve as an example.

Tohitapu was of the Koroa, a great chief, tapued an inch thick, and a still greater tohunga [priest], largely endowed with the power of makutu [bewitchment]. This power, whatever it may be, is real in effect; as real as the Obeah of the African negro. That the victims of makutu waste away, and die, is an undoubted fact. Whether from fear, or from any mesmeric influence, must remain a question; but it is not without significance that Tohitapu, after

exerting his power upon Mr. Williams in vain, lost it altogether from that time forward. While the karakia [incantation] was going on, the house servants were trembling with fear, expecting Mr. Williams to turn black in the face and fall from his seat. When failure became evident, the bystanders came to the conclusion that the white man's atua [divinity] had overpowered that of the Maori; and when Tohitapu died, which however was not until 1830, the idea prevailed that Mr. Williams had been strong enough to take up the curses, and to send them back. Some time after that, when strychnine came to be heard of, it was put about that Mr. Williams had administered a dose.

At the massacre, in 1772, of French sailors belonging to the squadron of Commodore Dufresne Marion, the body of the captain fell to Tohitapu's share, and was eaten by him accordingly. He was a man of unusual ferocity, even for a Maori of those days. But, after having been fairly worsted in the struggle, he became a staunch friend. A Maori seldom bears malice; he respects you, and likes you better for having beaten him. Revenge is with him, not so much a matter of feeling, as of duty.

Mrs. Williams must give the account of Tohitapu's behaviour at the Mission station in her own words.

On Sunday we had a fine day. At our morning service no natives were present, except those of our own household. After service, the native girls, who have the London fashion of keeping the Sunday, went, some with and some without leave, off to their friends, so that I had not a moment to sit down and read till I had cleared the tea things away, washed the children, and all, except our eldest boy, were asleep, and it was time for our evening service. After dinner, Mr. Williams had gone out as usual to visit the natives of the neighbouring village, and had some interesting conversation with them. Our service was closed with the hymn for Sunday evening, when we always think of our Hampstead friends. This is a season I always much enjoy, for I never through the week sit still so long together. Monday morning, Riu was unusually long in preparing to wash the clothes. Just as she was beginning her. work at her old spot in the yard, a boat from one of the ships came to look for men, eleven of their crew having left them. This event unsettled our whole establishment. The moment a boat arrives, down scamper all the natives, servants, men, boys, and girls, to the beach. If there is anything to be seen, or anything extraordinary occurs in New

Zealand, the mistress must do the work while the servants gaze abroad. She must not scold them, for if they are rangatiras [of noble birth] they will run away in a pet, and tell her "she has too much of the mouth." Having been forewarned of this, I wait and work till they choose to come back, which they generally do at meal times. After dinner, a most troublesome chief, named Tohitapu, who lives about a mile from us, put us all in confusion. Mr. Fairburn saw him coming, and called to some one to fasten the gate. Instead of knocking in the usual manner for admittance, Tohi sprang over the fence. Mr. Fairburn told him he was a bad man for coming in like a thief, and not like a gentleman. He immediately began to stamp and caper about like a madman, attracting all around by his vociferous gabble, and flourishing his mere [greenstone weapon], which every chief carries concealed under his mat; then, brandishing his spear, he would spring like a cat, and point it at Mr. Fairburn, apparently in earnest. Mr. Williams, upon joining them, told him his conduct was very bad, and refused to shake hands with him. The savage, for so in truth he now appeared, stripped for fighting, keeping on only a plain mat, similar to those worn by the girls. Mr. Williams and Mr. Fairburn beheld his capers with great appearance of indifference. At length they left him, and he sat down to take breath, and upon their going to the beach he went out. Engaged with the children indoors, I did not hear all that passed; you will therefore have only part of the scene. When Mr. Williams returned he saw some mats, apparently thrown down in haste, which he imagined to belong to Tohitapu, and putting them outside, shut the door, and went to the back of the house. Shortly after, the furious man returned from the beach, and, snatching up a long pole, made a stroke at the door, but it not yielding to his violence, he sprang over the fence, resumed all his old antics, and when Mr. Williams appeared, he couched and aimed his spear at him. Mr. Williams advanced towards him, not heeding his threats, but, though Tohi trembled with rage, he did not throw the spear. He said he had hurt his foot in jumping over the fence, and demanded payment for it, saying a great deal more, which we did not understand. Mr Williams said, it was well for him to hurt his foot when he came in that manner, and that he should have no payment. He then walked towards the store, and having snatched up an old iron pot in which pitch had been boiled, was springing towards the fence, but, retarded by his unwieldy burden, was making for the door, when Mr. Williams darted upon him, snatched the pot out of his hands, and set his own back against the door to stop his retreat; he then called to some one to take away the pot, which Tohi made several attempts to seize, at the same time brandishing his spear over Mr. Williams' head with furious gestures, while the latter, folding his arms with a look of determined and cool opposition, resisted his attack upon the contested iron pot, occasionally

exclaiming, "Kati, emara, heoi ano!" ["Gently, sir, that is enough!"] As I looked through the window with no little feeling of trepidation, the scene reminded me of a man attacked by a furious bull, who steadily eyes the monster, and keeps him at bay. The blacksmith now came forward, and shoved his shoulder against Tohi, who seemed to relax a little, though he still flourished about in a way which I can scarcely describe. The agility of this huge man astonished me. He ran to and fro with his spear in his hand, something like a boy playing at cricket, except that the New Zealander dances sideways, slapping his sides, and stamping with a measured face and horrid gestures, every now and then squatting down and panting, as if trying to excite his own rage to the utmost before he made a fatal spring. Tohi continued to demand his payment, and said he should stay here to-day and to-morrow, and five days more, and make a great fight; and to-morrow ten and ten and ten men, holding up his fingers as he spoke, would come and set fire to the house. During prayers he was more quiet, and seated himself at the fire, at the back of the house. His wife and some natives, who came with him, were looking in at the window, and one or two chiefs sat in the room. When prayers were over, he came to the window, and, without any ceremony, put his leg in, pointing to his foot, and demanded payment for the blood which was spilt. Mr. Williams told him to go away, and come again to-morrow like a gentleman, and knock at the gate, as Te Koki did, and then he would say, "How do you do, Mr. Tohitapu," and invite him to breakfast with us. He answered, his foot was so bad, he could not walk; repeated his intention of staying here many days, and burning the house; and, after talking some time, again worked himself into a terrific passion, and stripped for fighting. It was now about eleven o'clock at night. Tohi had thrown off his garments, and by the imperfect light looked like some wild animal, running to and fro in furious rage. I sat down to attempt to write. Our friends looking in at the window, one and another called to me, "Mother, you see a great fire in the house. Oh yes, children dead, all dead, a great fight, a great many men, plenty of muskets." Mr. Williams now came in, and desired me to go to bed, and left Toru with strict orders to keep watch, and give the alarm immediately in case of any outrage being committed. The friendly chiefs wrapped themselves in their shaggy mats, and went to sleep upon the ground, while we were preparing for rest. Tohitapu, who is a great priest, now began to chant a horrible ditty, which Mr. Fairburn told us was for the purpose of bewitching us. This poor victim of superstition, the slave of Satan, imagined he could by these means secure our death. The natives said he had "karakia'd" us, a term they apply to our religious worship, and said he had killed a man on board the "Active," schooner, in this way. We were awakened early in the morning by the noise of Tohi and others, who were

continually arriving, until our premises were surrounded. At breakfast, I made some tea for several of our friends, and having the curiosity to see how Tohi would act upon it, we sent a pint pot full to him outside the gate, where he was sitting on the ground in sullen majesty, surrounded by a number of his followers. We saw him through the paling drink his tea, and I hoped it might have proved a quieting draught; but, before long, he was again prancing about inside the yard with many of his followers, all hideous figures, armed with spears and hatchets, and some few with muskets. They looked more formidable to me, as I caught occasionally a glimpse, feeling that my husband was in the midst of them. Our native girls were all out, and I had to remain close prisoner with my children, the windows being blocked up the whole day by ranges of native heads looking in. The poor children began to pine for air and liberty, and at about five o'clock, Mr. Williams came to the window, and said that things were more tranquil now, and the natives dispersing. I then put out the children through the window, but scarcely had the feet of our little girl touched the ground, when a sudden noise was heard of loud strokes, apparently against the store, and it seemed as if they were making a breach through the wooden walls for the purpose of forcing an entrance. Mr. Williams put back the children head foremost through the window, and ran to the spot. The noise and clamour now became very great. A chief brought our little boy in his arms, screaming and looking pale. I asked where he was hurt. The poor child exclaimed, "No, mamma, I am not hurt, but they are going to kill papa. We shall all be burnt, and they will kill poor papa; I saw the men, I saw the guns." As I sat in the centre of the bed-room, the baby in arms, and the three others clinging around me, I saw, through the little back window, the mob rushing past, and a man pointing his gun at the house, and immediately Mr. Williams stepped in between. My feelings were now excited to the utmost, yet I felt an elevation of soul it is worth much suffering to possess, even for a few moments. Oh, that we did not so soon drop down to earth again! The dear children, sobbing and crying, fell on their knees, and repeated after me a prayer prompted by what was passing. The noise continued. They repeatedly shook our slight walls, but the house remained unbroken, and the children grew more calm. The younger ones soon began to be troublesome, trying to get to the windows to look out. The women outside kept coming to the window, exclaiming, "Emata, tena ra ko koe?" ["Mother, how do you do?"] Po at length put up her good-natured face, telling me in her own language that there would be no more fight to-day, and that all the men were gone away, and that she had been making a great fight for us, for women fight in New Zealand. I gladly unbolted the door for my husband to enter. He told me all was over, and that the second disturbance

was quite distinct from the first. Tohitapu had remained quiet during the whole affray, and was rather inclined to take our part: in compliance with the request of the friendly chiefs, the iron pot had been given to him, with which he had departed. It seems that in the course of the day, the son of one of the chiefs who came as our friend, had stolen a blanket from Mr. Fairburn. Some of our people charged him with it unknown to us, and this second disturbance was made by him, because he was annoyed at the exposure of his conduct.

For the most part, coolness and self-possession sufficed to bring Mr. Williams quietly through these native rows. But, occasionally, he was compelled to exert that personal strength which he possessed in a remarkable degree. Of this, one instance shall suffice. He had bought and paid for a basket of kohutuhutu [fuchsia berries]. A plan was laid to extort further payment. The seller thrust himself in Mr. Williams' way, barring the road; hoping apparently to be struck. 24 Disappointed in this, he seized Mr. Williams in wrestling form, striving to throw him, the confederates abiding their time. In this also, though the natives are expert wrestlers, he failed. Mr. Williams called out to the rest, "If you do not take this fellow away, I shall give him something." No notice was taken. Happening to have the key of his study in his hand, with his thumb in the ring, he dealt his assailant such a tap on the temple, with closed fist and key, that the man dropped as if shot. Mr. Williams, though not feeling easy about the result of his work, which seemed more serious than he had intended, put a good face upon it, saying, – "See now; I told you what I would do." The fellow recovered after a while, when the whole party skulked away. But it was well for Mr. Williams that he did not get the worst of the encounter. He was subsequently spoken of as "the man with the iron thumb."

Commissariat difficulties were becoming serious. Native supplies were still withheld, in the hope of starving the Missionaries into bartering gunpowder and muskets for food. The main dependance

was upon the chance arrival of stores from New South Wales, – "the Colony," as it was then termed in New Zealand. But this source of supply was so uncertain that, at times, much privation had to be endured. Mr. Marsden agreed that Mr. Williams' long cherished project, – the building of a vessel, – must be carried out; not only to free the Mission from material cares, but also to enable them to visit the Southern tribes.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
July 13, 1824.

In the course of a week, the keel of a small vessel is to be laid. It will perhaps engage the carpenters four months. She has been ordered by Mr. Marsden, and will prove exceedingly useful. We shall be enabled by her to obtain food, which has been very scarce of late, both for ourselves and the natives about us. We shall this day cook our last potatoes, and have been out of pork for some length of time. Indeed, the provisions for all the settlements are short; and should not a vessel arrive in a little time, we shall be driven to fern-root.

The hope of her completion in four months was over sanguine.

The calculation had been in accordance with English ideas. A series of hindrances, no longer worth recounting, arose. Everything had to be superintended by Mr. Williams and a few coadjutors. Felling timber at the Kawakawa, rolling the logs into the river, rafting them down to Paihia, the management of the sawyers, mainly natives, as well as of the carpenters, some of whom were very troublesome – no easy task in a new colony, where it is commonly said that "Jack is as good as his master, and a great deal better too," – all this presented difficulties undreamed of by those accustomed to the old country style of work. Often had they to labour at the vessel themselves with adze and auger, for the sake of encouragement and example. But patience and quiet determination were rewarded at last. After a lapse of twenty months, the vessel was launched, January 24, 1826, and was named "The Herald."

The following narrative, extracted from Mrs. Williams' journal, shall serve as a specimen of the many troubles which beset the work.

My husband was sent for to the ship-carpenter. The old chief, Te Koki, had entered the outer store, where the Englishmen mess, and sat down upon the carpenter's chest, which he upset. The

carpenter, a surly old man, gave vent to an oath, and the chief was angry. Te Koki would not accept of my husband's invitation to come into the house and talk the matter over, but went away, though apparently pacified, and in the course of the morning, he and his son sat as usual looking at the men who were building the vessel. The day was fine, and the girls hanging out the wash. The cloth was laid for dinner, and the men had all come in from their work, when there was a cry, "here comes the taua;" at first we paid no regard to it, till the cry became general, and, looking out of the door, I saw a number of naked armed savages rushing towards the fence. The girls cried out, "Mother, shut your door!" The uproar that ensued I can faintly describe, the girls were crying, the boys shouting. My husband ran through the workshop to stop their entrance; but numbers sprang over the fence, and sprang back again with the linen off the lines, and anything they could grasp; a general scuffle ensued, the boys and girls each seized something for us, one brought in a frying-pan, another a bucket, another a saucepan – the sitting-room was strewed with linen, boys' clothes, men's trowsers, anything that could be recovered from the enemy. Of this I knew but little till all was over. Nor of Jacky Whatu's rescuing a pot with the girls' peas in, and burning himself as he threw it back again; nor how, meeting a party who were going to smash the bed-room windows, he threatened to spear the first man who advanced. My children were out on the beach, my husband outside amidst all the uproar, and my feelings were tried more than they had ever been since I left England. The girls continued sobbing and crying, as they sat upon the roof; now it was said Mr. Williams was knocked down, now Mr. Fairburn was struck; the children were immediately brought in, but we were inexpressibly shocked as we stood at the door (the scene being entirely shut out by the high fence), by beholding an Englishman assisted in by Mr. Puckey, the blood streaming from a frightful gash in the back of his leg, just above the heel: he exclaimed he was done for, and Mr. Williams would be killed; his foot was severely chopped with a hatchet; the poor man was very faint, he was set down on the steps of the door: Mr. Puckey stanched the blood with a bandage, and we gave him something to revive him: he said he was lifting Mr. Fairburn up, who was down amongst them, when a savage came behind him and inflicted the wound. During this time the cries of the girls announced that Mr. Williams was down again; the sight of blood had so magnified our fears, that the worst was dreaded, and I screamed out, "Will nobody tell me if he is killed?" but nobody heard my cries, till some one called out, "All is over, no more fight." Mr. Williams gladdened us by his appearance; his concern was very great for the wounded man; he had no idea the wound had been so serious. Presently, the boys sang out, a boat was coming from the ships; it was the

doctor, our boat had met them half way over, and hearing there were two doctors in her, returned; they were coming on shore to call, merely for the sake of taking a walk. The man's wound was soon dressed, a bed made for him, and he seated comfortably upon it. We then learnt the cause of this violence and bloodshed. Upon being demanded by Mr. Williams the meaning of their attack, Moka and Hepatahi, two Waitangi chiefs, and the leaders of the mob, replied that "the carpenter swore at Te Koki." Mr. Williams replied, "What is that to me; have I ever sworn at anybody?" "No," they replied, "but the carpenter had nothing to be taken, and you had." Mr. Williams replied, "Had you come in a quiet manner, I would have obliged him to make restitution. I am as angry with the carpenter as any one, but your coming in this violent and cowardly manner to those who are sitting in peace, and without a moment's notice, I shall not overlook. I shall take down all the particulars and forward them to Port Jackson, and I will not make peace till all the stolen property is returned, and utu made for this attack, and the wounded man." Orders were immediately given that all work should stop, and no one proceed with the vessel. That which grieved us most was the fact of our old chiefs coming up after all was over, and sitting down with the other chiefs, without expressing any disapproval of their conduct. In the afternoon, the men began to take down the fence of the dockyard, which appeared greatly to affect Te Koki and Rangituke, who begged and entreated that they would not destroy the vessel. They were told that Mr. Williams certainly intended to go away, unless peace was made. Mr. Williams was full of concern, said little, and seemed in very low spirits all the rest of the day. Towards evening, while he was out, Rangituke, who had been out and in several times, without any one speaking to him, was sitting in the room, and I was folding some linen, when something came thump against my chest; I looked up, and saw the old chief had thrown two mats at me; 25 he said, "ou kakahu" ["your mats"], and disappeared. This is their way of presenting a gift. Two of his slaves then brought each a kit of potatoes. Rangituke looked anxiously and expressively at me, and asked if it was very good; I told him that women could give no answer, he must wait till Mr. Williams came in. He then went to sit with the wounded man till my husband came. When he asked him if Te Koki might come and shake hands; he replied he did not wish to see him till peace was made, and that the other chiefs must also bring a payment; that he was going to Kerikeri on Monday, to consult the other Missionaries, and that on Wednesday they should all come down, and that Te Koki, Moka,

Hepatahi, and Kahiwai must come and meet them, and talk over the business; that they must either make peace in a proper manner, or he should go away to some other place. Rangituke was admitted as a visitor in the character of a peace-maker, but no other. We slept but little this night, but we placed our reliance upon the Lord of the Vineyard, that He would incline the hearts of this people towards us, or if we were indeed compelled to leave, that He would make good come out of evil in a way that we could not foresee.

Tuesday, October 5. Before I was dressed David called at the door, "is there anything I can fetch in for you, ma'am? there is a great talk of another fight." This, also, proved a false alarm; but the repetition of these affects the constitution with a nervousness that tries the strongest of us. Blood has now been shed for the first time since the foundation of the Mission; we have lost much of our confidence: may we increase in confiding faith and trust in Him, who alone can restrain even the savage in his fury. Hiamoe, a relative of Te Koki's, ran into the room and rubbed his nose against mine, before I was aware of what was coming. He said he was come down from Kawakawa to make peace, and to tell us not to leave; that he was at Taiamai when he heard his pakehas were whati [removing], and he had come directly to take care of them. To-day, the carpenter repaired boxes and packing-cases, in the event of our having to leave.

Wednesday, October 6. The carpenter came for the glass, to look at the brig at anchor; he was certain it was from Port Jackson. The boat went over immediately; and, to my unspeakable joy, Tom returned with a handful of letters. He was going at once to Kerikeri, for Mr. Williams. I kept a part of the letters, and sent him a part, and became absorbed at once in their contents. Meanwhile, I had to make preparation for my expected guests, to dress my patients, &c, &c About tea-time, the long-looked-for boat arrived, bringing Mr. Hall, Mr. Davis, Mr. Shepherd, Mr. Clarke, Mr. Puckey, and my husband. It was with difficulty I could gain a few moments to glance over the remaining letters. Rangituke and Hiamoe were admitted as visitors. The natives in the family crowded around to gather any word which might fall from the white people, by which they might gather our intentions.

Thursday, October 7. Much conversation respecting late events. All were of opinion that if the natives do not come forward to make satisfaction, it would be necessary – as establishing a precedent, for the good of the Mission, that we should move. The prospect of toiling another twelve-month in the bush, and being no forwarder than we were at present, seemed very formidable to me. Tautari, Te Koki's brother, an immense giant-like man, came in as one of our friendly peace-makers. Going to the kitchen, I found Hoia, who said he had eaten nothing for two days, because we were going away. A committee was assembled outside, chairs, table, paper,

pens and ink being carried out, and arranged in due form. The two principal chiefs concerned in the attack were, it was said, at Kororareka, and it was too rough to come over in a canoe. Our natives asked for the boat to fetch them, which was granted. The chiefs arrived in the afternoon. The assembly formed quite a picture. They were made to declare the cause of the attack, &c, which was all taken down in writing, and were then told that the decision of the white people was, that if within three days they did not bring a payment, which was specified, and cause the stolen property to be returned, we must leave the place. Moka and Hepatahi seemed disposed to be indifferent and insolent. After the meeting was over, Tohitapu, the High Priest, who has been our stanch friend ever since his formidable rencontre, flourished about, and made them a long harangue in favour of the white people.

Friday, October 8. All the Missionaries returned this morning. At noon, Moka and Hepatahi arrived; they sat quietly outside, waiting for my husband, who went to them. After some time, while we were anxiously waiting the result, the natives, inside and out, set up a great shout, – Mr. Williams had shaken hands and rubbed noses with Moka and Hepatahi, and peace was made. A large mess of flour and sugar was ordered for the chiefs, and the pigs and potatoes brought in. The carpenters went to work again at the vessel, and our spirits were revived. I, in particular, felt an especial call for gratitude in being spared new trials and fatigues, which I felt quite unable, and yet desirous to encounter, had the natives made no reconciliation. We had only to be grateful to Him who causeth all things to work together for good.

This firmness had the desired effect. The utu was brought in due form; and consisted of two pigs, five mats, and twelve large baskets of potatoes. The chiefs who had made the attack were after this on the best terms with the Missionaries; but a distinct understanding was come to that the station should be broken up, should any attempt to strip the Missionaries, under any pretext, ever again be made.

This was a more serious row than Tohitapu's. Tohitapu was wrong, according to Maori law, and he knew it. He had no take, – no real cause of offence. And it is not often that a Maori will proceed to extremity without a take. True, he will seek to compound with his conscience, as others will do elsewhere; he will twist and distort in the endeavour to prove to himself that he has a grievance – a just cause for revenge; but where he fails in this – where he is glaringly in the wrong, he

will content himself with what is termed, in colonial parlance, "bounce." This is a style of proceeding, the whole merits of which he perfectly understands, and practises to perfection: may I be pardoned for observing, that one of the great errors of our Colonial Government has been, practising an art against the Maori, in which the Maori is immeasurably superior to his white cousin.

In this case, there really was a take – root, or cause, sufficient in native estimation, though not, perhaps, in ours. An imprecation had been uttered by a white man; and an oath, with a Maori, is equivalent to a curse, – a kanga, which has, of course, to be avenged. For, like most other uncivilized people (and not the uncivilized alone), they believe a malediction to be really effective. They believe it, as the Arabs and Italians to this day believe in the Evil Eye.

The launch of the "Herald" was to the natives a sensational event. Due notice had been given; a fleet of boats and canoes had assembled; numbers had come from inland, partly from curiosity, partly in hope of payment: upon a rough estimate, from three to four thousand persons were present. Mr. Williams had been out the night before, inspecting the ways, and taking every precaution against any risk of failure. The natives, who had supposed that the vessel was to be moved off in Maori style, by main force, had passed their time in calculating the amount of payment they were to receive, and in devising pretexts for extortion. As was the difference in size between a canoe and a fifty-ton vessel, so was to be the difference of payment for service. They declared that they would not move a hand till their terms should have been complied with, enforcing the demand by divers weighty and ingenious reasons, in reply to each of which they got nothing but a quiet nod of the head. They were already engaged, by anticipation, in apportioning the payment among themselves, when Mr. Williams announced that all was ready. But, instead of going among the mob, to clench a bargain, he walked up to the vessel and named her. This was the signal for the start. The dogshores were knocked away; the ship glided gently down the ways into the water, to the utter amazement of the natives, who

rose as one man with a roar of "ana na, ana na-a-a-a." The young men rushing after her into the water, throwing their spears at her as she glided along, swam off and clambered up her sides; others, crouching at their knees on the water's edge, made hideous faces, thrusting out their tongues and rolling their eyes as they would to the enemy before battle. The Europeans gave out three hearty cheers; the natives on shore broke into a furious war dance, which was answered by those on board, to the no small risk of upsetting the light craft, as she lay, unballasted, high out of the water.

As the vessel was getting into deep water, she touched upon a sand bank, and stuck fast for a few minutes. A line was carried out to moorings which had been laid for the purpose, the end being brought on shore to haul upon. No demur, no talk of payment now; the natives rushed down with one accord, bent on to the line, and easily had her over the bank. All seemed delighted, Europeans and Maories vieing with each other in congratulation at the success of the launch. The natives were intensely gratified and amazed, deeming themselves amply rewarded by having witnessed the wonderful genius of the pakeha, who, by only knocking away a wedge, could launch such a huge canoe; and calculating how many fat hogs and kits of potatoes would have been consumed over a Maori toanga waka. 26 The wives of the Missionaries, who had witnessed the proceedings from a stage which had been erected for them, while sharing the gratification of their husbands, could not suppress a feeling of tremor at the sight of so huge a mass of wild and excited savages, considering how feeble and powerless they were, at the mercy of such a host.

Before Henry Williams left England, it had been agreed 27 that his younger brother William should follow; and the time was now at hand when he might be expected to arrive.

1 "Suffering and complaining natives": – an expression used by Governor Grey, in a Despatch to the Secretary of State for the Colonies.

2 Attributed to Benjamin Franklin.

3 Vicar of Aylesford, and Canon of Southwell.

4 "Dismissed" from a ship that he never was in. The names of the ships in which he did serve have been mentioned.

5 Appendix A.

6 Cousin also; Mr. Williams' mother having been sister to Mr. Marsh's father.

7 Preaching from this text, which was with him a favourite, some years after, brought him into trouble. Heke's war was raging in the North, and Archdeacon Williams was charged with having traitorously preached against the soldiers – i.e. – against the British Lion!

8 How true to nature is the prison scene in "The Vicar of Wakefield," where Dr. Primrose endeavours to make an impression on his fellow prisoners.

"Thus saying, I left them, and descended to the common prison, where I found the prisoners very merry, expecting my arrival, and each prepared with some gaol-trick to play upon the doctor. Thus, as I was going to begin, one turned my wig awry, as if by accident, and asked my pardon. A second, who stood at some distance, had a knack of spitting through his teeth, which fell in showers upon my book. A third would cry 'Amen!' in such an affected tone as gave the rest great delight. A fourth had slily picked my pocket of my spectacles. However, I took no account of all this mischievous little group of beings could do, but went on, perfectly sensible that what was ridiculous in my attempt would excite mirth only the first or second time, while what was serious would be permanent, My design succeeded, and in less than six days some Were penitent, and all attentive."

9 Takirau, – more properly Take Rau, the hundred rocks.

10 The Lizard. In the old books he is called Duaterra. Ruatara was of the Hikutu tribe, of Tepuna. Throughout this "Memoir," when the name of any of the old chiefs of note is brought in, his tribe and usual place of abode will be mentioned.

11 This is the received account; but the Bishop of Waiapu, a careful enquirer, was otherwise informed. In a narrative of an excursion to Whangaroa, he says: –

"I learned to-day [at Pupuke, Ururoa's place,] that the "Boyd" was cut off, not, as has been stated, on account of ill-treatment from the Captain to the chief George; but because that chief, on his return from Port Jackson, found his parents dead through sickness, which was attributed to the influence of Europeans." – "Church Missionary Record," November, 1833.

But old natives of whom enquiry has just now been made, are emphatic in assertion that the instigator of the massacre was not George, but Pipikoitareke, of Ngatiuru. This may be taken as a sample of the difficulty of verifying Maori history, if of early date.

12 Their names were Korokoro, otherwise called Mauhikitea, of the Parupuwha hapu: place of abode, Paroa. Tenana, Ngapuhi: place of abode, Waimate. Tuaea (known as Tommy Tui), Te Parupuwha: place of abode, Paroa. Mowhi, and another whose name has not been recovered.

13 Rangihoua adjoins Tepuna. For practical purposes they may be considered as one, the names, in common parlance, being used interchangeably.

14 Of Hongi Hika, more anon.

15 Mr. Francis Hall left for Sydney, in the belief that the Mission was to be abandoned, shortly before the arrival of Mr. Williams in New Zealand. Such, indeed, had been at one time the intention of the Church Missionary Society. Mr. Williams brought out for him a request from the Society that he should remain; but he was already gone.

Mr. William Hall left in ill-health in 1824.

16 Waikato was a Hikutu, and brother to Ruatara.

17 The effect of firearms among savages is often misapprehended. When possessed by one side only, they increase the amount of slaughter, by causing panic that enables the tomahawk and club to be effectively used. When possessed by both sides, they diminish slaughter, by enabling all alike to "play at long bowls." I have heard Fiji-men say that war has become much less bloody since the introduction of the musket.

18 "The natives," writes Mr. Butler, "have an insatiable thirst after muskets and powder, and the whalers barter with nothing else; they, therefore, get most of the pork and potatoes. This will eventually drain the resources of the settlement, and reduce it to great distress."

"A canoe," writes Mr. Hall, "came to our settlement, with a few natives; and I being down at the saw-pits, one of them, an inferior chief, came to me and demanded a musket; and because I could not comply with his request, he pulled and struck me, and abused me very much, without any provocation. He then ran up to my house in a furious manner; and threatened to break into it, if I did not give him one. He got over my fence, and beat the door with a large stick in a violent manner, until some of my neighbours came to my assistance, and we forcibly dragged him out of the yard twice. He then went to fetch fire to burn our houses; but we prevented him, and, at last, drove him entirely off."

19 Premature toil, and a waste of good seed. Within a short time, all trampled down and destroyed. Comfort was attained, at last, but was many years distant yet.

20 Te Koki was of the Uriongonga, and matua [patron] to the Paihia Missionaries. His wife, Hamu, was a very great lady, and proprietress of Paihia in her own right. Her son had died at Parramatta, a pupil in Mr. Marsden's institution. Mr. Marsden consoled her grief by promising her a Missionary, and kept his word.

21 Of Tohitapu we shall hear more. He was of the Roroa, and lived at the Haumi.

22 The demand was not so extravagant as it may seem. It is one of the principles of Maori law, that satisfaction must be had. If not obtainable from the offender, then from some third person, or perhaps, tribe.

23 Motoki, of Urikapana.

24 This man was one of a band who prided themselves on their feats of strength, challenging all comers, bullying wherever they dared, with the object of setting up a system of terrorism. The bystanders on this occasion were brethren of the band.

25 A gift, in the old times, would be flung down by the donor, as if worthless, and taken up by the receiver with an air of contempt. This was Maori etiquette.

26 Launch of a canoe.

27 Agreed, provided that the Church Missionary Society should resolve to send him. The question of his being sent to India had been mooted, it being supposed that a University education would be thrown away in New Zealand.

[Pages 51-100]

Henry Williams to his Mother.
June 15, 1825.

Our thoughts have been peculiarly directed to you all at this season, as we consider that William and Jane are either on their way, or may be about to embark. We feel the trial you will be called upon to endure, in the separation from these, your youngest children; but trust your views extend far beyond this present vale of tears to that glorious period when we may all assemble around our Father's throne. It is meet they should be about their Father's business: the work is great, and the day is far spent.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G, Marsh.
September 4, 1825.

Willliam's letter greatly comforted us, in the hope of his joining soon; indeed, his coming among us will be the greatest boon that possibly could occur in this corner of the world. I feel greatly in need of aid; but, without entering into all that is past, I begin to look with delight at a glimmer of hope that the weight of our secular concerns are drawing to a close; when the principal part of each day will be appropriated to the furtherance of the main points. William will be a great support to me, and I to him: by coming here he will be relieved from that immensity of fag we have gone through, and each will bear up the other. Besides the mutual benefit which would result to William and myself from a union of strength, I feel the situation of the women. Marianne has been in perpetual motion ever since our landing; her sole attention has been engaged with things which did not immediately form part of that work in which she would wish to engage. She is desirous of attempting something for the females, when Jane shall arrive to assist her; there are vast numbers around us, but they will require much attention to keep them out of mischief.

It had been announced that Mr. William Williams, 28 might shortly be expected in Sydney, whither the "Herald," with Mr. Henry Williams on board, was bound on her first voyage. As it was expected that the former would hasten onwards to New Zealand, anxiety was felt lest the brothers should pass on opposite courses at sea. But fortune was favourable, and the long-hoped-for meeting took place in New South Wales.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh
"Herald," at sea, March 3, 1826.
Port Jackson, west, 135 miles.

I shall endeavour to seek a little relief to my mind by writing a few lines to you, telling you whence I am, and whither bound. I

had already mentioned my intention to visit the Colony, and now am I on the way. The "Herald," our vessel, was launched five weeks since on Tuesday last, and in three weeks put to sea under my orders as commodore; for I have no particular charge of her, as there is a young man on board who acts as captain, and I hope will answer our purpose well. Yet, I reserve the privilege to myself, when on board, to have her conducted as I wish. Our voyage has been very pleasant as yet, but protracted, in consequence of light winds, and but few sails to set. She is a fine little vessel; acts well in rough weather, according to the trial we have yet been able to give her. We have three native men and three boys as crew; two English seamen, a captain, Mr. Fairburn as supercargo, William Puckey as mate. Passengers, Mr. and Mrs. Puckey and daughter, a sick carpenter, a native chief, and your humble servant. As the period for her launch advanced, numbers of natives assembled from all quarters, and took up their abode near us. They behaved very well, and manifested great curiosity to know how she was to be transported into the water. The morning at length arrived, and by the dawn of day she was decorated according to the usual ceremony. The whole scene was very imposing; not less than fifty canoes and boats were afloat. At 7 a.m., the signal was given for her moving, when she instantly glided off, without anything giving way. This was a day of considerable relief to me, as the great weight was removed from my shoulder. I hope I am now discharging my last duty towards her, in conducting her to the Colony. This is the first time of my being separated from my family, and I feel it very acutely. Moreover, we have had frequent calms; are now making little or no advance, and I fear William and Jane may have sailed from Port Jackson previously to our arrival. On our return it is our intention to begin a new course of proceeding, to commence a boys' and girls' school.

Marsden Vale, March 31, 1826.

I had intended to tear this letter up, but as I am now driven for time, I shall send it as it is, with a little addition. On Tuesday morning, March 7, we entered Port Jackson, at daylight. The pilot informed me that William had been enquiring for us, and that his ship was on the eve of sailing. Immediately on landing I called on Captain Thompson, to say that if he remained till the Monday following, I would take a passage with him. I then directed my steps to Mr. Hill's, but on my way met Mr. William Hall, with whom I went home, and had a long conversation, learning much news. About noon, called at Mr. Hill's, and in a few minutes Mr. Marsden and William drove up from Parramatta.

The brothers embarked for New Zealand in the "Sir George Osborne," reaching Paihia on the evening of March 26. Mr, Henry Williams thus describes their landing.

The moon shone bright, the sea was calm, and the natives were rejoicing on all sides that their new countrymen were come. The evening was cool; my wife had furnished a bright fire, and supper was prepared. All the members of the settlement assembled at our house to bid us welcome. We closed the evening with prayer and praise, and thus ended one of the happiest days of my life. The next day was Easter Sunday, when the largest congregation of Missionaries and settlers met together that had yet assembled in New Zealand. My brother preached; it was truly a pleasant, and, I hope, a profitable day.

July 12, 1826. Since my return from Sydney, I have experienced a very great change, as having little, comparatively speaking, to call off my attention from the more direct Missionary work, from the share my brother has taken in all that is requisite. He makes rapid progress in the language; appears not to learn it, but it seems to flow naturally from him, and he can even now hold a tolerable conversation with the natives. We meet generally from nine till twelve o'clock each day, studying the language, generally translating the Scriptures; we make considerable progress, and it greatly facilitates our intercourse with the people. Our schools are on the increase. We have opened a school fund amongst ourselves for the female schools. We are desirous of making an effort on their behalf, as their condition is far more degraded than that of the men, and wish to excite our friends and relatives to do the same. We are in hopes of assistance from New South Wales. The schools here have been held back for want of means to keep them together; if you can collect something for us we shall be glad. We are in some concern, also, for our own children, as they advance in years.

Our little vessel has returned from Sydney in safety, with abundance of stores. We have since been two hundred miles to the southward, in quest of potatoes for the school; she was filled on the third day of trading. The natives behaved remarkably well. Te Koki and Rangituke [Te Koki's son] were on board. We brought two boys for our school. Pomare 29 has lately been cut off with great slaughter in the Thames, and this will lead to fresh bloodshed.

The "Herald" proved an invaluable acquisition while she lasted. She made three trips to Sydney for stores, and two to Hokianga, at which place she was wrecked in May, 1828. In her Mr. Williams had made four voyages to Tauranga, and other places in the Bay of Plenty, for the purpose of visiting the tribes in that neighbourhood, bringing back with them several sons of chiefs for instruction in the schools. On the last occasion, April 4, 1828,

they had to leave Paihia at eleven o'clock at night, in order to elude the vigilance of Marupo 30 and his tribe, who were watching an opportunity to cut off Pango and other Arawas, who had taken refuge at Paihia. These were landed in safety by Mr. Williams and Mr. Davis.

About this time, the original New Zealand Company made their first attempt to settle on the Island. Two ships, with intending settlers, put into the Thames; but, in the face of a hostile demonstration, the people did not venture to land. They called in at the Bay of Islands, October 26, 1826, and Mr. Williams went on board. Captain Hird, who was in charge of the expedition, seemed to despair of success. They afterwards proceeded to Hokianga, on the West Coast. There a beginning was made, but failure was the ultimate result.

1827 ushered in a stormy period. On the first of January, the news arrived that Hongi's army was on the move, on an expedition to Whangaroa. 31 The following are extracts from Mrs. Williams' journal.

January 5. At eight o'clock in the morning, a brig was in sight. Not a whaler; all thought she must be from Sydney; 32 her decks were crowded; we saw a boat lowered, which pulled towards the watering-place at Kororareka, and was then seen to be filled with water casks. A boat was sent across, which brought word she was of a very suspicious appearance; and upon Mr. Williams going over himself, it was ascertained that she was the "Wellington," from Sydney, bound for Norfolk Island, laden with convicts and stores. The convicts had risen, making prisoners the captain, crew, guard, and passengers. The convict captain, at the head of his desperadoes, set the two vessels in the harbour, the "Harriett" and the "Sisters,"

at defiance. Mr. Williams thought the captains of the whalers were not much inclined to follow his advice, to fire into her and take her, and we all felt great dismay at having a nest of pirates so near us, in comparison of whom the New Zealanders appeared quite amiable beings.

January 6. Great apprehensions from these horrible neighbours: our boys were set to watch the boat, lest it should be cut away in the night, as the convicts were in want of one. The natives came to ask the Missionaries' opinion respecting the character of these white thieves. It blew a gale; she broke from her anchorage. The natives round about had said, that they were going over to cut her cable, and run her on shore.

January 7. At break of day we were awoke by a cannonading: the two whalers were firing into the brig. It was an awful sight, yet we could not help rejoicing that these wretches should be checked in their career of mischief, and the passengers, soldiers, and crew escape. It was now blowing a gale into the harbour, so that she had no chance of getting away. After service, a boat came for Mr. Williams to go over to control the natives at Kororareka, while the prisoners were landed; this being a part of the terms of the capitulation. In the evening, Mr. Williams returned and brought us a visitor, a Mr. Buchanan, an engineer, a passenger to Norfolk Island. We listened with much interest to the history of his capture and sufferings, and rejoiced in the taking of the vessel, but were I uneasy that forty of these men should be loose ashore. The natives, we heard, had stripped them and made slaves of them, intending to sell them to the first man-of-war that should come in. Several, we heard, were in the villages on either side of us, vowing vengeance on the Missionaries, especially on Mr. Williams, whom they considered as instrumental in their capture.

January 8. Mr. Williams went to the shipping to see if anything could be done towards securing the convicts at large on shore.

January 10. Before ten o'clock, while all were as usual at the study of the language, a messenger from Kerikeri arrived, with a letter from Whangaroa. The news flew through the settlement – Hongi was carrying on the war near Whangaroa. The Missionaries at Kerikeri were in danger of being plundered; all their natives, even their domestics, had fled. Mr. Williams and Mr. Davis immediately set off with sixteen natives, nearly all the available men on their place, to Kerikeri, intending to go by night to Whangaroa.

As there was danger to be apprehended, when they were gone, from our own countrymen, – the prisoners in the hands of the natives, it was determined that Mr. William Williams and Mr. Fairburn, with our two Englishmen, should mount guard with loaded pieces. 33 As they were starting, Captain Duke called, and

seemed to have serious thoughts of going to Sydney with the brig, which his men considered as their lawful prize. he said that he thought he ought to try and get the prisoners and take them away, as they had vowed to shoot any of the Missionaries, especially Mr. Williams, for setting the natives against them. It will appear in the sequel how wonderfully all things were made to work together by an overruling Providence – that Captain Duke should just at this critical period be turned towards Port Jackson, when such an opportunity was most needed.

January 11. At noon our boat returned: bonnets were seen in it, which spoke volumes. I ran out and met Mrs. Turner and her children. They had been attacked and plundered, and had fled about five hours after despatching their express. Mr. Williams and Mr. Davis with their party, who had proceeded most rapidly, had met them about six miles on the road from Kerikeri to Whangaroa, The natives at Kerikeri would not allow them to remain there, saying that if they did, they would be themselves stripped, and the Kerikeri Missionaries also, on their account. The fugitives were therefore glad to accept an invitation to Paihia. It is impossible to describe the effect this had upon us all. Our first anxiety was to comfort and assist our poor friends, those friends whom I had visited in peace and apparent security not two months since. The next was, apprehension for our brethren at Kerikeri; and then it was felt that, every one must immediately pack up all they could, to send by the "Sisters," which would sail immediately. News from every quarter showed that all the tribes were, more or less, involved in this horrible civil war, and the fate of Whangaroa opened our ears to listen to reports we had before disregarded, showing us we were all alike exposed to the plundering parties of an enemy.

January 12. Early this morning the great boat was sent to Kerikeri, to bring away the goods, while we all continued packing. In the evening, an express arrived from Kerikeri, stating that Hongi was wounded, and that the natives could give our brethren no protection. Mr. Williams and Mr. Davis again started to bring down Mrs. Clarke, and returned home early next morning.

January 13. Mr. and Mrs. Turner's passage taken, and many goods sent on board the "Sisters."

January 14 (Sunday). A quiet day, but in the evening all again excitement. An express from Kerikeri. Hongi reported dead.

January 15. Rose at daylight to pack box after box and case after case: a great fatigue.

January 16. Our old chief came down from Kawakawa, to entreat us not to go away, as he was able and willing, he said, to protect us, and he wished all the other white people to come and live here. Hongi reported not dead.

January 17. Report of a taua coming to us.

January 18. A messenger from Kawakawa, to say that Hongi

and Rewa 34 were coming with their army here – that all Kawakawa, Whangai, Waikare, &c, were on the move to meet them and protect us, and that there would be a great conflict. We determined to be prepared: a part of the floor was taken up to bury some linen, clothes laid ready to put on, &c. At night, an express from Kerikeri. Hongi not dead, but dangerously wounded through the breast, and now at Whangaroa.

January 19. We slept in quiet, and rose in quiet. The "Sisters" has moved, but does not sail till to-morrow. We cling to the hope of weathering the storm, and being able to stay. We have shipping in the harbour to flee to, in case of necessity. They have secured nearly all the prisoners on board the "Sisters." We have just heard from Captain Hird and the settlers at Hokianga; they are going to Sydney, and offer assistance. All the tribes are rising there; some to avenge Hongi's supposed death, some to oppose his avengers.

During the whole of this year, the Mission was kept in almost constant alarm by a succession of announcements that Hongi was dead. For the Mission, which had been taken under Hongi's special protection, would, for this very cause, become subject to taua. Life would be safe, unless resistance were offered (and no one would be guilty of such a breach of good manners as to contend against what ought to be taken as a compliment); but they might be turned adrift, stripped of all they had in the world. A Maori, when thus despoiled, consoles himself with the prospect of indemnifying himself, so soon as occasion might arise, by stripping some one else; but this, though quite permissible, was a fashion of recouping which the Missionaries could not permit themselves to adopt.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
August 16, 1827.

Your account of the clans in Scotland corresponds in all points with these people, in their resenting an injured honour; but perhaps there is a point among us not practiced in Europe. If a chief be insulted, he is visited by parties which strip his plantation, or property of any kind. If he meet with an accident it is the same: so, also, when he dies. In these cases, the whole tribe suffers. Hongi has several times been subject to this

compliment within these two years. Once he was severely hurt by the falling of a tree: they commenced the pillage immediately, and he was visited by parties from all the northern part of the island. He has been several times served in this way, owing to the death of his son, and some of his wives, &c, &c. When Pomare was killed, his people were stripped by many parties. Te Koki, on the return of the "Herald" from Port Jackson, was on board of her; the end of a rope struck him on the head, and drew a drop of blood. In the course of the day, two tauas 35 came upon him. I believe they were well-disposed to have walked into our premises on the same account, but they did not. And why? This is a question we may ask on many occasions. We sit in the midst of combustible matter; sparks are flying oh all sides, and yet we are not consumed. It is of the Lord's mercies.

The following extract from Mr. Williams' journal makes a fitting commencement to the year 1828.

New Year's day. As we have again reached another period in our journey through life, I can scarcely proceed without stopping a

moment to take a view of the past. The last year commenced in trouble, by the overthrow of the Mission at Whangaroa; and we ourselves were sitting in expectation of the like. But through all the Lord hath brought us; not a hair of our heads has yet been suffered to fall. Our influence has advanced with the natives as we have increased our acquaintance. The schools have augmented and improved greatly, and we ourselves have made considerable progress in the language. All the members in the Mission have been preserved in health, and each family has received the addition of one infant. The arm of the Lord has been very visible, and we daily have had evidences of his care concerning us. The feelings of all have been alive to the magnitude of the work before us, and our trust in Him on whom alone we must depend.

. . . . . . . . . .

January 5. In the afternoon the news arrived that Hongi was dead, which put our thoughts immediately in motion; but as no messenger arrived from the Kerikeri, which was to be the case when the brethren should receive a creditable report, we were inclined to disbelieve it.

January 6. Service as usual. Before we had concluded, some strange native came to the door, and appeared to be troublesome. Some of us concluded that a plundering party was at hand, in consequence of Hongi's death; but we soon learned that it was a person come for the purpose of claiming one of the girls in the settlement as his wife. The girl did not wish to go with him, but she was obliged by the law of the land. Went over to Kororareka, and held service at Captain Duke's house. Afterwards at the Haumi. Tohitapu affected much concern at the report of Hongi's death, and said that in the morning he should go to Whangaroa. He should have gone then; but as it was the Sabbath he would not move.

January 7. At daylight, Tohitapu came with two canoes, and wanted some tea, sugar, flour, and medicine for Hongi; for perhaps he was not quite dead. He repeated his application at each house. After breakfast, my brother and myself left the settlement for the Kerikeri to attend the Committee. When we arrived we learned that Hongi was not dead, but had fainted away from great weakness.

An extract from Mr. Williams' journal shews two steps in civilization, of a somewhat opposite character.

February 25, 1828. After my return to the house, Poutu, 36 one of my earliest boys, presented me with a note relative to our native girls, from whom I had requested him to select a partner. His note intimated his desire to take one, but that he could not under-

stand the lady's mind on the subject, especially as we kept so strict a look-out. I desired him to enquire in person; but he considered that it would be better that I should propose the question.

1 February 26. We learnt early this morning that the robbery at Motu-o-rangi had been discovered by the natives, and that it was accomplished by two slaves who live at the Haumi, and a native from Taiamai. Two of our men, Te Kaue and Pumuka, 37 went in quest of the thieves. They brought one, a slave of Te Kaue, and some of the things stolen. The second thief had run into the woods. He is a slave of Tohitapu. Our natives were very indignant. We assembled them, and told them that in our country they always try prisoners by jury, – that they must consider the case before them, and say what punishment ought to be his portion. The majority said that he would have been shot, had it not been for what we had said upon the subject of taking away life; but proposed that he should be flogged. Upon this question we found it necessary to have much consultation, and at length determined that he should be flogged, the natives proposing that each should give him one lash. A thieves' cat was accordingly made, and the prisoner punished in due form. About eleven o'clock, Tohitapu came in a great bustle, and called to me to have him also tied up. This he repeated several times. He said that he had been so much ashamed of the conduct of his slave, that he had not eaten anything since.

Poutu again requested me to speak to his intended; consequently I embraced the earliest opportunity of executing my commission. The lady expressed her willingness. About 2 p.m. Poutu signified his wish that his intended should be consigned to him. We consequently sent for Taueke, and asked if she were willing that the ceremony should then take place. She certainly excited much laughter. She is by far the most awkward of all the older girls in the settlement. She came, rolled up in a blanket; no part of her person could be seen, but the blanket formed a peak of a foot and a half above her head. Knowing our purpose, she commenced whimpering, but after some time said that she was willing; so, by her permission, I called in both the bridegroom and the bridegroom's man, – my earliest native, George. I told them what had passed, and that it was much more proper that these things should be written on paper, than to follow their native customs. I therefore prepared pen, ink, and paper, in due form. I thought it most advisable to commence my questions to Taueke, and accordingly asked her if she were willing to become the wife of Poutu, &c, &c. After a considerable interval, she squeaked, "Ae." I then proposed a similar question to Poutu.

He, I presume, considering that it was necessary to take as much time for reflection as the young lady, kept us in silence for more than ten minutes. At length, George said that he would say yes for him; but as I told him that was not allowed by us, Poutu himself spoke out. The bridegroom then retired towards the door; I conducted the bride towards the gate, and closed the door; feeling exceedingly thankful that this girl, for whom we have felt much anxiety, was now likely to be respectably settled in life.

False alarms about Hongi were put an end to by reality on March 10. Taiwhanga, who had gone to Whangaroa to learn the truth, returned with news of his death. As a further complication, news arrived about the same time that Pomare's son had been killed at Hokianga, in a stripping party, and that five of the opposite side had been killed as a payment. It will presently be seen how these two events neutralized each other, causing the Mission to be left unscathed.

The following particulars of Hongi's death and funeral rites are taken from a journal kept by Mr. Stack.

March 12, 1828. Patuone, who has just returned from Whangaroa, called this evening. I asked about Hongi. He told me several things, all of which I felt interested in listening to, as connected with the end of this extraordinary chief. I perceived that Patuone spoke of him in the most affectionate manner.

When he and his party arrived at Pinia, where Hongi was, they found him so emaciated, that they were much affected: they all, as is usual, wept together; after which, they informed him that they feared he would soon die: to which he replied in the negative, saying, he was never in better spirits. After waiting sufficiently long with him to pay him proper respect, they were about to return, when he was taken suddenly ill: on which they determined to wait the result. Perceiving, by his inward sinking, that he was going, he said to his friends, "I shall die now shortly; but not to-day." He called for his gunpowder; and when it was brought to him, he said, "Ka ora Koutou" ["You will be (or are) well"]. This was addressed to his children. His meres, or battle-axes, muskets, and coat-of-mail which he received from King George the Fourth, he bequeathed on that day to his sons. After he had settled these matters, he spoke of the conduct of the natives after his death as, in all probability, likely to be kind towards his survivors; saying, "Kowai ma te hiakai mai ki a koutou kaore?" [Who will desire to eat you all? – None!"]

He spent his last moments, on the morning of the 6th instant, exhorting his followers to be valiant, and repel any force, however

great, which might come against them – telling them this was all the utu, or satisfaction, that he desired; which intimated that he had had the question proposed to him – "Who is to be killed as a satisfaction for your death?" This abominable principle still exists in New Zealand, of honouring the dead by human sacrifice. His dying lips were employed in uttering, "Kia toa – kia toa" ["Be couragous – be couragous"].

As soon as Hongi ceased to breathe, all his friends in the pa at Pinia trembled for themselves; for they did not know but that the Hokianga natives would fall upon them, and send them, as companions for their dead chief, "to the shades of night." The Hokianga chiefs, to prevent suspicion, caused all their people to remain quiet in their huts, while they went to the pa, to see Hongi's body dressed: on their approach, though they had used the above precautions, they perceived the people in the pa shivering, like leaves in the wind, till Patuone and the others bade them dismiss their fears, for they were groundless.

A wish to keep Hongi's death private till he was buried, lest a party should come and attack the survivors, induced his children to determine to bury him, or rather to place him on the wahitapu, or sacred place, the day after his death: this Patuone reproved them for; saying – "I have only just become acquainted with those who wish to bury their father alive!" He was not buried, therefore, for some days; which were spent in paying all the honour which the New Zealanders were capable of to the remains of the once-renowned Hongi. This time the natives spent in haranguing, crying, cutting themselves, dancing, and firing muskets.

He died, not a Christian, but seemingly emancipated from heathen superstition. He had expressed, for some days, a desire for religious conversation and instruction, but finding that he did not gain strength, but rather grew worse, he requested that no one should speak to him on these subjects. Nevertheless, he refused to be karakiatia'd previous to dissolution. This last rite may be considered as "extreme unction," and he died in comparative silence for so great a man. He gave directions that no slaves, according to the usual barbarous custom, should be killed over his grave; and, because it was Sunday, his tribe refrained from discharging their guns as a signal for his departure. 38

It was not so much the loss of Hongi's protection which caused anxiety, but the assurance, received from friendly chiefs, that, in accordance with invariable custom, their settlements would be desolated. The death of a chief was the signal for plunder of

all he left behind. The Missionaries were identified with him; they were his property, subject to the operation of Maori law.

This calamity was, however, averted. Various causes contributed to this result. The Missionaries were gradually

emancipating themselves from Maori law. Had Hongi's death taken place when he received the wound, the law would inevitably have been enforced. But he lived so long at Wangaroa, that his connection with the Kerikeri had been diminished.

The peril of taua was averted from the Mission by troubles at Hokianga, which, menacing a long and bloody war, left no time for the consideration of any other question whatever. A Bay of Islands chief, had been shot in a quarrel. Whareumu,39 a Ngapuhi, set off at the head of a strong party, to make enquiry. An amicable settlement had been nearly arrived at, when a misunderstanding arose, which led to a general battle. Whareumu fell, and Ngapuhi 40 were routed. Payment for Whareumu had to be

exacted, as a matter of course; the laws of Maori honour are inexorable, compelling even the weaker party to take action at the risk of extermination. But the adjustment of even a death feud was not impossible, provided that honour could be saved, and this might be effected through the interposition of a third party. The practice of international arbitration, not such a novelty as it seems to be now considered, was introduced by the Mission into New Zealand, and was worked more effectively, some five and forty years ago, than by European diplomatists of late. Ngapuhi summoned their allies from the Bay of Islands, Tohitapu, Rewa, Wharepoaka,41 and others, to assist them. There was no choice but to comply, yet they did not care to fight with Mahurehure, as they were all one people, and nearly related. They knew what evil would befall, yet were themselves debarred from proposing peace, and therefore willingly accepted the mediation of the Mission. Accordingly, Mr. Williams, Mr. Clarke, Mr. Davis, and Mr. Kemp, set off in company with Rewa, the principal Ngapuhi chief, to join the invading army. At Hokianga, they found themselves unexpectedly well received, both parties showing a desire for peace. Mr. Williams and Mr. Clarke, accompanied by Tohitapu, went to the pa to visit the enemy; Mr. Kemp and Mr. Davis remained in camp to speak to the army. On the following day, the white flag was hoisted on the neutral ground; the eldest son of Patuone, accompanied by several chiefs of distinction, advanced from the pa, and rubbed noses with Rewa; the customary war-dance was performed, and a happy end was made of what had bid fair to usher in a period of indiscriminate slaughter.

Mrs. Williams to Mrs. Heathcote. 42
March 17, 1828.

The Missionaries are now holding a Committee in our late beehive about a projected expedition, in consequence of a request made

by the army here, on their march to succour that at the Hokianga, the news from which two days since put us all in consternation, and hurried Mr. Hobbs home, leaving his wife here in great anxiety. The request our own natives have made is for the white people to go with them and make peace.

March 19. Henry has just departed, taking George and Peter, the bridegroom, with Mr. Davis in the boat for Kerikeri. There they are to meet Mr. Shepherd, from Rangihoua. Perhaps Mr. Clarke may also join the party. They then proceed to Pukenui, where the auxiliaries from these tribes, and those in connection with the Kerikeri, the Waimate, &c, among whom of late there was nothing but jealousy, will meet the main body. Tohitapu and many others set off last night. Some of the chiefs are for peace; others for war. If the majority be for peace, the Missionaries will proceed with the army to the place of conflict; or, to use Tohitapu's words, "go with the thousands." There they are to be placed in the front of the battle array, and negotiate with the enemy's host. If war be irrevocably declared, they will pass on to Wai Hou, and stand by their Wesleyan brethren, to endeavour to restrain our natives as they pass by. Henry thus left me for an unlimited time, to go with a little heroic band amidst a savage host, for the strength of the Lord of Hosts, to endeavour to stay the slaughter of thousands; to stop the murder of fathers and brothers. For the mischief that must ensue in case of a conflict is incalculable, as most of the principal chiefs of the tribes of the Hokianga are either related to or intermarried with these. Notwithstanding all their petty quarrels, and their plunderings and stoppings of each other's plantations, their law of redress for every trifling injury, through which Pomare's son was shot, causing all this consternation, murder, and revenge, they have hitherto formed one warlike band against the Southern tribes, against whom they have yearly gone to war, exercising the greatest cruelties. The natives from the southward, doubtless are rejoicing with savage glee over the death of Hongi, and the death, I might almost say murder – of Whareumu, who, though he fell avenging the death of Pomare's son, was only wounded until he was killed in cold blood, when left by his flying friends. 43 These tribes may 'ere long, perhaps, realize the dreams which have every succeeding summer haunted the guilty consciences of the people, and come down on us and retaliate all past atrocities. The Hokianga army is fed with muskets and shot from the shipping, and Englishmen living on shore on that river; and, though in a more sparing manner, from the vessels at Kororareka. Pomare, two years since, at the southward, and now his son and Whareumu, the chiefs of Kororareka, strong in the strength of muskets and powder, have fallen. The Hokianga chiefs have excited the jealousy

of the Bay of Islands, in consequence of these scourges of the native race lately imported through the Englishmen trading at Hokianga; and if a peace be not accomplished, a deadly hatred and the duty of revenge must be handed down to posterity; and the hitherto united friendly chiefs, supporters of the Wesleyans, and our Missionaries, must be bitter foes. Henry is gone on an imperious duty, and we may rely on the arm of the Lord of Hosts to sustain and protect him; but I have a great struggle to quell anxieties. We see not in what way all things work together for good; but it certainly is very singular that at this season, when nothing but confusion was expected in consequence of Hongi's death, all heads and hands are turned towards a fresh cause of excitement, and Hongi seems quite forgotten.

March 28. The whole of this day we had been hearing flying reports; and even a man of Mr. Davis', who was sent from the spot to relieve our anxieties, told quite an inconsistent and really false story, giving an account of what he called an engagement, saying that peace was not made, and that Mr. Davis and Henry would not return for two days. You will imagine, then, after fidgeting over all these reports, what a delightful sound the boat-oars were at nine o'clock at night, the shouts of the natives, and the well-known footstep on the gravel walk; and the vociferous shouts of all the children on hearing from those who were awake that papa was come. You who live in favoured England, the land of roads, and coaches, and posts, know not what it is either to say "good-bye," or "how do you do?" Your post-office preserves you from the feeling of separation which a journey in New Zealand occasions. Besides, had Samuel and Henry been in England, they would not have believed or have been told by mischievous boys, as these little things were on this day, that their "father and Mr. Davis were killed and thrown into the sea;" and their joy would not have been so extravagant on his return in a whole skin. Besides, they really had been placed in the midst of shots, flying in every direction from mischievous followers of the camp, who were unawed by the chieftains and the more regular troops; which caused Peter to think it was more like an engagement than a peace. And although the peace was as satisfactory as possible, the whole history is a most gratifying exemplification of the influence of the Missionaries, and the restraining hand of a prayer-hearing God. The behaviour of all the chiefs was exceedingly good. There was danger till the last that one stray shot, taking effect upon a chief, might rouse the vengeance of the assembled armies arranged in separate troops, each headed by their feudal chief, and separated only by a deep ditch, by the side of which was planted a flagstaff, upon which waved Henry's sheet, as a white flag of truce; and that the opposing generals met round this flagstaff with the Missionaries might be imbued in blood while in the act of sealing a peace. It has been

a season of excitement, and a season of joy I have never yet experienced. It is a most singular circumstance that just at this time some of the Missionaries should be called upon to meet every chief in the Bay of Islands as friends and allies, with the exception of our own people at the Kawakawa, who have excited great resentment by retreating home upon the false rumour of a peace. For all the rest I must refer you to public intelligence.

The conclusion of the peace-making is described by Mr. Williams: –

March 21, 1828. About noon we saw the smoke of the encampment, and by two arrived at it. We received a hearty welcome from our friends, and pitched our tent close to Tohitapu. We had a good deal of conversation upon the general disposition of our natives, and some who at Paihia had laughed at the idea of making peace, now desired that we should be very bold and determined with the enemy for peace. After a little refreshment, the parties turned out for review before Rewa, Ururoa, 44 and others. They certainly formed a strong party, and nearly every man had a musket. They had several hakas [dances], when the ground trembled beneath their feet. Several speeches were afterwards made, when it evidently appeared that the general desire was for peace. The remainder of the day quiet.

March 22. A number of guns were fired during the night, lest the enemy should surprise the camp. At the first dawn of day all in motion, eating their food and preparing for their march, and in a few minutes a general rush to the path leading towards the pa. We, with many of the chiefs, were about the centre, and were hurried through a wood of considerable length, and partly through a swamp. There was much rain and thunder; the rain made our walk very uncomfortable, and the thunder struck the natives with awe; they considered it as a sure indication of a battle. We halted on the side of a hill until all were collected together, when two or three chiefs gave an address, after which we again moved on, and at length came into a beautiful valley opposite the pa. Kumara had been planted over the whole plain, some portion of which had been taken away by Whareumu's followers. The people ran about in every direction, some to destroy houses, some to fetch food, others to see the spot where Whareumu fell. In the course of three hours, ranges of booths were formed for the accommodation of the different tribes, with the utmost order, each tribe sitting by itself. In the afternoon, Rewa and Tohitapu consulted with us; they considered that it would not be proper for any one of them to go into the pa to-day. but that we had better go by ourselves, and ascertain the real feeling of the natives of the opposite party. We accordingly went to

the pa in company with two natives, relatives of Rewa, who had come from thence. We were received very graciously, and conducted to Patuone and many others. They expressed their desire for peace, and regret that any fighting had taken place. They appeared glad to see us. Wharekawa asked if Pi, 45 the chief of the pa, should go out with us into the camp. As we had not had any message to that effect, we felt it too great a responsibility to take upon ourselves, and therefore advised his remaining for the present. Wharerahi 46 returned with us to camp; the poor old man seemed much dejected in mind, and fatigued in body. We conducted him to his brother, Rewa. As we passed along to our tent, the people drew round to enquire the news, and were pleased when we told them that all desired peace. Before sunset, I paid a visit round to all the chiefs, and had some very pleasing conversation with them. It was gratifying to observe the order which was preserved amongst such a disordered and independent race. It appeared to be the general wish that peace should take place on the morrow. We were sorry at such an infringement of the Sabbath-day, but could see no remedy, as by delay much evil feeling might be excited, and all our endeavours frustrated; however, while in conversation with Wharepoaka, that to-morrow was the ra tapu [sacred day, Sunday], he said it was a very proper day to make peace upon. I asked him what he thought upon the propriety of sitting still, and making peace on Monday. He, and some others sitting by, immediately consented, and advised my mentioning it to the other chiefs, which I did. No one objected, but all behaved in the most pleasing manner. On my return to the tent I learned that Messrs. Kemp and Clarke were at hand. It was now quite dark; in about half an hour they arrived. As we were closing the evening, Tohitapu arose and addressed the camp upon the necessity of sitting quiet on the morrow, as it was the ra tapu. His speech was animated, and he was replied to by Ururoa; after which all was still, not a gun fired during the night.

March 23. No bustle in the camp. After breakfast, Mr. Clarke and I went to the pa to say that no meeting would take place today, as it was the ra tapu, but before we had concluded breakfast, Tohitapu came to ask if the body of Taramauroa, a relative of his

who had been killed in the late fight, should be exposed to public view, to have the pihe 47 sung over it. This we considered a bad prelude to the making of peace, and therefore told him that he had better wait till the body should be removed to his own place; he consented immediately. Mr. Clarke and I were well received in the pa, though some felt disappointed that there was any delay to the conclusion of peace. We spoke to several parties on the importance of eternal things, and they gave us an attentive hearing. About eleven o'clock we took our departure, promising to be with them in the morning. All quiet in the camp. As soon as night had closed in, the natives began to dance, and after haka-ing for some time, there was a general firing round; many fired ball. Tohitapu, who has as little desire for these things as anyone, called out to twist off the balls before accident should happen; but, notwithstanding all that was said, many continued firing.

March 24. The eventful day has at length arrived which is to determine the question between these two great powers, – Ngapuhi and the Mahurehure. Much rain fell in the night, and this morning. Notice was given that Tareha 48 was at hand. While at breakfast, Tohitapu and Rewa came to the tent to consult as to proceedings. Tohitapu did not appear to like the idea of going into the pa, though he had been deputed by the leading men; he, however, at length made up his mind to what might await him. Rewa spoke of his desire to go to Waikato to make peace, one of his daughters being married to a chief belonging there. He thought we had better go up in the vessel.

Breakfast being concluded, Tohitapu hurried us off to accompany him to the pa. He requested that the white flag might be planted between the parties, which was done, on the side of a broad ditch, serving as a division between the two powers. The situation was very favourable for the occasion, the ground perfectly level, about three-quarters of a mile from the camp, and the same from the pa. After fixing the flag, we passed on to the pa, Tohi's heart beating as he went. We were received in the usual form by Patuone and others, they sitting on the ground under a shed, and the natives pressing upon us on all sides. After a short conversation, the whole of the natives moved towards the entrance to the pa, and we, with

the eldest son of Patuone, advanced to the flag, which was our station. Several persons of distinction joined us in a short time from the pa. Rewa then came forward from the camp, and crossed the ditch, rubbed noses with the party from the pa, and took his stand with us. Much noise was heard in the camp, and in a short time the various tribes were observed marching in great order with their muskets towards us, winding through some bushes which grew in the road. The sight was very imposing for this part of the world. When about one hundred and fifty yards off, they made a rush, accompanied by a horrible yell. There were about seven hundred men, and at least five hundred muskets. After remaining some time, Rewa went forward to the opposite party at the foot of the pa, and saluting the chiefs, he brought them forward to within forty yards of his own people. Several hakas took place on each side, and volleys of musketry fire. As it was apprehended that many might fire, all the chiefs took every possible care to prevent mischief, and ordered that the parties should fire to the right and left. When the firing had ceased, Rewa commenced his address in a manly style, desiring that peace should be established. Then followed Patuone, 49 and many others. At length a cry was heard that the pa was taken by Te Kohekohe. This created some little confusion, until the old man jumped in as one arisen from the dead, and spoke at considerable length. His voice was so feeble that we could not understand him. He spoke with great earnestness, and was demonstrative from every muscle of his body. After the speaking commenced, many from either side withdrew to their respective parties, and a constant firing of guns was kept up towards the camp and pa, which might be understood as indication of joy, but there was so much of it that the chiefs abruptly ordered their people to disperse. Messrs. Davis and Kemp returned to the camp to order our boys to carry our luggage into the pa, on our way to the Wesleyan settlement at Mangungu, on another branch of the river, while Mr. Clarke and I retired with the Mahurehure into the pa, to look for Mr. Hobbs' boat. On our way, many a shot passed over our heads; some came very near. It is a great providence that no one was wounded, for on this precarious foundation, humanly speaking, depended the fate of the day. When we had entered the pa, the firing ceased, and the natives, as if released from prison, took their canoes and dispersed to their respective places of abode. By the time that Mr. Davis had arrived the boat came in sight, which soon conveyed us from this scene of bustle to the quietness of civil life. It was dusk when we landed at Mangungu. After a comfortable repast we retired to rest, intending to proceed on our journey at two in the morning.

Ten days after his return from Hokianga, Mr. Williams sailed for Tauranga, in the "Herald," with some Rotorua natives, whom,

by a successful manoeuvre, he had rescued from death, to the great anger of Tohitapu. Pango, 50 a leading chief from Rotorua, with a number of his people, had visited the Bay. Witchcraft, to a Maori, is the readiest solution of what he cannot otherwise account for; and the idea arose that by witchcraft Pango had directed the course of the bullets with which Hongi and Whareumu were struck down. The lives of the whole party would have paid the forfeit; but a number of them were conveyed by night on board a brig, then about to sail, and the remainder were taken away in the "Herald." It was her last voyage; for she was lost, shortly after her return, on the bar at Hokianga. Such good use had been made of her, during the short period of her existence, that the Society determined on replacing her by the "Active"; which however, though purchased in England, sadly belied the name.

1829 was an uneventful year; that is to say, not marked by any serious commotion in the land. Of alarms and minor troubles, however, there was no lack.

Henry Williams to his Mother.
Paihia, Bay of Islands,
April 3, 1829.

We have been in a considerable bustle for several days past, expecting, according to report, parties right and left to come upon us with open mouths, for affronts offered by some of our lads. Te Koki, our old chief, died about two months ago; and one of the boys set fire to some rubbish which had constituted part of one of his houses. This, with them, is a high crime. Accordingly a large muster came upon us on Wednesday morning at daylight. Our boys had been up all night, expecting broken heads in the morning. Our opponents were about four times our number; but Tohitapu, hearing of our expectation, came in the middle of the night, and made the hills resound with his vociferation, followed by two of his wives, bearing several muskets. He immediately called a council, and gave direction how our strength was to be disposed of, and went through several manoeuvres, for the encouragement of our boys. Soon after daylight the enemy arrived, but were exceedingly polite, making a rush, but passing on one side of our little band, without closing, as is usual. After dancing awhile, accompanied with, to an

English ear, frightful yells, they sat down until two large iron pots of stir-about were prepared for them, and in a short time dispersed, asking if it was a very cruel fight. It entirely disturbed the peace of the day. These are inconveniences to which we are continually subject; nor do we know to what length they may be carried until all is over; but we are obliged in patience to wait these events, looking to that Almighty Power who ordereth all things according to His own will. We need great grace; for though the natives observe a law amongst themselves, yet it is club-law, and one which is not open to us. We cannot obtain redress, if any steal from us, or otherwise injure us. Our cultivation is exposed to their most favourite propensity, that of stripping the potatoes, when ripe. In this respect they can accommodate each other very well, for if the party should be stripped to-day, they can call upon some neighbour and return the compliment; but, as we are strangers, they have the advantage all on one side. With this understanding, therefore, between all parties, it is a remarkable circumstance to sit in peace. Surely, the Lord of Hosts is with us, the God of Jacob is our refuge. There are times when I feel much cast down at the opposition we at times meet with, but something soon occurs to encourage us, and then we advance from day to day. Much order is observed in the settlement, and we gradually obtain strength.

Let us pass from scenes of uproar and wild excitement, to an orderly school examination at the Kerikeri.

Mrs. Williams to her Mother-in-Law.
Paihia, December 11, 1829.

On Monday it rained heavily, and though all made preparations to pack up, no one expected to go on the morrow. In the evening, however, it cleared, and on the important morning the day broke without a cloud. The whole settlement was in immediate motion. The husbands arranged their boats, and distributed the crews. The wives had their children, the native girls their boxes to look after; although our breakfast was laid the night before, it was necessary to enforce the necessity of staying to partake of it. Then, when over, how could I be so cruel, as to insist upon the tea things being washed? The boys, after they had taken my cloak and baby, seemed inclined to carry me; they scolded the poor girl who staid to wash the cups; they told me ours was the only boat left behind, and that the day was all gone; though, after I had locked every door and arrived at the jetty, I found that I was quite in time. Mr. Davis, who stayed to receive the "Hawes," and Mr. Mair to take charge of the settlement, helped me down into the boat in which Henry was seated, with Mr. and Mrs. Brown, and all the children. The smooth sea glistened in the early sun. Mr. Fairburn's white

flag spread in the gentle breeze, as they in the large boat glided on to take the lead. One youth standing as a kind of fugle-man to tuki [keep time by singing] with all his native gesture, noise, and animation. Calm as was the Bay, so filled were the boats, that I could not for some time overcome a feeling of tremor, as our boat seemed to stagger and reel with her load. We were nearly forty in our own boat; the three others, and the great canoe, were proportionably full. Each of our five little vessels had a white flag; on ours Henry had painted in gold leaf a dove. The little fleet was a brilliant sight for this dark corner of the earth, so many English faces peeping up as we passed and repassed each other, and so many cheerful little English voices mingling with the vociferous gabble of the natives. The excitement was quite too much for the strength, though not for the spirits of us matrons. We were all off by seven o'clock. At Moturoa we overtook Mr. King with all Rangihoua, except Mr. Shepherd, in a boat and canoe. When we opened upon the settlement, all seven were abreast, paddling in unison, the boys dressed in uniform with white shirts and trousers, and Scotch caps; the Kerikeri lads, in the same, assembled on the landing place. All voices were hushed, and we seemed in the native fashion to steal gently along. The song, or chaunt, of the native paddlers was low at first, swelling, and increasing in vehemence to the utmost as we were nearing the shore. The boys on the landing place gave a loud English "hurrah," which was instantly answered by a sudden burst of every voice in the boats, our men standing up and waving their caps. The children were in extacies; we were well nigh deafened. Next morning the chapel bell rang before all had breakfasted. After native prayers, the natives were examined. And now, my dear mother, I must invite you to go with me up to the hill on which the chapel stands. Just outside the door, upon the green, sat a group of girls, being the third class, waiting to be called, arranged in their clean blue gowns, with white aprons, and buff handkerchiefs. Inside the chapel were the first classes of boys and girls, from the three settlements, undergoing the fiery trial of being examined and cross-examined in the two Catechisms. After looking on some time, and speaking to Mrs. King, Mrs. Hobbs, Mrs. Fairburn, and Mrs. Mair, I walked outside to where Henry, Mr. Clarke, and Mr. Hamlin were examining a large circle of boys and girls of the two classes; Mr. Fairburn, Mr. Puckey, and Mr. Baker taking the third class. To this succeeded a trial for sums, and of writing from dictation. Specimens of work were then exhibited, and when all was concluded, the bell rang for the native dinner. Benches and planks had been erected, and now a troup of natives, singing as they went, brought a quantity of rush baskets from each house, filled with bread, cakes, potatoes, pork, and beef, spreading all the tables in succession. Every native had a basket before him, an arrangement which was greatly admired, because they could take away with

them what they could not eat. All seated themselves in great order, and waited until grace was said at each table. The girls sat by themselves, seventy in number. After dinner, the English matrons adjourned to Mr. Clarke's, to examine the girls' work, and as each article passed the scrutiny, it was hung upon a long line stretched round the room, Mrs. Brown and Mrs. Hobbs, who were appointed judges, made three lists. Those upon the first were to have each a gay gown, upon the second a bag or apron, those upon the third nothing. To judge was really an arduous task, for there were gowns, shirts, frocks, trowsers, flannels, nay, even a boy's jacket; indeed, we were astonished at the quantity of good work, when we saw it all together. The following morning was wet and showery; we again adjourned to the chapel, where we saw a window sash, a panelled door, a table, &c, for which prizes were given as specimens of carpenters' work. After the prizes had been distributed, William addressed the natives, and all dispersed. And now, my dear mother, you will rejoice in our prosperity, and sympathise in our anxiety. Pray for us, that we may wrestle and fight, and be more than conquerors through Him who loved us. I must now close my old letter to Kate. Jane is cooking, for tomorrow is Christmas-day: how strange this sounds, even now, to my English ears, this very hot weather. Henry and William and Mr. Brown are writing public documents; but we shall all endeavour to write by the "City of Edinburgh," or else by the "Harriett."

We now take a further step in advance. After years of patient waiting, for proof of fitness, the admission of adult natives by public baptism into the Church of Christ begins. 51 To some of a sanguine temperament, the delay may have seemed unduly long; also to those who believe in sudden or miraculous conversion; but in such a matter the judgment of those who were actually engaged in the work must be respected. It would have been easy, had the temptation to make display been entertained, to have sent home long lists of converts, so-called, who had gone through the form of baptism, but to whom repentance was unknown. Against this, the Mission steadily set their face. A period of probation was required, covered by watchful superintendence, sufficient to afford good and fair cause for assurance that the seed had not been sown on stony

ground. A beginning having once been made, the numbers increased rapidly; but years had already been expended in preparation. The Mission never made boast of the number of their converts.

Mrs. Williams to Mrs. Marsh.
Paihia, February 16, 1830.

During the fortnight which has lapsed since I prepared a letter for you, we have received so many encouragements in the work, that, in the fulness of my joy, I cannot help sitting down to commence afresh. On Sunday week, three natives were publicly baptised at the chapel, in the middle of the service, – three of those who have lived longest amongst us, and had been candidates for baptism for some months past. I had seen four native children brought to the font at the same time, with our little nephew, and a short time since, a very interesting youth, who had given most satisfactory testimony during the illness which proved his last. But these were the first we had beheld in full health, and in the pride of life, coming forward to renounce all to which we had seen them so firmly, so obstinately attached, and dedicate themselves publicly to the Lord! I think I can say my feelings were never so powerfully excited. Taiwhanga, a relative and once a follower of Hongi in his bloody triumphs, but who has, for nearly five years, turned his sword into a ploughshare, – though he has had, from his rank and influence, and naturally strong passions, many deep struggles, – has been wonderfully influenced. When I saw him advance from the other end of our crowded chapel, with firm step and subdued countenance, an object of interest to every native, as well as to every English eye, and meekly kneel, where six months before we had, at his own request, all stood sponsors for his four little children, I deeply felt that it was the Lord's own doing.

Quiet in New Zealand is not of long duration. The year 1830 is memorable in native annals for the great battle of Kororareka, and for another unhoped-for peace, brought about as usual, at no small personal risk, by Missionary effort. The cause of war was a quarrel, originating in jealousy, between two women of rank, – one the daughter of Rewa, of the Kerikeri; the other, a daughter of Morunga, of the Kawakawa, both of whom were rivals in the affections of the captain of a whaler. The leading principle of Maori "common law" is this, – that every individual of a tribe must be supported, right or wrong, against offence, or even retaliation from without. And thus did two miserable women, by utterance

of a few foul words, force on their respective tribes to internecine war. Pomare and his allies defended Kororareka: the attack was expected from Whangaroa, Rangihoua, and Kerikeri, under Rewa. Ururoa, Hongi's brother-in-law, having arrived from Whangaroa, mediation was attempted, and hopes were entertained for a while that the plunder of certain kumara gardens at Korarareka would suffice for satisfaction. Mr. Williams, with his brother, returned to Paihia, still hoping for the best. But the torch had been thrown in, and the materials were too inflammable to quench. On the morning of the following day (March 6), the beach was in a blaze. While terms of peace were under consideration, a musket went off by accident on the Kororareka side, wounding a woman in the rear of Ururoa's party. Sudden action was thus provoked, and the commencement of the engagement was hand to hand, with murderous result. Hengi, 52 a great chief of Whangaroa, seeking to interfere, was shot unarmed. Mr. Henry Williams, Mr. Davis, and Mr. Puckey, pulled off for the "Royal Sovereign," at anchor in the shipping harbour. After communicating with Captain King, Mr. Williams pulled on shore, into the thick of the fight. The two parties were engaged some twenty yards apart, from behind screens and fences, and the firing was so hot that he could not even make himself heard. As a last resource, he went to seek Tohitapu, who was safe out of harm's way at the further end of the beach, distant about a quarter of a mile. Tohitapu, known to be more valiant in word than in deed, refused to move, but sent a deputy, Kuaiangi, a young chief. On Mr. Williams' return, the firing had lulled, and he obtained a hearing. A cessation of immediate hostilities was agreed to. The assailants, who were originally about six hundred strong, departed, leaving the others, numbering about eight hundred, in possession of the field.

But accounts had yet to be balanced. Among others of lesser note, Hengi had fallen. Blood for blood, or at least blood-money, is Maori law; and, save the Mission stations, not always inviolate, there were no cities of refuge in the land. It happened that before

a strict reckoning could take place, Mr. Marsden arrived from New South Wales. Mr. Henry Williams and Mr. Marsden undertook the negotiation of a permanent peace. For this, it was necessary that the combatants should part fair, without ostensible advantage on either side. The victors proposed that Kororareka, the battleground, should be ceded by Pomare to Ngapuhi, as an equivalent for Hengi's death. The proposal was accepted, and peace between those who had actually been engaged was maintained. But this did not hinder Mango and Kakaha, the sons of Hengi, from going southward for blood-payment, taking it from tribes who had been noways concerned with the battle or with its cause. Better the blood of the innocent than none at all, is a recognised maxim of the Maori law of utu. 53 In their first expedition to the Mercury Islands they were successful; in their second, to Tauranga and Motiti, after much destruction, they were themselves destroyed. The following accounts are by eye-witnesses: – Mr. William Williams.

March 5, 1830. The natives around us have been assembling for some days at Kororareka, on the opposite side of the Bay, about two miles distant from our settlement, expecting an attack from the natives of Whangaroa, Rangihoua, and Kerikeri. Hearing this morning that Ururoa, the chief of the party that had been sent for, had arrived, we thought it would be well to go over to the contending parties, to endeavour to restrain them from mischief. Landing at Kororareka, we passed over the hill, and found the assailants feasting on the kumara, or sweet potato, which they had just pulled up from the garden at which they had landed. Tohitapu, our neighbour, was in the act of holding an harangue, the purport of which was to restrain Ururoa from going to any greater length, and to content himself with having plundered the kumara garden, as a

satisfaction for the bad language used by the other party; while Ururoa seemed to be as resolutely bent on going to Kororareka the following day.

Mr. Henry Williams.

We found Tohitapu in the midst of the council, making an harangue. As soon as we came in sight, they received us in a most gracious manner, and prepared a way for us. We took our station for the purpose of speaking to them, which they desired us to do, and commanded silence, that all might hear. We communicated as freely with them as ever we had done, and nothing was more satisfactory than the attention which they paid. They afterwards turned out their forces, that we might see their strength. Tohitapu, who is on the opposite side, greatly admired them, and, with feeling of great pride, pointing to the different tribes, exclaimed, "Those are mine! – and those are mine!" We returned after two hours, and did not apprehend any mischief.

In this anticipation Mr. Williams was disappointed, for on the following day he writes: –

About nine o'clock, much firing at Kororareka; by our glasses we could observe persons moving in all directions, and the canoes pulling off to the shipping, filled with people. Mr. Davis and I immediately went over in the boat; and after communicating with Captain King, on board the "Royal Sovereign," went on shore, to endeavour to put a stop to the firing. Landed at the scene of action; but could not see any one of rank, as all were concealed by fences and screens. Parties were about twenty yards apart. I made as much noise as I could, but to no immediate effect. Passed on to our old friend, Tohitapu, who was resting on his arms, at the extremity of the beach. I endeavoured to persuade him to accompany me to the opposite party, to draw them off; but he would not move. Tuaiangi, a young chief, was deputed to accompany me. We had not proceeded far before the firing ceased. Rewa came forward, and waved to the parties to desist. As we drew near to the spot, we learnt that many were killed and wounded. I was conducted to Ururoa, who was scarcely able to speak; however, numbers surrounded me, and all attention was given to what I had to say. They acknowledge the correctness of our arguments with them, and that they were urged to this madness by Satan. In a short time, the people in the boats landed from the shipping, to witness the distressing scene: many were dead, others dying, and the wounded no one knew.

I have observed, with great wonder, the conduct of this people. Within a quarter of an hour after the firing ceased, very many of each party were dispersed indiscriminately amongst their opponents; and we found that parents, children, and brothers had been fighting against one another.

Mr. Richard Davis.

Alas! what a day of horror and distress this has been! Last night we left the contending parties, apparently desirous of making peace, but this morning, hearing the firing, and concluding that they were fighting, we launched our boat, and went over to the shipping. As the "Royal Sovereign," Captain King, was lying not more than two hundred or three hundred yards from the scene of action, we went to his ship. I went on board, but Mr. Williams went on shore, and landed, and endeavoured to stop the fighting, but was obliged to retreat to his boat, 54 as a very brisk fire was kept up by both parties. This was a hazardous attempt on the part of Mr. Williams, as he was in much danger of being shot. The deck of the "Royal Sovereign" presented a woeful spectacle of horror and despair: many of the wounded men had been brought on board, 55 and were lying on deck in a mangled state; the surgeon was employed dressing their wounds, assisted by as many of the people as could be spared. Besides the wounded, there was a great number of women and children, who had fled on board from the village for protection. I stayed on board, at the urgent request of the captain, to assist him in the management of the natives, &c, as the village was expected to give way, and the natives to fly to the shipping for protection, and as they were likely to be followed there by the victors, the ships were put in a posture of defence, and the worst prepared for. But I had not been long on board before the assailants gave way, and fled in all directions. On seeing this, I went on shore, accompanied by Captains King and Dean. The sight was dreadful, as nearly one hundred people were killed and wounded. Soon after we had landed, the assailants were permitted to come and carry away their dead and wounded chiefs, but the bodies of the dead slaves they left behind. As one of the bodies left behind was that of a chief, but one of little note, a chief of the village ran out, and with a hatchet cut the body open, and took out a small piece of the liver: this, they told me, was for the New Zealand God. After having visited both parties, and remained with them till near midnight, we returned home.

Mr. Henry Williams.

March 7. Sunday, at the dawn of day, I was awakened by the firing of musketry at Kororareka: before sunrise it ceased;

about seven o'clock, observed Ururoa's canoes crossing the bay for Moturoa. Canoes from Kororareka arrived all day, with men, women, and children, bringing with them all their possessions. Our service delayed on account of the wounded; the natives outside making a great noise, but quiet in their behaviour. At three in the afternoon, observed the houses on fire at Kororareka, and all the canoes leaving the beach, and pulling in various directions. At sunset, Ururoa, with Tohitapu, came to our beach to take up their quarters with us; and shortly after, Rewa, with his family. All was commotion, and various reports as to the intention of Ngapuhi.

Mr. William Williams.

March 8. A number of our natives returned from their pa at the Kawakawa, to observe the movements of the enemy. We told them that we should endeavour to make peace, if possible; at which they seemed well satisfied, doubting at the same time whether the opposite party would be likely to agree to terms. In the mean time a vessel hove in sight, which proved to be from Port Jackson, having on board our old friend, Mr. Marsden, with one of his daughters.

The state of the country was getting worse; to use a native expression, the fire was spreading in the fern. Messengers had been sent inland: it was expected that, within a few days, some thousands of combatants would be added to those already engaged. Unless the fire could be stamped out at once, all would be consumed before it. Mr. Marsden joined his own efforts to those of the Mission, and ultimately had the happiness of assisting at the conclusion of hostilities.

The following account of the negotiations is by Mr. Henry Williams.

March 9, 1830. Mr; Marsden and I went up to the pa, where the Kawakawa natives were assembled; every attention was paid to what we had to say; and it was unanimously agreed, that Kororareka should be given up to the opposite party, as a payment for Hengi, and for the numbers who had been slain. The universal word was "peace." We afterwards pulled to Kororareka; when they appeared desirous for peace, and it was agreed that Tareha and Titore 56 should accompany us to Ururoa, who was at Moturoa. The wind being favourable, we soon arrived, and had a very pleasant conversation, All, with the exception of one or two, appeared disposed for peace.

March 10. At daylight, the Urikapana passed through the settlement. They stopped for a short time to hear the news, and to see Mr. Marsden. After dinner, went over to Kororareka, to see Ururoa, who had just come from Moturoa. He said that it would be needful to wait till all had assembled, before peace was made; he appeared apprehensive that the opposite party was not sincere.

March 11. After breakfast, Rewa, Mr. Marsden, and I, went up to the pa (Otuihu). We hoisted the white flag, at Rewa's request, as a signal that we were come to treat for peace. On our arrival, all assembled; and I told them we were come to receive their instructions as to the message to Ururoa, whether peace or war; it was now high time, before the assembling of the multitude. They replied that it was very good; but that Ururoa must depute some chief to meet them in the pa, and afterwards some one from the pa should go to them. This being concluded, we proceeded to Kororareka, and met Ururoa and other chiefs. They appeared of one opinion; but they waited the arrival of Mango and Kakaha, the two sons of Hengi, the chief of Takou, who was killed, as the duty of seeking revenge now devolves upon them, for the death of their father. I told Ururoa we were weary of going about; but he and others replied, that we must not be weary, but strong, and very courageous; that, should these two men come in the course of the night, they would send a canoe over to us, and peace should be concluded in the morning.

March 13. At breakfast, Tohitapu came, and spoke about the necessity of making peace; that the distant tribes would arrive, and then there would be no restraining them.

March 14. Sunday. Tohitapu and Rewa very urgent that communication should be held with Ururoa and others at Kororareka; as several canoes were observed to pull over from Moturoa. I therefore went over myself, and took the opportunity of speaking to them upon their present state, and offers of eternal peace held out by Jesus Christ. All were inclined for peace. In the evening, service as usual. Wharenui came from the pa, apparently under much concern by the delay in making peace.

March 16. After breakfast, Mr. Davis and I went to Moturoa, to see Kakaha and Mango, the sons of Hengi. The natives at Moturoa appeared disposed to hear all that we had to say; and before we left they said they should pull over in the morning, and perhaps might go up the river.

Mr. William Williams.

March 17. The minds of the natives in reference to peace having been ascertained, both parties equally manifesting a disposition to put an end to hostilities, it was fixed that a meeting should take place to-day, according to the native custom. At an early hour we observed several canoes in motion from Kororareka towards Kawakawa; and immediately we put off, in two boats, to meet them.

The party amounted to about three hundred, which advanced till within a mile of the opposite party; when the ambassadors of peace, three in number, proceeded with us to the pa. On landing, we proceeded towards the principal chiefs; when all sat upon the ground, leaving a narrow space for the speakers to walk backward and forward, which is always the native manner. First one of Pomare's sons held forth, and intimated that the peace would not hold good, because a chief of his people had not been killed, as an equivalent for Hengi; and that he should be afraid to remain at his own place, and would go to live at Kaipara, a river to the southwest. He was followed by several others, some of whom spoke to the same purport. And. when this was over, the different tribes mustered on a rising ground, and had a war dance. It was a larger body of fighting men than I have seen before at one time, amounting to about one thousand men, more than half of whom had muskets. The three ambassadors remained in the pa for the night; which part of the ceremony was to be repeated the next day by the people of the pa.

March 18. The ambassadors returned this morning with three others from the pa; and, calling at our settlement, we accompanied them to Kororareka. A similar scene occurred to that we witnessed yesterday. The final ratification of the peace, as far as I could understand it, was the following: – A chief of Ururoa's party repeated a long song, with a small stick in his hand, which, at the conclusion, he broke and threw down at the feet of one of the ambassadors from the opposite party: the meaning of which was, that hostilities were broken off; the latter chief then repeated a similar form of words, and cast down his broken stick at the feet of the former speaker. The natives speak of this peace as made by Europeans, and I believe they have been much influenced herein by the presence of Mr. Marsden.

Mr. Marsden thus contrasts the state of the Missionary settlement with that of the heathen natives during this season of anxiety and strife.

Sunday, March 14. The Rev. Henry Williams went and spent the forenoon with the natives, with a view of allaying their angry feelings, and strengthening the impressions we had already made on their minds for peace. The Rev. William Williams, the Rev. A. N. Brown, and myself, proceeded to the Chapel, to perform divine service. The contrast between the east and west side of the Bay was very striking, though only two miles distant: the east shore was crowded with different tribes of fighting men, in a wild, savage state, many of them nearly naked, and, when exercising, entirely so, Nothing was to be heard but the firing of muskets, and the din and confusion of a savage military camp; some mourning the death of their friends, others suffering from their wounds, and not one but whose

mind was involved in heathen darkness, without one ray of divine knowledge. On the west side, there was the pleasing sound of the "Church-going bell"; the natives assembling together for divine worship, clean, orderly, and decently dressed, most of them in European clothing; they were carrying in their hands the Litany, and the greater part of the "Church Service," with their hymns, written in their own language. The "Church Service," so far as it has been translated, they can both write and read with the greatest ease. Their whole conduct, and the general appearance of the settlement, reminded me of a well regulated English country parish. In the chapel, the natives behaved with the greatest propriety, and joined in the church service. Here might be viewed, at a glance, the blessings of the Christian religion, and the miseries of Heathenism, with respect to the present life; but when we direct our thoughts into the eternal world, how infinite is the difference! The Rev. William Williams read the Litany, and nearly the whole of the "Church Service," excepting the Lessons and Psalms, in the New Zealand language, in which the natives joined apparently with much pious feeling; many of them have a sincere desire to acquaint themselves with the true God, and to learn His ways.

More than its due share of space has been already allotted to "The Battle of Kororareka," but room must be made for a few lines of description, always shortened with regret, from Mrs. Williams' facile pen.

Mrs. Williams to Mrs. Marsh.
March 20, 1830.

A most eventful month has passed; I think a journal of it would afford quite a new interest; but so constant has been the excitement, so crowded the incidents, and so great the bodily exertion, both of the Missionaries abroad, and their wives at home, that nobody has written at all. . . . It is a fortnight to-day since the day of bloodshed at Kororareka – just on the opposite side of the bay – all in view, and within hearing from our settlement. The women and children fled in their canoes to this beach for refuge, the wounded came here to be dressed. Magnified reports were brought of the really many slain, and, to increase our agitation, Henry started as soon as he discerned by his glass the state of things, and landed amidst the balls flying; he had, with William, Mr. Davis, and Mr. Brown, spent the whole of the preceding day persuading the parties to peace, and had, they thought, succeeded. On this occasion we all thought him rash; but Henry thought himself in the way of duty. He was preserved, and certainly did much towards the stopping the firing. The natives thought that all the boats from the eight ships in the harbour were coming, and were

dismayed. Since this day our beach has been a most busy scene. We have had no quiet. . . . Both the contending armies sent messengers in every direction, to assemble reinforcements for a great conflict, and if we had believed one quarter of what we heard, our being stripped and driven away would appear light in comparison. We did not however tremble, for we rested in the strength of the Lord of Hosts. On the Sunday following, our service was carried through with the usual order, notwithstanding incessant noise and uproar on the beach, and a large party of strange natives bustling out of chapel in the midst of it. In the afternoon, the native houses in Kororareka were all in flames, the natives embarking to go to a fortified spot up the entrance of the Kawakawa. Yet, in the midst of this, I kept upwards of thirty native girls quietly seated at school. As I went to afternoon service, I counted nineteen canoes on the beach; parties in all directions; five parties landed during service; yet, notwithstanding the uproar without, all was quietness and attention within. On the Monday all was noise again. About noon, a brig appeared in sight. "A ship, Mr. Marsden," was echoed along the beach, with a tremendous shout. Henry was at Kororareka; but he and the other Missionaries were speedily on board, and brought Mr. Marsden and his daughter on shore to dinner, to gladden us with the sight of our venerable and beloved friend. He and Henry and William were fully employed for ten days going among the natives up to the pa, at the Kawakawa, containing, as was estimated, one thousand fighting men, and to Kororareka, where there were as many more.

On Wednesday, the fleet of canoes from Moturoa was in motion. The Missionaries and Mr. Marsden, in two boats, each bearing a white flag, having joined them, persuaded them to return, amidst a great deal of firing of musketry, and went up with three principal chiefs in a canoe between the two boats, all saying that if one of these chiefs were killed, the white people's lives should be the payment. The negotiations were completed and ratified on the following day, but the armies are not yet dispersed. It is said that all Hokianga are on the way to join one or the other army, and will be enraged that peace is made.

We now turn from matter-of-fact fighting to certain questions of opinion.

Repeatedly has the charge been brought against the Missionary body, that they did all in their power to hinder the colonisation of the country, through a desire, not unnatural or unlikely in itself, to maintain undisputed control over their native converts, and to keep them clear of the contamination of those vices which are by some

considered as peculiar to civilized men. It must not be assumed that any given opinion was that of all connected with the Church Missionary Society: as a matter of fact, there were differences of opinion; but we are here concerned with that of Henry Williams. He was, throughout, deliberately in favour of colonization by regular means, in order that the lawless adventurers, who were still pouring into the country, might be subjected to the restraint of law. The active part that he eventually took in furtherance of this object, shall presently be shown. Without him, it could not have been attained, unless by overwhelming force. But the following few lines – obiter dicta, contain the first expression met with, in writing, of his desire.

Henry Williams to his Mother.
November 26, 1830.

There is a great rumour of numbers of families coming out here to settle. There is abundance of room, and all will tend to the civilization of the land, if nothing else.

To all but those who determinately assume whatever they wish to believe, it would be a matter of surprise had he been prepared with less than a welcome for law-abiding men. Already had the rougher sort among the white settlers, though ready enough themselves to come for help when in trouble with the natives, threatened to "turn the Missionaries out of the country," and wanted only strength to put that threat into execution.

In December, 1830, the third general examination of the schools took place: one hundred and seventy-eight men and boys; ninety-two girls. About a thousand strange natives, all armed, but peaceable, attended as spectators.

The following letter affords an opportunity for a few words upon a question that has provoked much expression of contrary opinion, not untinged with acrimony, in regard to Missionary work; namely, whether the civilization of a savage race must necessarily precede conversion, or, at the least, walk hand in hand with conversion. The dispute, like most of such as are entertained among men who are at once sincere and intelligent, seems to have taken its rise in the neglect

to begin with agreeing about the meaning of words. What is meant by "civilization"? Until that be answered, argument is but a waste of words.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
Paihia, September 4, 1831.

From the first formation of the Mission, Mr. Marsden always was dwelling upon the necessity of growing wheat; and when he left, after bringing Messrs. Butler, F. Hall, Kemp, and others, he told them that he would not send them any flour from Port Jackson; that, if they did not sow, neither should they eat. It was not until after the "Herald" went to Port Jackson that we had any regular supply. The Mission continued at this work until the time I mention, and might have continued until now in the same position; but about that period all being fully persuaded that we were beginning at the wrong end, and were proceeding on unsound ground, we determined to act for ourselves until we should hear from the Parent Committee. On this account I was desired to write, stating our views upon the necessity of paying our undivided attention to the scattering of the seed of eternal life, rather than that which endureth but for a little season. We had much to contend with at this period with our friends in New South Wales, and I have told Mr. Marsden again and again, he had better leave that subject to us; that, as opportunity offered, we should embrace all his views of planting wheat, shoemaking, blacksmithing, and carpentering. From the account of the examination of our schools at Paihia and Kerikeri, you will judge how far this has been attended to. So impressed were we at Paihia of the importance of first seeking the spiritual good of this people, laying aside every personal consideration, that I have not possessed a house one year out of eight. William lives in my old bandbox, called "The Beehive," and no building of any consideration, excepting the Chapel, has until lately been put up. In what then have we been engaged? In speaking and in preparing to speak upon the unsearchable riches of Christ. The study of the language was considered the main object, until every one could declare to those around in his own tongue the glad tidings of the gospel of peace. The acquisition of the language you may be aware was no trifle for me, considering the corrupted state in which we found it; indeed, what was spoken to us was no language at all, and consequently could never be acquired or reduced to rule. It was something similar to that stuff that our Englishman is apt to use to a foreigner, – neither Dutch nor Greek.

Upon the expenses we have been very careful, but still felt the necessity of accomplishing a certain end, – of having schools, and the natives to live with us, so as to be more under our control.

The expenses have gradually been diminishing; it has been determined, some considerable time past, to reduce their ration from the store, but to furnish them with the means of growing their own food. All have been fully occupied, and every one has acted with a single eye to the glory of God and the advancement of the Redeemer's Kingdom.

For once, Mr. Marsden and Mr. Williams are found of opposite opinion. It is difficult, upon reflection, not to agree with the younger of the two, who, though as yet of less experience, was of stronger intuitive perception.

Civilization, says Mr. Marsden, must pave the way for the conversion of the heathen. As the natives in these islands are totally unconnected with the commercial world, however friendly they may be disposed towards strangers, they are, nevertheless, in a state of gross ignorance and barbarity. . . . The heathens in these islands are, in the strictest sense of the word, in a state of nature. Hence it becomes the indispensible duty of the Missionaries to use every means for their civilization, and not to imagine that they are already prepared for the blessings of divine revelation.

A "state of nature," is a state of crapulous inertness, disturbed by little more than unruly passion, or the call to provide for animal wants. To rouse the savage out of this, a stronger stimulant than utilitarian lecturing must be administered. To awaken thought, the organ of wonder must be excited. Among the rudest of mankind and the most highly organized alike, a strangely fascinating interest attaches to the unseen – to what is the subject of belief, and not of the evidence of the senses; and he who teaches men to believe more than they believed before, is sure of a hearing. He exercises power, which it would be folly to ignore. The manner of his teaching is not necessarily essential: false religions as well as true – even superstitions, have taken their leading part in the government of the world. From Joshua to the destruction of Jerusalem, from Mahomet to Mormon, from the Crusades to the Puritan rebellion, from Marsden to the Hauhauism of the New Zealand King party, 57 belief in the unseen has generated the strongest motive power known to man.

Never let power be cast aside, however small it may appear. When the Marquis of Worcester saw the lid of the kettle blown off by the steam below, he said, "here is power." We all know to what account that thoughtful saying has been turned.

The civilization question thus dwindles down to very small dimensions. Yet, it must not be passed without notice; for Missionaries themselves have not been all agreed, while among those who have no sympathy with Missions, one formula has been adopted with singular unanimity: – "Civilization first; religion when prepared for it." It is the Cuckoo cry that has been raised throughout against the teachers and the teaching, on the somewhat hasty assumption that civilization can be imparted by traders alone.

If disputants, as it has already been observed, would only begin by endeavouring to agree upon the meaning of the words they use, there would be not much left to dispute about. What is civilization? and whence does it arise? If by civilization be implied habits of cleanliness, decency of demeanour, the acquirement of ordinary school knowledge, the desire of European comforts (as distinguished from European luxuries); if it mean, also, the distinction of truth from falsehood; the individualization of property, – that is to say, the breaking up of communism, which alone can induce respect for the essential difference between mine and thine; if it mean the curbing of unrestrained and unabashed sensuality: – then I say that it is not well to attempt conversion without civilization. And I say more, that every one of the Mission has seen and acknowledged this, and has directed towards all this unintermitting effort. But if, by civilization, we are to understand the indoctrination of savages into the various arts of money-getting, – into the mysteries of trade, – into the craving for the only luxuries they can appreciate, strong drink and tobacco, – the discarding of the mat for the unwholesome blanket, – the substitution of European vices for those which are held to be more peculiarly their own, while retaining those that are common to both races: – if this be meant, no further question can arise. And if it be not, let us be told distinctly, what else is meant.

But what if it should be asked, whether we, who discourse so glibly and complacently about civilization, are civilised yet ourselves.

This is no paradox, whatever it may seem. Are not the dregs of pristine barbarism lying still unvoided at the bottom of the cup? Is war, with all its brutalizing results, but a thing of the past? Is the spirit of persecution in matters of belief extinct? That very slough of "communism," from which we have striven to extricate the savage, – release from which is the first step upward in the social scale, – is it not professed by multitudes among ourselves, and those not of the baser sort alone? Has not communism its prophets, men of culture, calling themselves "advanced liberals," who advocate that for the white man which is inveighed against as a mark of degradation in the red man? Has jealousy of all pre-eminence abated, – the barbarism of "levelling downward," in order to create equality by bringing down all alike to one level, and that the lowest? Is man himself, in the prevalent school of political economy, maintained in the position which his Maker assigned to him, or is he reduced to the condition of a soulless machine? Does not that triumphant school treat wealth as everything, and men as nothing, – or, at best, as material to be used up in the production of wealth? What but a relic of barbarism is that school which builds up a vast system of industrial feudalism out of the ruins of political feudalism, – a system under which the rich are becoming always richer, and the poor always poorer, which has extinguished whole classes of society – the peasantry and the yeomanry; which promotes white slavery while denouncing black; which, in fine, measures the prosperity of a nation, not by its happiness, but by its wealth?

We may not boast ourselves, exultant in the pride of knowledge though we be. Yet have we good hope of attaining civilization in the end. We are indeed upon the road, making advance, though leaving it for by-paths from time to time. But let us not forget that what steps we have gained have been taken under the guidance of that highest law – the great law of love, which was declared to us some nineteen hundred years ago. The influence of Christianity is slowly but surely permeating society. War is changing its practice; heavy-handed still, its grimness of aspect is abating. It begins to prefer money to blood: "requisitions" are superseding massacre. Pain

inflicted for the mere sake of giving pain is little heard of now; the rack and the faggot are altogether of the past. The grinding tyranny of capital is softened, though not countervailed, by charities of vast amount. Ferocity is waning, and if subtlety and falsehood hold their own as yet, they are at least being stoutly fought against. This has been the work of Christianity, which "penetrates where legislation cannot go." The gradual spread and increasing potency of its humanizing influence is not denied. Whether its work shall be interrupted before absolute completion, is beyond the knowledge of man; but its effect will be proportionate, in a multiple ratio, to the time allowed.

Let that which promises so auspicious an ending to the work among ourselves, be suffered to begin the work elsewhere.

The arrival of a French man-of-war was a sensational event to the natives, who had always held the Oui-oui's in dislike.

Mrs. Williams to her Mother-in-law.
Paihia, October 3, 1831.

Last night I heard of nothing but the infant school; this morning, nothing but the French man-of-war, now working into the bay. David Taiwhanga 58 came running in to tell me that the ship was now come, about which we had heard so much by our own vessel, and from Rewa, who had visited New South Wales, – that they were the enemies of King William, come to spy out the land, and had four hundred men on board; that as Mr. Williams was at the Kerikeri at the Committee, I must give him the flag of our nation to hoist upon the flagstaff on the hill. I told him the line was broken, which was the reason no flag had been hoisted for several Sundays. Oh! he would send a boy up; would I not give him a rope? I should have it again in a few days. Did I not wish to shew the flag of my country? Then, if they tore it down, Mr. Williams would write to the rulers of our land to fight for us. Of course I had a great heart to unfold the banner of my country, for which David (pronounced Rawiri) gave me full credit when I gave him my new clothesline for the purpose.

I should like to give you an account of the French captain and two of his lieutenants coming on shore to tea with us. Our room presented quite a new picture, in the various characters and features

that presented themselves. An interesting English boy, about twelve years of age, who is going home from the "Derwent" to be educated, accompanied them. Little John crept in, and edged close up to him with playful delight. Rawiri went down upon his knees at the tea-table, and put in his dark, expressive, good-humoured countenance between the two children; which the French captain observing, shrugged up his shoulders, exclaiming, at a view of his countenance, "Diable." The foreigners were very polite; the contempt they express for these people, and the New Zealanders' dread of them, is quite amusing. The conversation was in English, with a strong French accent, and a little French. They had read Captain Dillon's book, and all his abuse of us, which they seemed to treat with its merited contempt. Henry dined on board.

The captain informed Mrs. Williams that he was to have brought out, by direction of the French Government, a Roman Catholic bishop to New Zealand; but that the revolution in Paris (the three days of July) had caused the abandonment of their intention.

It will be remembered that Pango, of Rotorua, with his followers, had been saved from death when on a visit to the North by Mr. Williams, who, under cover of the night, got them safe on board a vessel in the harbour, to the great wrath of Tohitapu, baulked thereby of his expected prey. Pango, not unmindful of the service, or of the Paihia teaching, sent a messenger from Rotorua in 1831, to ask for a Missionary.

This fell in most opportunely with Mr. Williams' desire for. the dispersion of the Mission, now no longer compelled to congregate for the sake of mutual support. 59 Mr. Chapman 60 responded with alacrity, volunteering for the South.

A small schooner, called the "Karere" ["Messenger"], of thirty feet keel, had been launched at Paihia some months before. Not as a sea-going vessel, but mainly for the purpose of procuring supplies from native settlements, and therefore built of very light draught. Mr. Williams and Mr. Chapman, accompanied by Taiwhanga, embarked in her for Maketu (the nearest coast point to Rotorua) on a reconnoitering expedition. She was much too small for the service; but risks of that sort were made light of in those days. The visit was a complete success, but the homeward voyage, in a fair-weather craft, contending with heavy gales, was risky in the extreme. They had made Tauranga in two days' sail from Paihia; it took them sixteen days to work back. The following account of the expedition, somewhat condensed, is taken from Mr. Williams' journal.

October 18, 1831. At noon, all embarked on board our little vessel, the "Karere."

October 20. Our boy, who acted as cook, not approving of his title, we changed it for doctor, which relieved his mind. At four o'clock, every appearance of bad weather, and being close to Tauranga, we determined to run in. Came on to blow and rain very hard; could scarcely see Maunganui, though close to it. By the good providence of God, we entered safely, and found ourselves in still water, to our no small joy.

October 21. At break of day, several canoes came off; all the people well behaved; all approved of our errand. At low water weighed, and sailed up the river to Maungatapu. Many changes since last here. Several Europeans and some new settlements. The natives appeared very numerous, and seemed to recognize in us old friends; they spoke of their numerous guns, and quantities of lead and powder; each boy had two or three guns, the men ten. I have not known of their going against any other tribes since their possessing the means of attack, but to act on the defensive. They would gladly have Missionaries with them, not altogether for our property, which would be dispersed amongst them, but for instruction. May the Great Head of the Church guide us in this important duty of rightly dividing our strength, so that these people may be brought under our protection.

October 22. Strong gale all night; no prospect of going on shore. The boys occupied themselves in repeating their Catechism and singing hymns, and appeared very comfortable.

October 23. A canoe came off, with three baskets of potatoes, for which they wanted a hoe. We reminded them of the day (Sunday). They replied, that they just recollected, and immediately pulled away, After dinner, we went on shore, when all was

immediately in motion. We were conducted to the pa, but the rain coming on, they proposed to adjourn to a large building, which would hold us all. We accordingly moved on, and entered a spacious house, about fifty feet by thirty. All sat in order, and were very attentive to what we had to say. They appeared to remember that we were the first who came here, and to regard us as old acquaintances, and, indeed, as particularly connected with them.

October 24. Fine; wind west. At nine, landed on our way to Maketu; Kiharoa and several other chiefs accompanying us. We were conducted to Paroa, – a beautiful spot, with an extensive view. Sat down to rest, and spoke to the natives- there. They were tolerably attentive. At half-past five, arrived at Maketu. Mr. Tapsel met us, and invited us into his house. Assembled all the natives round us in the evening, and spoke to them of the love of God in our Saviour Jesus Christ. Pita and Rawiri each said a few words. At ten, lay down to rest much wearied.

October 25. We met several parties of natives, who had come to welcome us. We came up to a large assemblage, sitting on the brow of the hill, waiting our arrival. As we drew near, they gave us the usual salutation; and immediately set up their horrid crying, at meeting several of their relations, who were with us. All was speedily in motion, in preparation for the night, and we were glad to rest for a short time. After a little refreshment we assembled for prayer – about two hundred; we severally addressed a few words to them. They were very attentive, and asked many questions. The appearance of our camp at night was very interesting, presenting thirteen large fires, and groups of natives.

October 26. We embarked in two large canoes, and pulled but a short distance to Houkaka, where we remained, owing to the wind being so strong.

October 27. At first dawn of day, all in motion. Embarked, as yesterday, in two canoes. The natives managed the canoes very dexterously, and, by watching the seas, we landed in about an hour at Arorangi, and were met in a most gracious manner. We had an opportunity of speaking to a considerable number on the object of our mission, to which all paid the utmost attention; after which a most sumptuous supply of food was brought forward, – potatoes, kumaras, and fish. This being the place of Taiwhanga's father-in-law, the chiefs addressed themselves principally to him. This gave him an opportunity of stating our desires respecting them. We afterwards passed on in the canoes to Kaiwaka: our reception was much the same as that at Arorangi. On landing, we found that all our party had taken their seats in a warm bath, which was close at hand. The bath consisted of various compartments, each of a different degree of heat, which was regulated by the introduction of fresh water from the lake. After the speeches were delivered, welcoming us to this part of the country, we assembled for evening prayer.

October 28. The warm bath filled at break of day. Had a good deal of conversation with the natives on the impropriety of men, women, and children bathing together. After prayer, at which all were present, we embarked for Ohinemutu, and landed in about an hour; there were between four hundred and five hundred persons present. After the ceremony of landing was over, we were conducted to the pa, and received the usual tokens of welcome. When several chiefs had spoken, Taiwhanga introduced the subject of our errand. When he had concluded, I was told that it was needful to make a speech, and I felt much satisfaction in being able to open my mind to them. We spoke to several parties of people during the day, who appeared well disposed to receive our message. The children at all these places seem far more numerous than in the Bay of Islands: they were assembled to repeat the Catechism, but it was not confined to them, as very many men and women came also, and repeated with them. After employing them as long as we felt it proper to do so, we walked to see a hot spring, which possesses the quality of washing without soap. Several things were washed in it, which became perfectly clean. Before sunset, assembled all for prayer; at the conclusion, one of the natives addressed the people in a pleasing manner, but as they expected me to say something, I spoke for a short time. Taiwhanga, however, did not wish them to disperse until he had said a word or two, as we had come a long distance, and should return in a few days. After he had concluded several chiefs, in turn, arose, and insisting on the necessity of not allowing us to return without plenty of potatoes for our journey, lest, when we returned, it should be said that they had no love for us.

October 29. Taiwhanga came at break of day, to say that three canoes were going over to Mokoia,61 respecting a dispute about some land. From what the natives said, we deemed it well to accompany them. Before we landed, it was agreed by all to leave the question to Taiwhanga and myself. We accordingly proceeded, and communicated with the opposite party. After some angry expressions from the people of the place, the question was settled. We had also a second suit to settle; this was also respecting only a few square yards of land. We returned to our quarters at Ohinemutu about noon. After a little rest, the natives came round to talk. One young man began to ask the meaning of letters; I wrote them down for him, and in half an hour he knew them all, and was teaching several outside. Numbers of others came, until I had no paper left of any description on which to write a copy. At length they brought small pieces, to have the letters written for them, and about two hundred, old and young, were soon employed teaching and learning the letters with the greatest possible interest. At three o'clock,

about one hundred and fifty, male and female, were assembled to learn the Catechism; amongst them were several old women. They afterwards returned to their letters, and continued till the time of evening prayer, when I took the opportunity of speaking on the service of the morrow, and on the necessity of keeping the Lord's Day holy. This has been, I trust, a day of great importance, truly gratifying, and of great encouragement to us. Everything far exceeds our utmost expectations. I have neither seen nor heard anything to equal it in the land. Both young and old appear to possess an interest altogether new, and I do trust the Lord will appear in their behalf, to give deliverance.

October 30 (Sunday). Hoisted a sheet for a flag, as a signal for Sunday, – the first ever kept in this quarter. At seven o'clock, a.m., assembled the natives in a long house, as it was beginning to rain. Before service commenced, the boys brought their papers for me to hear them their letters, and asked what they were to learn next. After service, I addressed the natives on the necessity of a new birth, which brought on an interesting and important conversation among the chiefs. Assembled the youths for catechism. All the natives of the pa came, and appeared delighted. They afterwards repeated their letters. At five o'clock we held evening service, when I spoke on the fall of man, and his salvation by Christ, the Light of the World. This must have been an astonishing day to these natives. Many new things have been heard to-day, surprising to their savage ears. May the Lord bless and sanctify the same to them!

October 31. At daybreak, chiefs came to request us to stop, as a party was on the way to see us; we agreed to remain. In the afternoon, strangers observed at a distance; all went out to meet them. Before their arrival, the chiefs requested me to give some account of our laws relative to theft, &c They expressed great wonder that chiefs were as amenable to the law as poor men, and said that it would not be so with them. When the strangers arrived, the usual meeting took place, and several of the chiefs spoke. They called on me, in conclusion, to make a speech; the strangers gazed with much surprise at hearing things so entirely opposed to their ideas.

November 1. At break of day, chiefs came, as we were to move this morning. Obliged to shave in public, to their great amusement. Called to select a place for the school. At eight o'clock, we were ready to depart. The boys who had been nominated for the schools at Paihia and Kerikeri were desired to remain, as it was apprehended that they might be employed to fetch firewood or be set to work, or their hair burned, when cut, instead of being deposited in some sacred place. The children came for fresh lessons to the last, even after we had taken our seats in the canoe. Can we question their desire for instruction? Left the beach, after taking leave of all. Arrived at our former sleeping place by 6 o'clock, to wait for our train.

November 2. Rose at 4, and immediately proceeded on our journey; at 6.30, stopped to breakfast at Te Rewa Rewa, where we remained some time, to allow our party to come up. In close conversation with our friends, relative to the movement of Ngapuhi in the summer. A little after, arrived at Maketu, very wet, from having to wade through the swamps. Mr. Tapsel asked us in to refresh ourselves.

November 3. At half-past six, took leave of Mr. Tapsell, after receiving every attention from him, and commenced our journey to Tauranga, leaving several of our party behind, owing to the expressions which had been used respecting Wharetutu, and some of our boys. At two, arrived in view of our little bark, and were soon on board, much rejoiced to be once more on English ground. We soon forgot all our toils, and sent for Kiharoa 62 and Kaiwaiwa, to explain the circumstances of the late report, and also to make arrangements for our departure. They came immediately, and were very civil, wishing us to return to Ngapuhi and say that they had no ill-will towards them, but desired peace.

November 3. Wind very fair; we got under weigh and worked out. Presented Kiharoa with a blanket for the care which had been taken of the "Karere" Tipetipe and our party from Maketu remained on board. Ran down the coast in a short time, and hove-to.

November 4. Three canoes came out of Maketu, and soon put us into confusion, with fetching their things and bringing potatoes: did not receive above fifteen baskets in all, notwithstanding all that had been said. The breeze springing up fair, we took our leave and made sail. About ten, wind shifted to west, and came on to blow very strong; not being able to do anything against it, we bore up for Motiti, where we brought up. Continued to blow strong until midnight.

November 5. Fine morning, wind in the same quarter, but moderate. Got under weigh, and worked up to the weather shore. In the afternoon sent the canoe on shore for wood and water.

November 6 (Sunday). Appearance of wind from the S.E. Attempted to weigh the anchor, but found that it had hooked a rock. After much trial, were obliged to slip, and make sail to get under command before the breeze freshened. At eight o'clock, strong breeze from S.W.; reduced sail accordingly. At three, ran under the lee of Mayor Island in a heavy squall, being unable to carry sail. Close reefed the mainsail, and set storm jib. As we rounded, the gale so strong that we feared we should have been obliged to put back. Continued our course; at sunset, the Alderman close on the weather bow. Considerable sea, which frequently broke over us.

November 7. More moderate, but much swell. At two, Taiwhanga gave notice of islands ahead, of which we were unaware, not having a chart on board. At daylight, Barrier Island ahead; pleasant breeze at S.S.W.; made all sail; at eleven, wind shifted to N.W.; stood close in land in smooth water. Before sunset, wind again off the shore. Steered for the outside of Barrier Island, which we passed close.

November 8. Fresh breezes from the S.W.; at daylight, the Hen and Chickens abeam; considerable swell. At two, Poor Knights, S.W., twenty miles. Observed that our little bark was driven far to leeward, owing to the swell; we wore, in hopes, if possible, to run back into our former sheltered situation amongst the Mercury Islands. Wind increased during the evening, and squally. At midnight, brought her to under treble-reefed mainsail and the head of the foresail; looked to the Lord for His protection and divine guidance in this, our very critical situation, having but little water and wood, and the wind prevailing hard against us. May He, who holds the winds in the hollow of His hand, so control and direct them, that we may ere long be brought into our desired haven.

November 9. Our little "Karere" lay-to admirably well, riding over the seas like a duck, scarcely shipping a drop of water. At daylight, no land in sight. Fresh gales and squally, wind S.W.; no one on deck for several hours but myself. Occupied myself in serious contemplation, especially called forth from the peculiar situation in which we were. At half-past five, saw land S.S.W., supposed to be the Barrier Island. At sunset, wind the same; squalls not so heavy.

November 10. At daylight, moderate; sea much gone down; wore and made sail. At six, every appearance of shift of wind; saw land S.W. – the same seen last night. At eight, light breezes from S.E.; made all sail, and stood in for the land. At ten, calm, which continued until six o'clock; when a light breeze sprang up from N.W. Took advantage of the fineness of the day, to wash and scrub the vessel above and below, – also our crew and passengers. All much recovered by the evening, yet anxious to regain the land, fearing another gale from the westward, which might drive us out to sea.

November 11. Light breezes and cloudy. At one a.m., wind shifted to south. At break of day, caught a shark seven feet long, with thirty-seven young ones. Barrier Island S.W., about twenty miles. At seven, calm, which was very tedious, as we had now exceeded our time. At noon, light breeze from N.E.; made all sail, which carried us along in a very agreeable way. Sunset, light airs. At midnight, squalls gathering round. Shortened sail, and wind shifted to W.S.W.; stood to the southward.

November 12. Light winds and fine; close to the N.E. end of Barrier Island; ran in shore, for the purpose of replenishing our wood and water. Sent the canoe for a cask of water, fearing further

delay. Ran down the eastern shore of Barrier Island, in order to gain the weather shore. No appearance of natives on the Island – all killed or dispersed. How blessed might hundreds of families be here. There are numbers of small rivers and bays, and timber in every part of the Island, and fish in the greatest abundance.

November 13. Light airs all night; at 8, light airs from the S.E., which continued through the day, – by the help of which we crossed the mouth of the Thames; in the evening, calm.

November 14. Light air's all night. In the morning caught a quantity of fish. At nine, light air from N.N.E., with indications of a blow. At noon, strong breezes; obliged to shorten sail, and bear up, as the sea was getting up, and every prospect of a gale. At five we rounded the north head of the Thames [Kawau], and entered a small deep cove [Little Omaha], 63 which was as quiet as a fishpond, with trees on either side growing down to the water's edge; anchored in three fathoms water, which was beautifully clear, with sandy bottom, shewing the fish in great numbers, while the birds were singing most delightfully in the bushes. We went on shore to stretch our legs, which was a great relief. All soon at work cutting wood, gathering oysters, and shooting birds. We soon forgot the troubles of the day. It is a remarkable fact, that all the breezes which have in anywise been favourable for us this voyage, have been so light as scarcely to carry us any distance, while those against us have been so strong as to prevent us carrying sail. All are very weary onboard, owing to broken rest, and not having had our clothes off for eleven nights.

November 15. A quiet and comfortable night; woke by the singing of the birds. Weather gloomy; wind as yesterday. We went on shore, and prepared for a gale; kindled two large fires, and erected a tent, with a shed of nikau for the boys, which was very comfortable. About noon, heavy rain; felt exceedingly thankful for the shelter afforded from the gale; hauled our vessel on shore to scrub her bottom.

November 16. Rain all night; exceedingly rough, yet, by the aid of some large fires, we were very comfortable. At daylight, weather cleared up; vessel aground, and would not float until the afternoon. The appearance of the sky very unsettled, clouds moving in every direction. Made every arrangement for sailing; everyone embarked by three o'clock, when we floated, and pulled out of the cove; but little wind until five o'clock, when a breeze sprung up from the west. At midnight, abreast of Te Wara. Breeze veered and hauled. Fine night.

November 17. At daylight, abreast of Whangaruru; at one, close to Cape Brett; wind out of the Bay. At four o'clock we determined

28 Now Bishop of Waiapu.

29 Pomare, of Urikaraka: place of abode, Otuihu.

30 Marupo, of Ngatirahiri, or Maturuhuruhu: place of abode, Poerua.

31 Not for the purpose of attacking the Wesleyan Mission, but to revenge himself for the abduction of one of his wives. In the turmoil which ensued, the Wesleyans were stripped, and compelled to leave; but Hongi, so far as is remembered, never wittingly injured the white man. He was brother-in-law to Ruatara, and took the Mission under his protection.

A detailed account of Hongi's attack upon Whangaroa is given in "Christianity Among the New Zealanders."

32 A full account, and, so nearly as I can ascertain, a correct one, of the capture of the brig "Wellington," has been given in the "Adventures of Thomas Tapsell," originally printed in the "Southern Cross" newspaper. Tapsell was chief mate in the whaler "Sisters." He died at Maketu, August, 1873, aged ninety-six, the patriarch of the Pakeha-Maories.

33 Two of the Missionaries had been up all night, forging irons for the prisoners.

34 Rewa, sometimes called Manu, of Ngaitawake, a section of what is sometimes called Ngapuhi proper. Rewa was brother to Wharerahi; also to Moka, otherwise called Te Kainga Mata. Rewi is sometimes said to have been of Ngatikarahia,

35 A taua is a raid by an armed force, and is properly an act of hostility. But there are occasions when it becomes a mark of respect, – a compliment. A great chief, with ample power to protect his own, will quietly submit to being stripped, provided that all be in order, – -in accordance with rule. There is of course some leading idea, which, though latent, governs the complicated law of taua, reconciling its seeming inconsistencies. It might still be possible to trace up popular thought to a source lost sight of by the people themselves.

The mainspring of Maori life is the lex talionis. The earliest precept instilled into the child is, "an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth." Whose eye, or whose tooth, does not so very much matter. If a man fails to act up to it, he is deemed wawau [a coward]; or perhaps – to borrow a Saxon word, nidering. And his friends would then act for him, to save the-honour of the tribe.

Now, this rule seems to have been carried out with fantastic refinement, as were those of the duello in olden time by "masters of dependencies." Let us assume that a chief (de minimis non curat lex) injures himself, – say, as Hongi did, in felling a tree. An injury is held to be done to the tribe, in its collective capacity; payment is imperative; but the only person in fault, is the man himself.

Again, the injury to the tribe is proportionate to the rank of the person hurt. The greater the rank, the greater the compensation; consequently, a great taua becomes a compliment.

But there is another reason, no longer fantastic, but of good material interest, why his friends and relatives should be the first to come down upon him. The property, though carried away, is kept in the family. The culprit himself, for so we must call him, has a better chance of getting some of it back again, than if it were utterly dispersed; as one of the family is sure to get into trouble, before long. Among ourselves, a bankrupt is not always unwilling to let his own friends come in first.

It may be said that a powerful chief might put all these considerations aside, and hold on by his own property. The answer is, that he would lose more than he gained. There is no more conservative animal living than a Maori; and if a chief is to preserve his influence, he dare not violate rule.

36 Poutu was of Ngatirangi.

37 Pumuka, of the Roroa; place of abode, Whangai.

38 Notice of a few of the principal events in the life of so mighty man of war, preserving them while they are yet remembered, will not be considered out of place. It is taken entirely from native accounts, which however do not in all points agree; for a Maori, not unlike ourselves, in telling a story, will bend it to the honour of his own hapu, or relatives, if he can. But conflicting accounts have been balanced with some care; and, though very much compressed, the account is probably not very far from the mark.

Hongi Hika was the son of Te Hotete, chief of Te Tuhuna, near Kaikohe, of the Ngatitautahi hapu, descendants of Rahiri, a celebrated chief. His mother's name was Tuhikura, one of Te Hotete's five wives. Hongi lived chiefly at Te Tuhuna until he was grown up; he also resided at Okuratope, a pa near Waimate, where he had landed possessions, and also at Kerikeri, their fishing-place. His was said to be the Ngapuhi proper tribe; but the name afterwards extended to all the hapus who made common cause with him in his celebrated wars of conquest in the South, and is now applicable to all hapus in the Bay of Islands; the chiefs of the tribe were: Te Wharerahi, Te Ahu, Tupinea, Tareha, Rewa, Titore, Te Tirarau, and Te Koikoi, all men of renown.

The take or original cause of so much bloodshed, which made Hongi so great a warrior, originated, as was generally the case in all Maori wars, in a love story.

Pokaia, ancestor of the famous Hone Heke, was deeply in love with Kararu, sister of Hongi Hika, and persecuted her so to become his wife, that she, to be rid of him, became the wife of Tahere, a much older chief. Pokaia, in order to vent his rage and vexation, made a wanton attack upon Taoho, chief of Kaihu, a brave of the Ngatiwhatua tribe. Taoho escaped, but Pokaia killed about twenty of his people. Ngatiwhatua in return made a taua on Mataraua, near Kaikohe, and killed the same number as utu. The friends of those who were slain had now to seek for utu, and they joined Pokaia in a descent upon Ngatiwhatua, whom they encountered at Maunganui, on the west coast. An engagement took place on the beach by moonlight, in which Ngapuhi killed about fifteen of Ngatiwhatua.

This success gave Pokaia a great name, and on his return home he induced Ngapuhi to go again in force against Ngatiwhatua under his leadership: they mustered on this occasion about five hundred fighting men, thinking to make an easy conquest; but Ngatiwhatua were now better prepared for them, as well as exceedingly exasperated, and defeated Ngapuhi, killing about two hundred of them, one hundred and seventy of whose heads they cut off and stuck upon poles, feasting upon their bodies. Among the Ngapuhi chiefs who were] slain were Pokaia, their leader Ti, Tukarawa, Tohi, Houawe, and Te Waikeri. This was a grievous blow and sad disgrace to Ngapuhi, and must be avenged at any cost; and it was for the purpose of avenging this disaster that Hongi determined to go to England, to procure guns and ammunition, the fame of which he had heard from the whalers now frequenting the Bay of Islands, and he henceforth became conspicuous for his indomitable courage, his fertility of resource, and his tact as a diplomatist.

On Hongi's return from England, – true to his purpose of revenge on Ngatiwhatua, and anxious to try the effects of his firearms, – he proceeded first to attack Tuohu, of Ngatipou, an ally of Ngatiwhatua, who had eaten some of the flesh of Ngapuhi who fell under Pokaia, and taken his pa, Mairerangi. He next attacked Te Tihi on the Hokianga river, who was also an ally of Ngatiwhatua, and had shared in the cannibal feast on Ngapuhi, and took his pa. Hongi had five muskets which he always used himself, and four men to carry and load them for him. His practice on attacking a pa was to send one of his braves up to the pa to chop away the flax which was invariably tied up against the fence, and clear away a space for Hongi to fire at; if any one from the pa showed out, he was immediately potted off; after two or three had fallen in this way, the rest would be panic-struck, and a breach easily made in the pa.

About this time, two chiefs from the Thames, Te Kanini and Te Whata, of Ngatitamatera, arrived in the Bay of Islands to unite with Ngapuhi, to assist them to avenge their Tupunas slain by Ngatiporou. Hongi, flushed with victory, was too glad to avail himself of this opportunity of distinguishing himself, and offered his services. He was two years away on this expedition, being joined by Ngatimaru and Ngatiawa. Among the pas he took were Maraenui, beyond Opotiki; next Awatere, at Wharekahika, East Cape, and Waiapu: in all, he took eight pas and many hundred slaves.

Hongi's next expedition was to avenge the death of Te Raharaha, slain by Ngatiwhatua at Pataua, on the coast near Whangarei. He landed at Tamaki, and took with great slaughter Mauinaina, and also the Totara on the Thames, making many prisoners.

After this, Hongi led Ngapuhi in great force against Waikato, and took Taurakohia, their great and famous pa on the Waipa. Peace was made with Waikato through the intervention of Wharerahi, a Ngapuhi chief, and Te Wherowhero, of Waikato – Te Wherowhero's relative, Kati, taking to wife Toa, daughter of Rewa, of Ngapuhi.

Hongi had now leisure to turn his attention to Ngatiwhatua, at Kaipara, to avenge the slaughter of Ngapuhi, when led by Pokaia. He went overland with five hundred fighting men, but such was the dread of his name, that Ngatiwhatua were glad to make peace. This was brought about by the intervention of Hihi Otote, a chief from the Ngapuhi side, elder brother to Parore, of Ngatiwhatua. On Hihi Otote going over to Ngatiwhatua, Matohi, their leader, presented him with his greenstone mere, and Hongi returned.

On the return of Hongi from Kaipara without fighting, Whareumu was very wroth, and undertook an expedition against Ngatiwhatua on his own account. His plan was to go by water to Mangawhai, hauling his canoes across to Kaipara; his army mustering two hundred fighting men. Hongi, as leader of Ngapuhi, felt himself bound to follow, and fitted out another fleet of canoes with about three hundred fighting men; he overtook Whareumu at Mangawhai, engaged in hauling his canoes across. A bloody engagement with Ngatiwhatua took place at Te Ikaranganui, on the Kaipara. At first, Ngapuhi under Whareumu were defeated; but Hongi, who had kept aloof during the engagement, came to the rescue and turned the battle in favour of Ngapuhi, and gained a decided victory. The Ngapuhi chiefs who were killed on this occasion were Te Ahu, Te Puhi, and Hare Hongi, son of Hongi; Moka, alias Te Kainga-Mata, was severely wounded, hence his second name; his life was saved by Rawiri Taiwhanga, a brave of Hongi's (still living, and from whom this sketch of Hongi's life is obtained). Taiwanga, seeing Moka fall, carried him off the field of battle at the imminent risk of his own life, and threw him into a creek, where he remained till after the battle. Ngatiwhatua fled to Waikato, where they were afterwards followed by Hongi, to avenge the death of his son Hare, who fell on the occasion. Hongi returned overland, leaving his canoes at Maungakahia, on the Wairoa river.

After this, Hongi fitted out an expedition to Waikato, to follow up Ngatiwhatua who had fled to Waikato, and to avenge the death of his son Hare, who fell at Te Ikaranganui, This was somewhat of a private affair, and not taken up by Ngapuhi generally; he only mustered one hundred and seventy men. On arriving in Waikato, he was told that Ngatiwhatua had passed on to Rotorua. He followed them there; but on arriving at Rotorua, he was told that they had returned to Waikato; thither he followed them, and overtook hem fortified in a pa, which he attacked and took with great slaughter, first giving notice to the Waikatos to clear out of the way, as his quarrel was with Ngatiwhatua alone. Hongi narrowly escaped being cut off by Te Waharoa on this occasion, who, seeing him at the head of so small a force, and in the heart of the country, proposed to Waikato to rise and avenge their former defeat and slaughter by Ngapuhi, but Te Wherowhero would not allow it, as it would only lead to fresh complications; and in this he was right, as Ngapuhi never afterwards troubled the Waikatos.

Hongi had two wives, Tangiwhare, the mother of Puru, who died, and Turikatuku, the mother of Hare Hongi, who was killed at Te Ikaranganui, of Hariata Rongo, widow of Hone Heke and also of Arama Karaka Pi, and Hare Hongi of Whangaroa, still living.

The death of Hongi came about through rage on account of his wife, Tangiwhare, having committed adultery with Matuku, a nephew of Hongi's, who shot himself as soon as the fact became known. Hongi, to give vent to his rage, made an attack on his own people at Whangaroa, and received a wound, from the effects of which he died, at Hanu Hanua, on the Mangamuka branch of the Hokianga river.

39 Whareumu was of the Urikaraka – Pomare's tribe. He resided at the Kawakawa.

40 Which are Ngapuhi? that is to say, Ngapuhi proper, – the tino Nga-puhi? The question may seem absurd, but is not so easily answered. Some allege that the designation is generic, not specific; given to a number of the Northern hapus by the Southern natives; meaning, those of the smoke, in allusion to their having been the first possessors of firearms. It is maintained by others that Urikapana, Ngaitawake, Tuoro, and Roroa are Ngapuhi proper. It has also been maintained that they are named from the feather of the canoe – Puhi; i.e, only the feather, not being the representatives of one of the original "canoes." It is said, on the other hand, that their high birth is unimpeachable, Ngapuhi being the name of a woman who came from Hawaiki in the "Tainui" canoe. It is alleged that she was on board when the canoe passed Whangapraoa, and she does not appear to have gone on to Kawhia.

Ngatai, who now live on the banks of the Torere, in the Bay of Plenty, come from Torere, another woman who left the canoe, perhaps under similar circumstances.

I incline to believe that Ngapuhi came in the bows or puhi of the canoe "Arawa," which landed at Maketu. The Arawas are said to have come in the stern of the same canoe, and retained its name.

41 Wharepoaka, of the Hikutu.

42 Sister to Henry Williams.

43 The native accounts of this do not all agree.

44 Ururoa, otherwise called Rewharewha, of Tahaawai; place of abode, Whangaroa.

45 Pi, of Mahurehure; place of abode, Waima. He was father to the well known Adam Clarke, who married Heke's widow, Harriet, daughter of Hongi. Clarke's hahunga- [bone-raising, or second burial] was conducted with extraordinary pomp, about three years ago.

Pi, of Waima, must not be confused with Pi of the Kapotai, who resided at Waikari.

46 Wharerahi was perhaps the native in whom Mr. Williams placed the greatest confidence; he was a staunch ally in peace-making. When, after the burning of Kororareka in 1845, the Mission at Paihia expected to be compelled to leave, Wharerahi entreated them to place themselves under his protection at Te Rawhiti. They promised to do so, if molested, and entrusted to him some valuables, which were safely kept, and returned when all was quiet.

47 The pihe is a religious exercise, performed in presence of a dead chief laid out in state, usually at daybreak. Each performer, as he arrives, chaunts the karakia belonging to that occasion; after which he gives utterance to any grievance that may be rankling in his heart. All grievances having been thus laid before the dead, the assembly proceed to take them into consideration.

The occasion is privileged; as when, at the canonisation of a saint, the advocatus Diaboli may, without offence, rake up what he can against the memory of the deceased; or when, on the motion for going into Committee of Supply, a member of Parliament may dilate upon any grievance he pleases, Without transgressing the rules of order.

48 Tareha, of Ngatirehia; place of abode, Kerikeri and Takou.

49 Patuone, of Whanautara; place of residence, Waihou.

50 Pango, otherwise called Ngawai, or Ngaihi, was a chief of Ngatiwhakaue. He belonged to Rotorua. He was a priest, endowed with power of bewitchment, which brought him into trouble.

51 An exception, if indeed it should be so called, had been made in 1825, in favour of Rangi. For more than a year, he had listened with attention to the new teaching. He had done his utmost to induce his neighbours to respect the Lord's Day, and for months before his death, had given every proof of sincerity that could be looked for.

52 Hengi, of Ngatirehia; place of abode, Te Ngaere.

53 Utu – satisfaction – is more than an institution in Maori-dom; it is a passion, for the gratification of which a Maori has been known to sacrifice even life itself. Dr. Shortland relates an extraordinary tale, how Kohi (of Koputai, in the Middle Island), having been kicked and struck by Te Matahara, caused himself to be strangled by his wife, Pero, and his relative Tairoa – adjusting the rope round his own neck, – with a view to making it appear that the blows had proved mortal, and to obtaining thereupon larger "satisfaction" than would be allowed for an ordinary beating. The satisfaction he had hoped for, namely, the hanging of Matahara, was to be obtained by means of the law of the pakeha; but he miscalculated, for the pakeha declined to interfere. This was carrying out the wish of hostess Quickly, when in the hands of the Beadles: –

"Thou arrant knave; I would I might die that I might have thee hanged: thou hast drawn my shoulder out of joint."

54 He was not obliged to retreat, but having failed in his endeavour to stop the firing, went to fetch Tohitapu from the other end of the beach, hoping that his interposition might be more effective. He returned to the field of battle with Tohitapu's envoy, that noisy chief having declined to hazard his own person.

55 Some of the wounded had been carried over to Paihia, where their wounds were dressed by Mr. William Williams.

56 Titore, of Ngaitawake; residence, Waimate.

57 The Maori were better aware of this power than many among ourselves. To uproot the teaching of the Mission, they were compelled to invent a new religion; tempting proselytes, as of yore, with the privileges of Mecca, Utah, or Agapemone, and stablishing them by that influence – mesmeric or whatever else – which has been found so potent at revivals.

58 Taiwhanga had been one of Hongi's toas [braves].

59 The concentration of the Mission must have seemed to outsiders remarkable. At one time the only three ordained Missionaries were all living at Paihia. But Mr. Brown was sent out for the express purpose of taking charge of the school; to Mr. William Williams was assigned the task of analysing the Maori language, and the lead in the work of translation; and upon Mr. Henry Williams devolved the duty for which a central position was required, of showing himself in distant places, opening the country to mission work and to future stations by pacifying the contending tribes.

The schools appear to have been the great difficulty in the way of the dispersion of the Mission. They could not be effectively worked, except by a combination of force; and this combination exposed the Missionaries to the charge of huddling together, for their own comfort. One object or the other had to be turned away from; eventually, the schools were sacrificed.

60 Mr. Thomas Chapman arrived, to join the Mission, in July, 1830.

61 This Mokoia must not be confused with the Mokoia pa, (now Panmure,) on the Tamaki, which was destroyed by Hongi.

62 Kiharoa, of Ngaiterangi; place of abode, Maungatapu. Killed by Ngatiwhakaue at the storming of the Tumu, in 1836.

63 The Photograph is from a mere travelling sketch, chosen because the Omaha was a spot held in especial admiration by Mr. Williams.

[Pages 101-150]

OMAHA
From a Drawing by Henry Williams.]

[Page 102 is blank.]

to bear up for Whangaruru, being unable to make headway against the heavy swell from the northward, caused by the late gale, and fearing that we might spring or carry away some of our spars. At five, saw Thomas King's boat coming along the coast, from the South. Wind more moderate; entered the heads of Whangaruru at dusk; weather very unsettled.

November 18. After midnight, came to an anchor; despatched Matthew in our small canoe to fetch one sufficiently large to convey us to the landing-place. In about an hour he returned, bringing a canoe with him and four men to take us up the river. Arose immediately, though all greatly fatigued, and were soon prepared for our journey. Landed at break of day, and commenced our march with light hearts, being better able to calculate the probable time of our arrival at home. The morning was exceedingly fine, and the birds were singing on every side; the walk was truly delightful, more particularly so from being relieved from the vessel. Yet, there were many painful feelings as we passed along without meeting with or seeing a single individual, though but a few months since all this neighbourhood was in high state of cultivation; but since Taramiti had been killed, his people had been compelled to fly. About six we halted to breakfast at the last water; partook of some chocolate, but were unable to take anything else. About ten we arrived at Waikari. The natives were very civil, and provided a canoe; the tide being out, it was with difficulty dragged down the river. We availed ourselves of the opportunity of lying down in the canoe to take a nap, though a short one, as we were required to stir up the lads, who wanted to land and walk round, as the wind was blowing a little fresh. We landed at the Haumi with some difficulty, and were met immediately by some of our boys; they danced and ran about as though they had seen some one from the dead, and were about to give notice at the settlement, but were prevented. We were happy to learn that all were well, and were soon relieved by the sight of those whom we held most dear on earth. All much concerned on account of our delay. The "Active" had been got ready to sail in the morning in quest of us.

Mr. Williams, according to his wont, makes the least of every danger in description; but there were others on board from whom more was learned. Blown out to sea, without sea-stock on board, they must have starved, but for a shift of wind. Those on shore who knew the "Karere," a bauble without hold upon the water, built for the purpose of getting up creeks to the plantations, and had felt the gales, had well nigh given them up as lost. This pleasurable work was called "yachting," by those who disliked the Mission.

The return to home is thus described.

Mrs. Henry Williams to her Mother-in-law.
Paihia, November 21, 1831.

Now that joy and gladness have succeeded anxiety the most distressing, and grief the most poignant I ever endured, I wish, before the vivid scenes of the last fortnight fade, to picture some of them to you. To look back, it seems like a dream or a romance, the incidents have been so many, and the feelings have been wrought up to such extremes. If you have received a letter from me, by the French man-of-war, about a month ago, you will know that Henry was purposing a visit down to the southward. He did sail in the little cutter "Karere," accompanied by Mr. Chapman, and several of our most valuable natives, all husbands, and most of them fathers, on an expedition of twofold interest, the preparatory steps towards establishing a Mission amongst an enquiring and seeking people, and the making peace between them and the people around us, called Ngapuhi. They sailed October 18. Three weeks, Henry said, would be the full time of his absence, and as he came home from Tauranga, the last time he went in the "Herald," at the end of a fortnight, my mind, unhappily for me, was prepared for a fortnight. On the day three weeks, the day that Henry was to have returned, I sat up with Mrs. Fairburn; at one o'clock, to oblige her, I laid down to take a nap, and as I was dozing off she told me she thought she heard the bugle horn, and then a distant gun: effectual medicine this, to cause sleep; but I told her, I was becoming acquainted with the noises, and had been several times out in the garden to listen in vain. Many were the nights that succeeded this; many suppositions; fair winds, that I was told would bring them home in twenty-four or thirty-six hours; foul winds succeeding fair, and foul, and fair again. Friends would find me out, and come to see me, and blame me because I could not look happy. I fatigued myself all day, doing anything and everything, that I might not sit still and think, and at night my baby kept me awake. A month and two days had elapsed on Thursday, November 17. I had been living upon hope, and two days fair wind, after a strong adverse gale; everybody told me to expect my husband this afternoon. The "Active" was to sail in the morning, and as the wind and my hopes died away altogether, I searched some boxes, to provide a supply of linen for Henry and Mr. Chapman, to go in the "Active." Everything reminded me of her unsuccessful search [for the "Hawes"]. Mr. Fairburn called upon me, and told me to hope even against hope; it was indeed, as Mr. Fairburn afterwards remarked, man's extremity, and God's opportunity. After dinner Jane came in with the glass, saying, it was better to look at something, even if it were nothing, and there was a dark speck upon the water. I accompanied her into the front room It was too large for a boat, but had

no topmast, and was certainly not the "Karere." Scarcely had she left, when a little boy burst in, out of breath, exclaiming: "Mata!! Mata!! Te Wiremu!! Te Wiremu!!" – "Where, where?" I almost screamed, "I dare not believe you; call my sister to hear!" As the boy repeated, "It is indeed, I saw him round the point; Matthew is with him, coming overland from Whangaruru." There was a shout, to confirm the story of this little breathless harbinger. Jane ran down to the beach, where the crew of the man-of-war stood all astonishment staring at her, and listening to the shouts, as people appeared coming round the point. She saw some one coming, and asked him to question some of the boys for her, and ascertain the truth of the report; but he, on her telling him, ran away from her, and back as fast as he could to Mr. Brown's, to carry the news, and left her standing at the gate. I, trembling, strained my eyes and ears at the front-room window till I did see my husband; his children all came flocking in after him. The instantaneously spread intelligence had broken up all schools, and all was wild New Zealand delight, and trembling English gratitude!! And now, my dear mother, for I write all these particulars only to a mother, and one who likes as dearly as I do to hear all the hows and whens, – you must imagine a great deal; how baby sprang out of my arms into her father's; how the little children clung round his knees, and the bigger ones expressed their joy; how afraid I was that I should awake, and find it a dream; how at length we found out it was three o'clock, and Henry had been travelling ever since eleven o'clock the preceding night, and had taken no refreshment during that time, but a cup of chocolate. How happy all were to wait upon him, and to hear the news. We learnt that he had been fifteen days at sea, struggling with strong adverse gales; that on one occasion, the very night I sat up with Mrs. Fairburn, they were out of all sight of land, without chart or quadrant, and very little water on board; or they had, when the wind was fair, so little that, setting every stitch of sail, they could scarcely creep on. They attempted to get round Cape Brett the previous afternoon, and expected to have been with us at sunset; but there was such a tremendous swell, that she dipped her bowsprit in the water, and fearing to carry something away, Henry thought it better to put back into Whangaruru, leave the "Karere" there, and come overland, and get a canoe down the river. Henry looked jaded, as well he might, he had not had his clothes off, except once, for fifteen nights, and had stood at the helm ten hours at a stretch. Mr. Chapman was passed forward as soon as possible, in a boat to Kerikeri, to his distressed wife; he looked wretchedly ill, and had been very ill, quite laid aside on board.

It was a fixed conviction with Mr. Williams that no real impression could be made on the country at large until that state

of chronic warfare in which the natives were plunged should be brought to an end. Something had been done for those who lived in the immediate vicinity of the Mission stations; but the heart of the country was still untouched. He therefore devoted all his energies to the establishment of peace. In pursuance of this object, he kept himself travelling from place to place, where-ever a feud broke out, throwing himself in as a mediator between the contending parties.

The raids of Hengi's two sons upon Ngatiawa, at Tauranga and the Bay of Plenty, to obtain blood for their father's death at Kororareka, and the final extermination at Motiti of the assailants, have been already mentioned. The laws of Maori honour required satisfaction for this last mishap, and the burden of exacting utu fell again upon Ngapuhi. All this, observe, the result of a quarrel between two ship-girls on Kororareka beach! No persuasion could avail; go they must and would; but the teaching of the Mission was beginning to work its way. The expedition was not immediate; the war party relaxed their purpose so far as to promise not to eat the slain; and finally came round so far as to express a desire that both the Mission vessels should accompany the canoes.

Mrs. Williams to Mrs. Heathcote.
Paihia, December 27, 1831.

I shall endeavour to give you as many particulars as the few days previous to the "Thetis'" sailing for England will allow, just upon the eve of Henry's second, longer and more important, voyage in his own boat, amidst the fleet of warriors who have at length been induced to listen to the voice of peace, to lay aside their murderous intentions, and be even willing, nay request the Missionaries to go with them as mediators, to bring about a peace, instead of carrying death and destruction, and going for the purpose of annihilating a whole people, – the very people from whom Henry and Mr. Chapman had lately received so flattering a reception. If I could entirely lay self aside, and all the trials which this anxious and eventful period have occasioned, I could only rejoice that Henry has not so long wrestled and struggled and preached and persuaded in vain. Never was a more remarkable answer seen to the prayers of our little Church, than the change in this people within one month, from a resolute determination to pursue their own wicked intentions to a willingness to take advice; even requesting that the schooner and

the little cutter may go down, and that Henry should accompany them in his open boat. The vessel going is an inexpressible comfort to me, for the " Active" will carry supplies, and meet with them wherever she can anchor, while the fleet of canoes are creeping down the coast. The "Karere" will be sent back to bring us news, and convey intelligence from us, thus breaking that total separation which renders absence so painful in this land, so postless and trying. We all hope she will not again be fifteen days accomplishing a voyage of three. We try to hope everything, – that is, Mrs. Fairburn and myself; for it was not till last night we heard Mr. Kemp had offered to go in the "Active," setting Mr. Fairburn at liberty to accompany Henry in the boat. Every hour may bring a summons to move. To-morrow was intended, but our preparations are urged forward or retarded as news arrives from the armament assembled at Kororareka. The features of the whole affair wear an infinitely brighter appearance as it advances, and my dreads and terrors are lessening every day; yet still Henry was away nearly five weeks, was delayed and buffeted about by foul winds, till I for one had feared the worst, and is now about to leave his family for several months on a fatiguing, if not a hazardous expedition.

Mr. Williams, accompanied by Mr. Fairburn, left Paihia beach in his open boat on January 3, 1832. His journal supplies the account of his proceedings.

Henry Williams to the Secretary of the Church Mission Society.

I think it well, in connection with my journal, to send a few lines, whereby you may be enabled to see more clearly the origin of the present war among the natives, and the motives which actuated us in accompanying the expedition to Tauranga. I have there mentioned that it took its rise from the unhappy affair at Kororareka. Hengi, the principal chief who was killed on that occasion, had two sons grown up. Their residence was on the coast, between Rangihoua and Whangaroa, seldom visited by the Missionaries, consequently they were little disposed to listen to our advice and admonitions. After the establishment of peace, these two sons, feeling that satisfaction had not been given on account of the death of their father, though peace was sanctioned and made by them, raised a party from among their friends and relations, consisting of about seventy, perhaps a few more, and set off in quest of a payment for their father. They killed several whom they found at the entrance of the Thames, and passed on to an island about thirty miles from Tauranga, – Mayor Island, which bears due North of that place. With these people Ngapuhi had been for a length of time at profound peace, and might be considered as allies. They killed all the males whom they found on the island, reserving the women and children as slaves, excepting a few who made their escape, under cover of the

night, to Tauranga, and gave the alarm. The Ngapuhi afterwards passed on to Motiti or Flat Island, where they killed some more, and while they were feasting, the Tauranga natives, or Ngatiawa, fell upon them, and killed everyone, excepting a few boys and slaves whom they suffered to live, and in their turn regaled themselves. Ever since the news arrived here of the death of the two sons of Hengi and their party, this part of the island had been in agitation to go and seek revenge. Thus you will see the origin of all the matter, from two ship-girls fighting on Kororareka beach. Behold, how great a matter a little fire kindleth.

The reasons which induced us to go with the expedition were, in order to check the feeling of bloodshed which had shown itself in some quarters, though in others there was an evident reluctance to go. Our endeavours had been blessed on previous occasions, and we had hopes in this case; we wished, however, to use the means. Again, all were our particular friends, most closely connected with our settlements, and to whom we had been in the habit of speaking from our first coming to this land. It was acknowledged, generally, that their relatives were the first aggressors; and, as you will observe from my last journal, we were solicited to accompany them for the purpose of establishing peace.

January 3, 1832. At six, a.m., having taken leave of our families, and of all who were remaining behind, we knew not for what period, we set out on our novel expedition to Tauranga; Mr. Fairburn and I embarked in our boat; Tohitapu and Toe 64 in their respective canoes. We pulled off amidst the cheers of all who were assembled to see us depart. There was something affecting in the scene from all the connecting circumstances. We rounded Tapeka with a fair wind; spoke Titore at Ko Pito.; he wished us to land, and remain till the weather should be more favourable. As the wind was now strong, but it was too near home, we preferred moving on, and sailed to Korokaua, a quiet shady place in Paroa Bay. Pitched our tent, and spread our beds. We had provided four pieces of canvass, seven by four each, painted, to use as occasion might require, to protect us from the damp beneath, and from any leak in the tent in heavy rain. Assembled all for evening service, our party consisting of about forty; Matiu prayed in a very pleasing manner, imploring the Divine Presence to go with us, to give us grace in the sight of all, to terminate the horrors of war, and to prepare a way for the spread of the Gospel, – that this people, who had long been the captives of Satan, might become the children of God, through the merits of Jesus Christ. Many of the youths discharge this important duty far better than we can, having a greater command of language, abounding in figures of speech.

WAR CANOES AND MISSION BOAT
DRAWN BY HENRY WILLIAMS
LITH. BY SCHMIDT AND CO., AUCKLAND.

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January 5. This morning, no signs of movement among the natives. The discharge of several muskets, which we concluded were from Titore, put all in motion, and in a short time we were on the way. In less than an hour landed at Porua, a comfortable, sheltered spot; Titore at a short distance from us. At low water we went to see him, and spent some time with him. Some were making up cartridges, some making paddles, but the greater number sleeping.

January 6. At break of day, Tohitapu called out that a gale of wind was coming on, which induced the natives to lie still. To be unnecessarily hindered by the fears of these people we felt would be a great trial of patience, but the expedition was theirs, and it was our desire to remain passive. Mr. Fairburn and I arose, to examine for ourselves; observed the wind from S.W., the fine weather quarter. After some trouble, all began to move; Titore got clear off the ground. Pulled to, and doubled Cape Brett at seven o'clock. Thus we have been three days moving a distance of twenty miles; but so superstitious are these people, particularly in their war expeditions, that they must not take any cooked food in their canoes, and should but a few drops of water be shipped, they immediately land in a great fright. If they should be where they cannot land, everyone immediately ceases talking, and they commence karakia [their incantations]. But our object being to keep close to the leading men, we must endure the tardy movement. We breakfasted at Waikare, and soon found it was not the intention of the natives to move. We went to pay those near us a visit. While talking with Rewa, the sea breeze set in, which was as fair as we could desire; but he would not move, as it was contrary to custom to be in a hurry. This was truly vexatious, as all were eating and sleeping. Everyone, however, was very civil, and Rewa enquired as to the general idea of making peace. Titore proposed that we should move early in the morning, which was very congenial to our wishes. I asked him why the natives did not keep closer together; he replied, that it was their usual way for each party to go where they liked, that everyone was his own chief. What want of wisdom, even in a worldly point of view! but thus it is. Without anyone to direct, not only does each tribe act distinctly from the other, but each individual has the same liberty. If one be bent on mischief he cannot be restrained by the other. Thus tribes frequently suffer, owing to the obstinacy of an individual.

January 7. All in motion before day. Having finished our morning devotion on the beach, while it was yet dark we embarked, and were soon in the midst of a formidable fleet. Several strong contests in pulling. We kept our station very well, though weak-handed, in comparison to several of the canoes. Landed at Mangati to breakfast. Here were the remains of several sheds, built by some party which had preceded us, and our natives set to

work to calculate numbers, by the stones which were lying there, used for the purpose of pounding fernroot; counting a certain number for each stone. They concluded it was Rewharewha, 65 and pointed out where he sat, and where others sat. In about an hour, we sailed pleasantly onward with the sea breeze; the coast very rugged; no appearance of natives. We arrived about noon at Tutukaka, a beautiful little place, with several deep coves, where small vessels might find shelter at any time, though there are some sunken rocks at the entrance. All the parties put in here, in consequence of Titore's canoe having taken in a little water. They all made for the shore as fast as they could, exclaiming, that he was upset. No more moving to-day.

January 8. At eight o'clock, all the natives in our neighbourhood assembled, and behaved well. It was the first Lord's Day that had been regarded here since the Creation. It was truly pleasing thus to be met together; a congregation of New Zealand warriors here called aside from their usual horrid conversation to sing the praises of the Lord, and to hear of Redeeming Love. They all acknowledged that it was a good thing thus to be assembled together. Some of Titore's people, contrary to his desire, were in the wood, shooting pigeons and hunting pigs. After dinner, we went round to Rewa, Wharepoaka, 66 and others, with whom we had service, by their especial desire.

January 13th. Titore, Rewa, &c, came round from outside. Wharepoaka had passed on, owing to the improper conduct of the natives here, in going to disturb those of the neighbourhood. After breakfast, we went to them all; they were very glad to see us, and gave us the usual welcome, "haere mai!! haere mai!!" We concluded that as the next day would be Saturday, it would be well to move on in the morning, and sit quietly on Sunday. They also expressed a wish that we should communicate with the Ropoto people on the other side of the bay, – that all should assemble for a general muster, as they had not done so since their leaving the Bay of Islands. About four o'clock, all were engaged in preparation, rubbing up their muskets, decorating their heads with feathers, and tying round their waists shawls and handkerchiefs of various colours, as aprons. Some few of the leading men had a mantle of scarlet cloth, trimmed with dogs' hair; others had splendid native mats. Thus equipped, with two or three cartridge boxes each, and here and there a sabre, each tribe or party formed into a body by itself at their respective places, waiting a signal for movement. During this period all was noise and confusion, each giving his opinion how the whole should act; the women, children, and dogs contributing their share to the clamour, running this way and that. At length,

one party moved, with their muskets erect, slowly, but without regular step on to the beach, the usual parade ground. Having taken their station, they were followed by a second and third, and so on until all had joined that party. They reserved part of their force, who took up their station some distance off, in order to give them a meeting, which is universally done by a wild, savage rush amongst each other, or by the two parties passing each other, turning again, and forming one body. They now prepared for their haka, or dance, accompanied with horrid yells and screeches, throwing their bodies into frightful attitudes, distorting their countenances, turning their tongues nearly to the back of their heads, and rolling their eyes inside out, each jumping as high as his strength would allow him, tossing up at the same time the stock of his musket, to display the brass, which is kept perfectly bright. This being repeated two or three times, to the admiration of the beholders, and the exultations of all, they sat down, leaving a space in the centre, to make room for the speakers to run backwards and forward as they deliver their sentiments. This duty is generally taken by the chiefs, but anyone is at liberty to speak. On this occasion the speeches were very poor. Their numbers, roughly calculated, were about four hundred, under arms; which, with those already passed on, will make up about eight hundred. Some of our friends expressed a wish for some stirabout (boiled flour and water), and as the boys had caught a great quantity of fish, we did not hesitate to comply with their request. However, Moka, that evil-disposed creature, found an opportunity to make a disturbance, wishing to obtain two shares for himself, which caused a great deal of noise and angry expression. Several of the chiefs spoke seriously to Moka, on account of his conduct. The boys low spirited, owing to what had passed.

January 15. About 9 o'clock, a canoe came pulling close to the "Active," making a great noise, and singing with voice of victory. In passing us, they called out they had caught four Englishmen. We told them to come alongside. The men were part of the crew of the "Lucy Ann," lying in the Thames. They had left her twenty-three days, and were on their way to the Bay of Islands. The natives had stripped them of nearly all they possessed, but afterwards returned some of their things to them. Much consultation amongst the natives as to what should be done with the Englishmen. Most were for harnessing them to the great guns, that they might work them against the enemy. The natives very busy, preparing to move before daylight.

January 16, All in motion at two o'clock. Had the baggage put into the boat, and joined the canoes pulling out. Tareha's people called out to us to know what was to be done with the four men. We advised them to let the men go, which was done, At Mangawhai

we observed large slabs of freestone, 67 which will prove, on some future day, of great importance in building. Moka fired a number of rounds from his great guns here, termed paura mamae [sacred powder), which he expended because this was the place where he received his wound in the thigh. There were many pretty places up here, and marks of former settlements, but the people had been swept away as with the besom of destruction. Former residences of tribes, now no more, are continually pointed out to us; but we may hope the day is at hand when the Lord will grant deliverance to this people, and stay the arm of destruction. The canoes continued to arrive until four o'clock; we were unable to count them, they were so dispersed, but suppose they were between forty or fifty.

January 18. The natives very apprehensive that Tareha would return to the Bay of Islands, as he had not yet joined the main body, and was in a large canoe with no other persons, except three of his wives to pull her along. The canoe was tapu, having conveyed the body of Hengi, the principal chief killed at Kororareka, to his former place, and was now to be taken to the place where his sons were killed, for the purpose of being broken up and burnt, and was consequently termed waka mamae 68 [sacred canoe]. There are very many things, such as garments, war instruments, paddles, &c, amongst the different tribes now going up, which are on their way for the purpose of being, I think I may say, offered up to the manes of the dead. They are therefore all sacred, and thus the whole of the natives are detained, because no one can enter this said canoe but old Tareha and his three wives. This was now the second time of his being left behind. A circumstance happened this afternoon which had nearly proved serious to many, or perhaps to all. A large shark had been caught, which turned round and fastened on a man's shoulder. His companions immediately came to his assistance, but not succeeding in freeing him. an attempt was made to kill the shark with a hatchet, when the unfortunate man received a cut on the back. The mad creatures, without considering the cause of the accident, immediately flew to arms, and would have fought under the idea of having satisfaction. How lamentable the state of this people, even as it respects this world.

January 21. No appearance of making any progress. This, however, would be of little moment, were the natives more orderly; they form a complete troup of uncontrollable fellows. Have been

much concerned to hear that the Popoto, the natives from Hokianga, intend going in different directions up the Thames, to endeavour to fall upon the women and children of the allies of Tauranga. Some of the chiefs have been protesting against it, but we must commit the cause to the divine guidance of the Great Disposer of all things.

January 21. Sunday. Passed a more comfortable night, having sent for my bed from the "Karere" as there are no signs of moving onward yet. The weather against us. My bed hitherto has been formed of fern tops. Exclamation amongst the natives at the sight of some excellent fern-root which was dug up yesterday. Moka immediately gave orders to launch his canoe, for the purpose of going in quest of it. All immediately in confusion. I felt that to speak to him was of little use, yet it was my duty. I sent therefore to say that it was the ra tapu [sacred day], and that he must not resist the command of God; that to-morrow we would all go. He desired his people to remain quiet, which called forth marks of approbation from those near me. Thus are we encouraged to use the means, with simple faith in the Lord, to accomplish the end. This Moka is brother to Wharerahi and Rewa, a daring, impudent, self-willed savage, of considerable influence in the way of mischief, possessing, I believe, not one good quality. At half-past eight, a.m., assembled all in the neighbourhood to service. They behaved very well. After dinner went round to the Popoto; not many there. However, I had a pleasant conversation with Taonui, 69 and others. He appears a man of much observation and reflection, beyond the natives generally. Toward the latter part of the afternoon, the natives who were sitting around had much to endure to refrain from working. Haki, 70 a man of great respectability, sitting at the extremity of the beach, was at work with his people, but immediately laid his work aside on my approaching him. In the evening, Moka and Tohitapu put their canoes in order for moving in the morning, and from a few expressions that escaped them I could perceive that their intentions were bad respecting any natives they might see. They told me they were hungry, and as the wind continued from the eastward, they must go and dig fern-root, and cross the river at a narrow part, and that I had better remain with Tareha and Titore; but as I considered they were disposed for mischief, I determined to keep close to them, leaving the "Karere" to Titore, first sending a messenger in the morning, much cast down at this effort of Satan. Oh, when will the arm of the Lord be revealed in New Zealand?

January 27. Took up my quarters on shore for change; far more comfortable. No news, no movements; sad sacrifice of time,

which would not be endurable, but in the hope of rendering important service, temporal and spiritual to this people. Was enabled to pass my time tolerably well in reading, writing, and drawing. This last greatly astonished the natives, to see the effect of a few pencil marks on paper.

January 28. They told me of the superstitious conduct of their party, in consequence of having burnt some sticks which were sacred, – the remains of some old sheds; and also some flax. A son of old Taniwha (god of the sea) had appeared to him, and upbraided him and his party with their great wickedness, saying that he would not be quiet until he had some men as a satisfaction for the sacrilege; that the present strong winds were on that account; that he would upset their canoes, and the sea should be rough for a long while. Old Tohitapu and others listened with great earnestness during this relation, and confirmed the opinion that the gale was in consequence of their trespassing on the sacred spots. Their fears of the Taniwha are very great. They must not put cooked food into their war canoes, eat or spit while afloat, or even have any fire in them, or smoke their pipes, – which must certainly be a severe exercise to their faith. I told them that the people of England were the great men of the ocean; they went everywhere without fear of the Taniwha; that, were the native vessels larger, they would move, as the English did, fearlessly from place to place. But this they could not see; they speak of remaining many days, that the sea may be perfectly smooth. At sunset, wind S.S.W.; fair to the Bay of Islands. Intimated my intention of sailing immediately, as we could be back before any movement. They approve of our proceedings. We accordingly got under weigh, and were soon away with a good breeze, leaving my boat and all the lads excepting two.

January 30. At eight, a strong breeze from N.W., which carried us soon to Motu-o-rangi, where we were boarded by the boat from the settlement, and learned that all was well in my family and in the Mission. In the evening, all assembled in my house to tea; nineteen adults and thirty-three children.

At Paihia, he was long detained by contrary winds. After an unsuccessful attempt on the sixth, and having to put back from Cape Brett, he succeeded in getting away.

February 21. Fine. My [Maori] boys employed putting our things on board, and preparing for departure. At noon, a sea breeze. Sailed in the "Karere," with a better prospect of proceeding than when we went out last.

February 25. The Mercury Islands five or six miles east; no appearance of our people. Very apprehensive that they have all passed on, and probably commenced their murderous and wicked proceedings, unless restrained by the mighty hand of God. Poor creatures! how greatly. they need all that we can do for them.

Every man's hand is against his brother; surely the land is polluted with blood. Fresh places are pointed out to me where recent conflicts have taken place; but to the Lord do we look, who alone can deliver them from their cruel bondage, and make them willing to turn to Himself.

February 26. Sunday. At seven a.m., bore up and stood into the bay, in hopes of seeing our friends, or at least of obtaining shelter against the impending gale. Ran nearly to the bottom of the bay, but could not discover any coves, or bays, where we might anchor, as marked in the chart, and there was a considerable sea setting in directly on the shore. In our perplexity we sent the boat to reconnoitre, and in about an hour she made signal to proceed, which we accordingly did, and were considerably relieved by finding an entrance, close under a point, into a fine commodious river, capable of receiving any vessel. The country appeared well wooded, but no inhabitants, though marks of former residences. What a dreadful scourge is war, even in this remote corner! No sooner do strangers meet than fear is expressed. When shall the glorious day appear when the sword shall be turned into a ploughshare, and the spear into a pruning-hook, and the nations learn war no more?

March 3. At break of day, weighed and made sail for Tairua. As we approached the entrance, observed the canoes coming out, and were happy to observe my boat in the midst of them, and the boys all well. All appeared glad to see us. I again took my seat in the boat, with considerable pleasure, and pulled in with the canoes to Whangamata, a fine river for small vessels. After some refreshment, pulled out, to conduct the cutter in. The country appeared fine, well wooded and watered, but no inhabitants, though multitudes in former days. In the afternoon, the natives mustered their forces, but did not turn out more than four hundred fighting men; this is termed an army. Can anything shew the poverty of the land in point of number more than this, when we consider the great efforts which have been made to raise this expedition? True, we have to add those with Rewharewha and Wharepoaka, making in all perhaps six hundred, besides women and children. Their speeches poor. Was much distressed to hear that Wharerahi and a large party had passed overland to surprise Ngatiwhatua. Had a good deal of conversation with the chiefs; Titore well disposed. The natives appear generally to have paid external respect to the Sabbath during my absence, and they moved to-day in order to sit quietly tomorrow.

March 4. Sunday. The natives making a great noise, talking long before daylight, on all sides. When in want of my breakfast, I was told that fire and water were tapued; that none must eat or drink until the oracle was consulted, and that the Tohunga

or priest was in preparation for the ceremony at a short distance. I went, and found eight chiefs assembled, in a retired and shady spot, and was at first forbidden to approach; but, after a little conversation, was permitted, under the plea of my being a white person. They were all entirely naked, and were fixing sticks about a foot long in the ground, in rows according to the number of canoes; the same was also done according to the chiefs of their opponents. Against each of these were placed two others of the same length, each stick being tied round with a piece of the flax plant. When all was in order, we were required to withdraw, except an old wretch who had scarcely five pounds of flesh on his bones. In about half an hour, the old fellow, with an air of great importance, came out and sat down amongst us. He enquired of Tohitapu his dreams, and related his own last night, which are too long to repeat. We then, with much caution, approached the scene of action, where he had been at work, and found the sticks in great disorder, as though a cat had been at play amongst them. About a third of them lay on the ground, by which he would denote those who were to fall in battle. He had one set of sticks for the boat, – that is myself and the boys; we were all safe. In a few minutes after our arrival, a large body of the natives rushed up with a great noise to learn the fate of the expedition, each making inquiries respecting himself with so much vociferation and earnestness, that it was impossible for any to hear. At length partial silence being obtained, the old man began to relate particulars, but did not advance far before he was confused, and the ceremony had to be begun over again. The sacred spot was consequently cleared of the presence of everyone, except the old priest, and we waited his pleasure on the beach. During this interval, I conversed with all around. They appeared to put as implicit faith in what this Tohunga should effect, as they would in the direction of the wind, by observing the motion of the clouds. I assured them they would soon abandon such things, as our forefathers had done, and embrace the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ. Some acquiesced in what I said; others did not. At ten o'clock, all being tolerably quiet, we rang the bell for service. It had been sent from home in the vessel belonging to Pi, and was now used for the first time. It was a pleasant sound in this wild place, and in the midst of a still wilder mob. We assembled about a hundred; Rewa and Te Kohekohe were the only chiefs of note, but all were attentive. After service, Rewa told me they should soon believe our message. All were now tired of the expedition. In the afternoon, went and paid a visit round, to drop a word as occasion might offer. Had a pleasing conversation with Te Morenga.

March 5. We have now arrived within seven miles of Katikati, a river running up to Tauranga, which is in full view, the fires burning at the pa. I have many hopes and fears, but a few days will decide this important question. Many talk of taking slaves, but perhaps

they do not yet consider that such a step will be attended with some inconvenience. At noon, the tide having ebbed, we proceeded on, but did not arrive at the entrance till past two, the tide being against us. It was most formidable, as the breakers were lifting up their heads in a terrific style on all sides. Several canoes were ahead of us to lead the way, and by following them we entered safely, passing between the rollers. I was certainly glad when we were passed, and am at a loss to conjecture how the natives ventured in. The river appeared very extensive, and will no doubt some future day be an important place. We landed at the beach, where Rewharewha and Wharepoaka had been but a few days since. Ascended the hill which forms the headland of the river with my glass to reconnoitre, at the request of some of the chiefs. I had a good view of the country, and of the two pas, but could not distinguish Rewharewha. The pas seemed enveloped in smoke.

March 6. At daylight again afloat, to pass on with the flood tide. About ten o'clock landed at Matakana, to put up for the day. An old woman belonging to Ngatimaru, who had great news to impart, was here caught by Tareha's people. She stated that great deeds had been done by Wharerahi and those with him against natives of Waikato, which, while she was speaking, I felt persuaded was all false; but it was painful to observe with what greediness her wicked expressions were received. She, however, gave information of Rewharewha being only a few miles distant on the opposite side of the river. In a short time, five canoes passed over to learn the news. We soon heard that the Ngatiawa had given Rewharewha four or five meetings, and that severe engagements had taken place; but I was much relieved to learn that none were killed or wounded on either side, as they had kept open order. About midnight, when all were asleep, the camp was alarmed by four guns being discharged close to the beach, and not knowing whether friends or foes, all were soon under arms; the sound of the shot – those messengers of death – flying over our heads, waking out of first sleep, was truly heartsickening, and represented to my mind the awful state in which these poor creatures are. We, however, soon learnt that it was an express from Rewharewha. The messengers came forward in silence, which struck a degree of awe over the assembly, who were sitting down, several fires being scattered about to give light, heightening the effect. The person who now stood before us was a stranger to me. He was a fine looking man, though wild in his appearance. He stood in silence, leaning on the top of his musket, a billhook, bright as silver, in his belt in front, and a handsome dogskin mat thrown carelessly over his shoulders; by the light of the fire he presented a fine specimen of savage nobility. He first spoke of the expedition of Wharerahi against Ngatiwhatua, then of their own interview with the enemy here, who had given them a meeting this afternoon. Several rounds were exchanged, but so respectful were they, that no mischief ensued.

March 7. At daylight, all in motion, launching canoes, striking sheds, and talking over the news of the night. My opinion required respecting the proper charge for their great guns; declined the honour. At ten o'clock, all embarked, in closer order than heretofore, and presented a formidable body. They now displayed their various flags, which they had obtained from the shipping. We were, as near as I could could count, about eighty boats and canoes. About noon, arrived at Karopua, where Rewharewha was sitting. Took a view of our position; Otumoetai, the Pa of Ngatiawa, at two miles distance; several persons outside the pa, taking a view of the fresh arrival. The "Active" and the cutter belonging to Pi arrived. At low water, all our people set off in fighting trim, for the professed purpose of foraging on the plantations, very near the pa; some, however, went directly towards the pa, to the edge of a stream of water which was deep; only two of the opposite party were observed for a time. The numbers increased on each side, and the parties closed as near as they could, the bed of the river separating them; they kept up a brisk fire until dark, and the flowing tide obliged them to retire. None of the chiefs were amongst them, and I could not but marvel that none were hurt on either side. The skirmish lasted about an hour and a half. This affair gave fresh subject for conversation, which lasted nearly through the night. My mind much distressed at the spirit generally manifested. Tohitapu was amongst the worst. I spoke to him upon his deceit, at which he was very angry. I was glad to retire into the tent, and seek relief where alone it is to be found.

March 10. After midnight, orders given to embark; which was done with great disorder and noise. It being low water, we frequently got aground. This time was chosen for protection from the enemy, as we had to pass up the river where the engagement had taken place yesterday evening, though by this act they greatly exposed themselves in consequence of the continual noise which they made. Had the enemy acted with any thought, and with that courage known to Europeans, they might have planted themselves within two hundred yards of the canoes, and thrown all into confusion; but they were savages, and consequently their movements less destructive. When all were well afloat, we presented quite an armament; the surface of the river seemed covered; our force multiplied, from the face of the country about two miles distant in the rear being all on fire. The blaze illuminated the sky, and was again reflected upon the water; we appeared, – taking into consideration the desires of the people, and the object on which they were bent, issuing as it were from the infernal regions. We landed in the rear of the pa, and in a few minutes about three hundred lights were in motion, giving the appearance of a large town. I felt it was more prudent to remain in my boat until morning, not knowing how near the enemy might be, nor wishing to be run over by our own people. At

daylight, there was a general movement towards the pa, all perfectly naked, except here and there one with a shirt on or a handkerchief round his waist, and a cartouch box buckled round before and behind, close under the arms or round the loins. Ngatiawa were out to receive them, and firing soon commenced on both sides. I ascended to the summit of an old pa, from whence, with the aid of my glass, I had a clear view of their movements, and soon observed Ngapuhi driven out of some bushes where they had taken up their station, and Ngatiawa displayed in considerable number in battle array. The firing lasted, I think, three hours, and various reports were brought of the killed and wounded. They then returned to their camp, having expended all their ammunition, bringing with them one killed and one who had been struck on the cartouch box buckled round his waist, by which he was saved. I was struck with horror to observe the carelessness of them all, particularly of the women and children. The firing ceased, and was succeeded by the clamour of Ngapuhi relating their great deeds during the action. Retired to my tent, overwhelmed with the transactions of the morning. About two o'clock, Messrs. Kemp and Fairburn came on shore, and after some conversation I determined to take up my abode on board the "Active," considering that our counsel was rejected, and that they had better now be left a little to themselves. On going out of the tent, I was much surprised to see the enemy in possession of the heights about half a mile distant, firing down upon some wild fellows who were exchanging shots with them, in full view of our whole party, occasionally dancing, and brandishing their muskets in defiance as we passed down to the boat. Several of the chiefs sat down by the canoes, and appeared crestfallen. None spoke but Moka, who desired we would not attempt to dress the wounds of their enemies. I told him, all were our friends through the island, and would all receive like attention from us. Several Ngatiawa were on the side of the river as we passed, but none attempted to molest us, being fully aware of our object amongst them. In what a wretched state is this people sitting, in darkness and the shadow of death, destitute of every hope, either in this world or the world to come; not knowing who are friends or foes, but daily dreading an attack from some unknown quarter! Many have said to me during our present expedition, how gladly would they receive a party of soldiers amongst them to preserve peace through the land. We trust, however dark and dreary the prospect is at present, that the Lord will cause this to work for their good and His glory. It is He alone "who maketh wars to cease unto the end of the earth; He breaketh the bow and cutteth the spear in sunder."

March 12. The firing continued through the night, but at daylight Ngapuhi drew out on all sides, and pressed close upon the pa. I looked to the Lord for help, that He might spare this people, for

they knew not what they did. At one time our people were within two hundred yards of the fence of the pa; about forty or fifty took up a strong position amongst some bushes and long grass, but were soon dislodged by Ngatiawa, though under great disadvantage, as the one party lay concealed, while the opponents were completely exposed. The briskest part of the action took place in full view of the vessel. Numbers of children from the pa were out digging up the shot as it fell about them. Poor things! I trembled for all, and my soul was cast down within me when I reflected on the unjustness of the war.

March 13. All seemed quiet this morning, and we were in hopes it would continue so. After breakfast, Mr. Fairburn and I went to the pa to see Kiharoa, who had come down during the morning with his people to join those of the pa. We were received most graciously. It was distressing to reflect what judgments awaited all. There were multitudes of interesting children. We took a survey of the works which, for a native affair, are well constructed. While here, we observed Ngapuhi approaching, and learnt that a young woman had just been wounded in the arm. We felt it needful to take our departure, the contending parties not being at any great distance from each other. When on board, we observed some close struggles on the beach. The firing continued, more or less, upwards of two hours, and we saw two persons belonging to the pa carried off apparently dead. The cutter arrived from Maketu. A European came on board, and said he had come to see if Ngapuhi would accept the services of the Rotorua nation against Ngatiawa. He spoke of the cutting up of these poor creatures with apparent relish, as though he would join the natives in their savage repast. A schooner arrived, and anchored at some distance. Sent the boat to the pa to inquire the loss. Answer, four killed and three mortally wounded: could not learn what Ngapuhi had suffered. The firing did not cease till dusk. A boat came alongside from Ngapuhi, and informed us that one was killed, and some wounded. The European who came in the boat expressed his intention of supplying Ngapuhi with arms and ammunition, as much as they required, on trust. His expressions were disgusting, and we were relieved by his departure.

March 14. Calm, clear night. The natives in the pa pouring forth bitter cries and lamentations, bewailing their loss. A gun occasionally fired, added to the solemnity of the scene. At break of day, two canoes from Ngapuhi came alongside, for some great guns and small arms, ammunition, &c. The pa opened fire upon them, but the shot fell short. The natives seemed to scowl upon us, knowing that we disapproved their proceedings. Titore being amongst them, we sent the boat for him; he was friendly, but did not give us any hope, nor could we indeed feel any ourselves. After breakfast, we paid a visit to the pa, but did not remain long. The natives appeared in better spirits than I had expected. I en-

deavoured to induce some boys to accompany us to the Bay of Islands, but they were afraid, not being able to judge for themselves. In the afternoon, Mr. Kemp and I went to Ngapuhi. Some were as usual, others would not speak, and appeared quite intoxicated with the fresh supplies they had obtained. We were determined to ascertain their real disposition with respect to Ngatiawa. Every voice was for war, and every wicked feeling seemed to have been let loose. About eight o'clock they commenced their speeches, but all in the same tone. Tohitapu was as wicked as any one. One of the chiefs belonging to Waimate, named Tinana, 71 said that we had been giving their descriptions to Ngatiawa, in order to pick them off, but he was soon put down.

March 15. Passed a sleepless night. The awful state of the people weighed much upon our minds. Our fears were great on behalf of Ngatiawa. Ngapuhi had the advantage in experience. How little do the natives know their real friends and their best interest. We concluded that our efforts must now come to a close amongst these people, and that it would be best to return home as soon as possible; we accordingly passed through the camp, and returned on board. After breakfast, hoisted in my boat and prepared for sea, as soon as wind and tide should permit. Several natives on board from the pa; amongst them Kiharoa. They did not appear to suffer so much as we did, but spoke of their hope that we should soon return, and that some Missionaries should be sent to their place; but I fear there is no hope that they will be able to oppose the great force brought against them, supported as their enemy is by the aid, influence, and superior knowledge of the European who is in close connection with them. In the evening, at high water, weighed and made sail, the wind directly in. Passed safely over various banks; but when close to the great hill which forms the south head, the vessel missed stays, owing to the swell caused by the ebb tide; there appeared every prospect of going on the rocks, which was alone prevented by letting go the anchor and taking in the sails. Everyone was much alarmed, the sea breaking on all sides; but as the tide was setting to windward, there was no strain upon the cable. In about an hour the sea subsided. We again weighed, and in a short time were out of all difficulties.

From this date up to the 18th, the journal is but a sea log. On that day Mr. Williams landed unperceived at Paihia, and, with delight and gratitude, found all well.

March 19. Felt very weary in body, and much distress of mind, at the present state of things in this land. All is dark, dreary, and dire confusion. By vessels from the southward we hear of nothing

but war and bloodshed, – of the assemblies of large bodies of natives with muskets, gone forth utterly to annihilate all whom they meet; but we have one assurance, the Lord is faithful: He cannot err. It is a season which demands earnest and constant prayer of the Church in behalf of the nations of the earth, that they may be delivered from the chains of darkness. The great struggle seems to be at hand here, and most seem to be aware of it, gazing in anxious expectation for the result, should Ngapuhi persevere in fighting. Should they disregard our message, then all will be involved in war; again, should they be disposed to hear, then may we expect many openings for the introduction of the Gospel in various parts of the island. 0 Lord make bare Thine arm, and come and help us

Although he had reached home hopeless of success, and unwilling to witness the horrors which attend victory in Maori warfare, he could not rest. Some unaccountable feeling urged him to return, once more to try the temper of the people. The presentiment did not mislead him; for, since his departure from Tauranga, the war had been carried on listlessly. Ngapuhi complained that Te Wiremu's words lay heavy on them, and that their guns would not shoot. On the 26th, in company with Mr. Fairburn, he went on board the "Active," weighed, and sailed again for Tauranga. On the 31st they came to an anchor there, to the leeward of Maunga-nui.

April 1. Sunday. At sunrise, upwards of a dozen canoes were observed pulling towards us from Ngapuhi, full of men. They landed some distance from us, and continued running till they came abreast of us, each man with his musket. We hoisted a white flag, but they were not satisfied what vessel it was until they hailed us, when they set up a haka [dance], and called us to go on shore and see them. We were received by them in a friendly manner. They told us they had thought we were the schooner with which they engaged two days since, and had come to take her, and had brought six great guns. They related their proceedings during our absence, and appeared glad to see us. Titore, with three canoes, remained with us until the tide flowed, for the purpose of conducting us up the river, to the camp; the others returned immediately. At ten o'clock, held service on board. In the afternoon, we went up the river by ourselves, the canoes going in another direction, having observed some men on an island near us. We met a canoe coming to us, in which were the principal chiefs of Ngapuhi; they were very friendly, and returned with us. Tohitapu, with considerable self-importance, related their great deeds, magnifying the loss of the enemy. We passed through the camp, and were thankful to the God of all mercies for the great change in the tone of this people,

from what it was when last amongst them. Many shook their heads, signifying that they were tired; others complained of want of food. Their attempts had failed. They found that their opponents were not backward to meet them; their great guns had been brought into action, and were of no use. They had dragged them close to the pa, two days after we sailed for the Bay, and were firing nearly the whole day without any effect, but had sustained some loss themselves; the two guns belonging to Moka had nearly fallen into the enemy's hand. News just arrived; a large reinforcement at Otumoetai, from Waikato. We felt encouraged to hope that peace might yet be established. We took our departure at dusk, with the understanding that we should return in the morning; all exceedingly civil.

Mr. Williams employed himself in passing to and fro, from the camp to the pa, though without satisfactory result. Some halfhearted fighting took place, firing at long range, and Ngapuhi claimed a victory, having driven Ngatiawa to their entrenchments; but it did not appear that any lives were lost. The tone of the assailants had been lowered by the continued reproaches of the Mission. There was division in the camp, some desiring to abandon the enterprise, others to press it on; but the latter carried the day. Nothing of a decisive nature was impending. Mr. Williams and Mr. Fairburn, having duties to perform elsewhere, determined to return home, without further waste of time.

Between them and home, however, a danger was to intervene, through which their work was all but brought to a premature and disastrous close.

April 7. As we passed on the weather cleared up a little, and the wind being fair, it was considered most advisable to proceed on to Aotea – the Great Barrier Island, as there were two good anchorages known. As we drew under the land, the gusts were so violent that we feared either the masts or yards would go. The vessel became unmanageable, and it was with many painful feelings we were obliged to take in sail, and let the vessel drift, which she did considerably. As the darkness set in, so also did our fears and apprehensions grow upon us. We could not keep the weather shore; – what were we to expect from a lee one? The wind and rain now increased, and brought before us all the horrors of a shipwreck in its worst form. It was an iron-bound coast, with rocks and small islands scattered up and down. Our personal fears were not great, but we had wives and children, who, in all probability, might never learn our fate. Eleven hours night! – a

painful thought. Should we escape the fury of the sea, and obtain a landing, what then? There is no Christian hand to befriend us, none from whom we could obtain relief. Should any natives be near us, they would but add to our distress. But, Oh! my God, Thou hast been my refuge in distress, my help in time of need, it is Thou only whom winds and seas obey. It was Saturday night. During the hour of prayer at our respective settlements, we frequently reminded each other of their blessed employment. They little thought of our distress, but would be mindful of us; this supported us much.

April 8. A most anxious and agonizing night. The gale very severe, accompanied with heavy rain, and so unusually thick that we could not see the length of the vessel. The wind shifted in the course of the night to north. Spent the whole night in prayer to the Lord for His protecting care, unable to close my eyes, though up the whole of last night. At first dawn of day Mr. Fairburn and I were up, to discover where we were, and as the light came on, could perceive the dark, hazy loom of high land close on the lee beam, like the king of terrors frowning upon us, as if he sat brooding over the storm, ready to snatch his victims. We wore in haste and made sail, under an impression that it was Cape Colville, but soon perceived that it was the north head of Port Charles, in which there is no shelter. Stood on under all possible sail, to endeavour to weather the point which presented itself for a few moments on our lee bow; but despairing of this, as the sea was fast setting us to leeward, we determined to try and stay her, as the only alternative, there not being room to wear. She had missed stays several times yesterday, by which we were brought into the present situation. Every countenance spoke alarm, and it was declared impossible to save her. But what is impossible with man is possible with God. Though seriously impressed with our great danger, I felt a strong faith, or secret conviction, that the Lord would shew Himself a refuge and strength in this our time of need. We watched a smooth of the sea to put the helm down, – -thanks be to the Lord, at that interval it was particularly so, and she came round in a surprising manner, though to all human appearance it was impossible she could weather the land, owing to the heavy sea which was running. We settled fast down upon some frightful rocks which were close to leeward, and soon brought them in our wake; but after a short time we were relieved by perceiving that we gradually drew off shore. We stood on, wishing to regain the islands to windward of Mercury Bay, but still the weather was so thick we could scarcely see the vessel's length around her. After standing on, with intense earnestness looking out, for our danger was not yet over, land was announced on the lee bow, close to us, which we perceived was the desirable point. We bore up in haste, and were soon in smooth water, under the lee

of the Mercury Islands, and discovered what we had never before seen, though often in this neighbourhood, a commodious bay, in which we anchored about ten o'clock, to the unspeakable relief of our minds and bodies. At six p.m. we all assembled in the cabin, to offer up prayer and praise to the God of all mercies for our late deliverance, everyone being too weary to attend earlier. On reflecting on the deliverance of the past night and this morning, my soul is overpowered with gratitude to the Lord, our Shepherd. Who can declare our danger, or the protecting arm of the Almighty? We had sought for shelter in a known harbour, but were prevented from obtaining it, though close at the entrance, and lay exposed during a long night to danger on all sides; land was around us, and our chart incorrect; the weather so thick that we could not perceive land until close upon it, but at the moment it became needful for us to act, the day dawned, and danger at that moment was pointed out by a break in the haze, and we were enabled to do what alone could save us. The captain gave the order to wear, which would have been inevitable destruction. This was overruled, and she was thrown in stays, as the last and only resource. May it be a Sabbath long to be remembered with gratitude and love. Our lives have this day been given afresh to us and our families. The thought is overwhelming. What would have been their state had it pleased the Lord thus to remove us from them? for scarcely would it have been possible that any should have been spared to tell the mournful tale. To His name may we ascribe all praise, and dedicate our services to Him.

The one fault in Mr. Williams' journals is this, – that he throws his own doings too much into the back-ground. He does not tell us that it was through his own seamanship, under Providence, that the vessel was saved. It was he who put down the helm at that critical moment, taking the command out of the hands of the captain, and overruling the order to wear ship where there was no longer room for that manoeuvre. Those who are used to small vessels, of light draught, know what nicety of handling is wanted to get them round in a heavy sea, and can feel the intense anxiety of the moment before the filling of the jib, with an iron-bound coast under the lee. Now the peril so narrowly escaped was followed by a result which affected the course of his after life, opening the way to the malignant calumnies and to the persecution that, in after years, he was compelled to endure. It brought before his mind, in vivid relief, a consideration which had lain not quite unthought for, but which had been thrust aside by the urgency of public duties. What was

to become of his family, should he be taken from them? The Society was hard pressed for means to maintain even the working members of the Mission; employment for the children was not to be found in New Zealand; to turn them adrift upon the neighbouring convict colonies was not to be thought of. He resolved, most wisely, as the event has shewn, to enable them to turn the labour of their own hands to account, by providing them with homesteads of their own, on which they might work their way to independence. Land had been acquired, with good result, from the natives, for the Parent Society; the same might be done for the families of the Mission. Let it suffice, for the present, to say that in the course of the following year, he carried the idea, thus formed, into effect; preparing the way for the permanent establishment of his children in the country.

In regard to the war, it may be stated, in few words, that Ngapuhi finally abandoned the enterprise; not beaten, but wearied, humbled, and confessing to failure. "The God of the Missionaries," they said, "had been too strong for them: their hearts, instead of swelling with bravery, turned round, jumped up, and sank down with fear."

On August 8, 1832, a general thanksgiving was held throughout the Mission for this result.

Let us descend from the graver incidents of flood and field to homely scenes. Missionaries had to live as well as to preach; and to live they had to work with hand as well as with head. Secular employment was waste of time, but there were none to relieve them of it. They had to master trades to which they had never served apprenticeship. If a man wanted a chimney to his hut, he had to build it; sometimes, if a man wanted a dinner, he had to fish for it. In bricklaying in particular, both Mr. Williams and his brother achieved for themselves imperishable fame; and the bricks, like those in Jack Cade's father's chimney, "are alive to this day to testify." The assurance that their "father was a Mortimer, and their mother a Lacy," would have gained no credence. "Now we find out what you have been brought up to," said a Maori who saw them at work.

The following extract could not be conveniently placed in order of date.

June 27,1831. Commenced mixing mortar, and building chimney at the school-house. Much interruption from the natives.

June 29. At work at the chimney.

July 1. Returned to Paihia and resumed my work at the chimney.

July 7. Engaged with bricks and mortar.

July 16. Employed all the week plastering the school, and to-day continued building the chimneys. Laborious work; though several of the native boys are now very useful, and able to take our place in this dirty work.

July 18. Employed still on the chimneys.

July 26. Various points of business to settle with the natives, which occupied nearly all day.

July 27. Settled with Hiamoe and others respecting some land in immediate connection with the settlement.

July 28. Occupied fishing.

September 8. All the afternoon employed at Mr. Brown's house, anxious for its completion, that the school may be commenced.

September 9, 10. At work at Mr. Brown's house. It may be considered by some to be out of place thus to be toiling at bricks and mortar, &c, but be it remembered that family men here have a great weight and responsibility to endure: they are dependant upon one another; and as they constantly require the assistance of their neighbours, so must they give in return; thus are we, therefore, without distinction, required to assist ourselves, and all who may stand in need; and I trust that our children and grand-children will behold, for years to come, with pleasure and admiration, those exquisite pieces of work which their forefathers accomplished in the infant state of things in this land.

In August, 1832, the family party was strengthened by the arrival of Miss Coldham, 72 to join her sister, Mrs. Henry Williams, – another unwearying labourer at the work.

Mrs. Williams to Mrs. Heathcote.
Paihia, October 29, 1832.

I have so many things to thank you for that I fear I shall omit the half. You will rejoice with us that we were relieved from such an overwhelming combination of pleasure and pain as you anticipated, for the vessel that brought a sister, and well-nigh overcame us with joy, was not the herald of a bereavement 73 (that had been three

months previously known and deplored), although it brought additional particulars to some, contained in letters to your husband and Lydia. Maria took us quite by surprise early in the morning in the latter end of August. We had heard two nights before from Mr. Stack that Captain Clendon was not likely to have a vessel for four months, and I had deemed my expectations almost hopeless. I sent all details of her arrival to Sarah. We are sobered down now, but it will be very long before we shall have unpacked all the budgets of family news, talked over old times, and asked after all friends. Even now it seems at times to be a pleasant dream, almost too delightful to be a reality. I trust she is sent hither by the Lord of the harvest.

To follow the details of an active and laborious life, is out of the question. The main events must be selected, from each of which we must pass abruptly to the next.

We come now to another peace-making expedition. After the return of Ngapuhi from Tauranga, Titore could not resolve to abandon the war, though professing pacific intentions. He went down again, carrying with him a party of Rarawa, allies of Ngapuhi, from the North Cape. As before, it was deemed expedient to follow them up. In February, 1833, Mr. Williams, with Mr. Chapman, set out, in two boats, arriving, in three weeks' time, at Maketu, a principal station of the warring tribes.

The earlier portion of Mr. Williams' journal is omitted, in order to place the party at once on the scene of operations.

February 27, 1833. As we drew near to Maketu, we observed the flag hoisted half-mast high; and soon learned that ten persons had been yesterday killed on the road to Rotorua. We were received very graciously by all on shore; everyone turned out to meet us, and give us the news of the day. Had some interesting conversation with the leading persons; and, from what I can discover, Ngapuhi would be glad to return. The people appear to be far better disposed than I could have expected, and sincerely hope that something may be accomplished. There is much pleading for Missionaries to be sent among them, to preserve the peace.

March 7. News that four hundred men had departed, to lay in wait for Ngatiawa. We enquired into the truth of this account, which being confirmed, we sent for some of the leading men, to whom we observed that we must leave them as soon as the weather should clear up, as they appeared determined to follow their own inclinations. This led to much conversation, and a visit from all the officers of state. There was also a second council in the pa, to

which I was introduced. Some urged the necessity of having one or two days' good fighting, as a kind of finishing stroke, and settlement of all differences, Can there be any reasoning more Satanic. I told them, that if there should be any fighting on the part of these people while we were among them, we would leave them immediately. They promised there should be none, and strongly urged the necessity of our remaining until Titore should return.

March 11. In the afternoon, several idle youths crossed over to Ngatiawa, to offer them battle: a few shots exchanged. Toward sunset the parties increased, when one person was brought back dead. Immediately all was confusion and noise, firing guns, wailing and howling in a horrid manner. This last part exclusively belonged to the women, who arranged themselves before the corpse, throwing their bodies into every attitude, filling the air with their lamentations, cutting themselves till the blood gushed out, and besmearing their faces and arms. The frantic widow sat in grief upon the body of her husband – a most distressing spectacle! – tossing her head and her arms around her, like one deranged. The chiefs retired to their respective places, apparently much chagrined that we should witness their folly, knowing that we should be much displeased at their proceedings. What a state of wretchedness and woe, without God and without hope! What hath sin wrought, that the hand of each should be thus lifted up against his fellow! As the natives had not acted in conformity to their declaration to us on our arrival, to remain quiet until the chiefs should assemble, we felt it needful to say that we should retire as early as possible.

March 12. Several of the chiefs came, to know if we were going; and urged us, evidently with much feeling, to remain a little longer; as, if we left them, there would be no hope of effecting a reconciliation between the parties.

Desultory fighting still went on: the power of the chiefs was inadequate to restrain the young men, burning for distinction in the battlefield; yet favourable chances were not wanting, which encouraged the Mission party to perseverance. For instance, Te Amohau, the father of the man who was shot on the eleventh, after he had concluded his crying over the corpse, addressed himself generally, and said that, "as he had now lost a child in the war, it was for him to deliver his sentiments, and that he should proceed to the Missionaries and make peace. He desired no satisfaction on account of his child, but that these proceedings might be stayed."

March 18. Some of the chiefs came early. They expressed their opinion that peace would be made; and urged the necessity of not leaving them to themselves. They are truly in the gall of bitterness,

and in the bond of iniquity; unable to trust any one, and consequently living in constant fear.

This is the clue to the native toleration of interference by strangers: their desire to escape from the bondage of their own self-imposed laws. None more conscious than themselves of the misery and desolation which was brought upon the land by the scrupulous carrying out of the saying of old times – an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth; by the exacting compensation to the furthermost jot or tittle of what could be claimed, and more besides, to keep on the safe side; for this very cause keeping up the feud to perpetuity by destroying all chance of a balance of accounts. This they knew and felt; but the remedy lay not with themselves. The inexorable code of honour forbad. It is not so long, indeed, since civilized England was able to emancipate herself from similar trammels; and even then, not so much through change of heart as of fashion. When "the toe of the peasant began to gall the kibe of the courtier," when the vulgar were so audacious as to ape the customs of the gentle, when a linendraper fell in a duel, then, and not till then, did our own form of the lex talionis come to an end. Ridicule had succeeded, where preaching had been of none effect.

Now, the natives did see clearly, that what could not be effected by themselves might be brought about through mediation of a third party. They suffered the interference of the Mission without anger. It was, in fact, the increasing necessity of obtaining protection from against each other that ultimately caused them to subject themselves to government by the Crown.

Hopes of peace were ultimately destroyed by a mishap which occurred to the Rarawa.

March 25. At eight o'clock heard musketry in the old quarter at Otumoetai, and observed the Rarawa in their favourite corner, evidencing, with their usual caution, extreme disinclination to partake of the indigestible provision of Ngatiawa. After some considerable time they retired from the field. In the afternoon the Rarawa returned to their cover near the pa, and kept up the firing till sunset. Sometimes they appeared to be in close action, – Ngatiawa reserving their fire, and rallying out occasionally. Two men and one woman belonging to the pa were killed, and some wounded. Of the Rarawa, three men killed, two of whom were

taken into the pa, and consequently will be devoured. Titore was a good deal vexed at the result of their day's work, and declared to our boys that the people would not listen to him. Every appearance of a gale from the northward; prepared accordingly.

On the following day the Mission party abandoned their seemingly fruitless errand; got under way, and stood on their course for home, which they reached in safety on the fourth day of the following month.

The Mission work at Tauranga was followed by one unexpected result. To those who know the country, the obtaining influence over a Pakeha-Maori (an European domiciled among Maories – Maorified) will be deemed a greater feat than the conversion of many tribes of natives. Mr. Tapsell has already been mentioned in connection with the re-capture of the "Wellington," as the one to whom the main credit of the exploit was due. He had established himself on the East Coast, as a trader, and, like other Pakeha-Maories, had to "take sides" in war time. Neutrality was out of the question.

June 8. Received two letters from Mr. Tapsell, a flax-agent, residing at Maketu, – the man who opposed us so strenuously last year, when at Tauranga with the natives. At the latter end of his first letter, which is written just at the conclusion of making peace, he says: – "My people bid me write to you to send them a Missionary. If you should approve of that, I hope you will send one to Tauranga, Whakatane, and the river Thames, as it would be the means of keeping peace among them."

This is the testimony of one who has been living several years among this people, and has tried the power of his abilities and strength of his European knowledge in keeping this war in agitation. What he expresses in his letter, I doubt not, is his sincere opinion, – that the influence of Missionaries will alone stay this destructive work. In the course of a few days after peace had been concluded, some of the Rarawa were surprised and killed by some in connection with Tauranga, which immediately involved all in the renewal of hostilities.

Tohitapu's turbulent career was at last brought to a close. For some while past his influence had been on the wane, because of the lessening of faith in his powers of sorcery. In spite of his arrogance and violence, he had not been a bad friend to the Mission, and when he found that his Atua had succumbed before a higher one, had

become comparatively mild and tractable. During his last illness, his friends and dependents had treated him with neglectful indifference; but, when dead, they fought for his body.

His exit from the world is described in a letter from Mr. Williams to his brother-in-law.

Alas! Poor Tohitapu is no more: not long since, he was brought from the interior very ill, and remained at the place above a month, when he died. He expressed for some days a desire for religious conversation and instruction; but finding that he did not gain strength, but rather grew worse, he requested that no one should speak to him on these subjects. His old superstition was too strong, though he did not submit to be karakia'd previous to dissolution. This last rite may be considered as "extreme unction," and he died in comparative silence for so great a man. It was on a Sunday, and there was a good deal of struggle within to abstain from discharging their guns as a signal of his departure. A few strangers came to see him after his disease, to show how they loved him. He had expressed himself favourably towards us. There was much scuffle for his body, as to who should have the honour of burying him. Some proposed Paihia, but this we declined, fearing that might bring the tapu upon a considerable portion of the land, and involve us in perpetual broils with the people. He was at last taken away to some snug retreat, and the last I heard of him was that the dogs had found him, and eaten a good portion of the flesh off his bones. Thus died and was buried the renowned Tohitapu, in total ignorance of a Redeemer's love. Often have I spoken to him and others, but it universally brought on a sleepy fit. The scarlet robe you sent for him, was not given; he was somewhat in disgrace when it arrived, and he declined so rapidly afterwards that we did not approve of giving it him.

July 15. Marupo 74 and the Matarahurahu came firing. Finding that the tupapaku [corpse] was removed on its way up the river, they followed, brought it back, and passed on to Waitangi, on the opposite side of the river. For some time there was a prospect of disturbance, but it passed off quietly.

July 25. News this morning that the body of Tohitapu had been stolen from Waitangi, and taken to Whangae by the Roroa.

The two following extracts from the journal are worth preserving: –

February 3, 1833. Much cast down on account of the natives at Kororareka. Tareha to-day in a great rage with Rawiri. He came towards him when at Kororareka, roaring like an infuriated bull, in consequence of some of the answers in one of the Catechisms being opposed to his views of strict propriety, inasmuch as all men, without distinction of rank, are brought under condemnation, who believe not in the name of the Son of God. This doctrine, it is observed, may do for slaves and Europeans, but not for a free and noble people, like Ngapuhi: therefore, they will not receive it.

April 21. After we had concluded our service, one of the chiefs desired to know the meaning of the intelligence, communicated to them by Tami and Captain B – – – , of our receiving dollars for every tangata whakapona, [believer]? I referred him to them, as it was equally new to me as to himself. It appears that Satan, through the means of these, his agents, has been very industriously circulating the idea of our intention to seize the chiefs, in a short time, and have them conveyed to England; and that for those who receive our doctrine we are to receive dollars according to the rank of the individual. Passed on to Tareha, Rewa, Tohitapu, &c. All very civil, but spoke upon the subject of the dollars. I asked, "how many we had received on account of Ripi and Te Morenga?"

On May 5, 1833, Mr. Busby, as British Resident, arrived in H.M.S. "Imogene."

On the 17th he landed in state, under a salute of seven guns from the ship, and was received by a large assemblage on shore with Maori honours – namely, firing of muskets, unearthly screams, facemaking, and the inevitable haka. Much was expected from the influence of his position; and he had a hearty welcome from the Mission.

On the 21st, Mr. Morgan arrived, in the "Prince of Denmark," to join the Mission.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
Paihia, September 23, 1833.

There appears in your letter of August 31, 1832, the name of Mr. Holford, a gentleman of whom we have no knowledge, except that in the kindness of his heart he has forwarded to you twenty guineas to be expended for our benefit; to whom I hope you will return our warmest acknowledgments. It is pleasing and encouraging to know that we are borne in remembrance by the children of God; it strengthens our hands and gladdens our hearts. We receive this

present of Mr. Holford's with much gratification on behalf of our little ones. It is little we want for ourselves, – indeed nothing beyond what our friends in Salisbury-square provide. But we do feel the situation of the children, though perhaps more than we ought. But is this possible. Our first desire respecting them is that they should know the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom he has sent; and, secondly, that they possess neither poverty nor riches. The great question of the future prospect of our children has occupied a good deal of our thoughts. We feel that it is impossible to look to the Society, and therefore must use our utmost efforts to ensure them meat and drink; and consequently turn our eyes to the days of primitive simplicity, when Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob possessed their own flocks and killed their own mutton and beef. And as I know not how soon I must depart hence, I have been looking at a piece of land belonging to our friend Te Morenga of Taiamai, which will most probably form the basis of a "Family Estate" for my children, and a township for the natives. It is situated in a populous district, and I hope that, while it may afford a home for my young ones in time of need, it will also afford a light in the wilderness 75 to the inhabitants around. They have been long desiring that a Missionary should reside amongst them, but this could not be done. We have therefore nominated a Missionary's son (Edward). The natives appear well pleased, and so also am I. I returned from viewing the place on Friday last. The land is good, well watered, with a wood on one side of it. There, I think, the sheep and cattle belonging to the children may be attended to, and I propose to remove some of my trusty natives, who may act as teachers among their countrymen. But this opens a new field of ideas, such for instance as the providing every fraction for this great undertaking. But Rome, they say, was not built in a day, nor will this my projected city; but when I consider for a moment how a small house is to be erected, I find that there will be required, tools to a considerable extent, – carpenters' and blacksmiths'; also, ploughs, harrows, carts, horses, &c, before much wheat will appear for the preservation of the stomach; nails, gimblets, hammers, &c, pit-saws, &c, and also articles of trade to keep the thing a going. But we must go gradually to work. Mr. Davis has sent for some saws for himself and me, and I must obtain my tools and nails as circumstances may require, or rather offer.

After all that preliminary matter you may be a little surprised when I tell you that we have made up our minds to send Edward to England. I have not yet been able to learn anything concerning

the King's school at Parramatta, and we have heard that Captain King, a southern whaler, a man of considerable respectability, may be in the Bay in two months for England. William and Mr. Brown have strongly urged the necessity of his going, as we may be able to do something for him which it may not be in our power to do for any of the others. The lad has exceedingly pleased us lately, and I should be desirous to strain every nerve. William has taken considerable pains with him in his Latin, and is now commencing Greek. We hope that our former wishes respecting him may be realized, – that is, that he may be with a surgeon. He appears to desire it himself. Should he make his appearance among you, you may expect full despatches.

The great work of the elder Missionaries, the fruit of years of unintermitting labour, was the translation of the Holy Scriptures into what had become for them – "the vulgar tongue." The arduous nature of this undertaking will not be appreciated upon first thought. It is no light task for a man of middle age to obtain the mastery over any language whatever, even with all the means and appliances that can be brought to bear, – grammars, dictionaries, and intelligent teachers.

A mechanician 76 of great original genius has been heard to say, that he had not only to invent the mechanism, but also the tools with which the machinery was to be made. In like manner these translators had to deduce and frame the rules which constitute a grammar; to fix an everchanging language; 77 to make choice among dialects, to compile a dictionary, and in so doing to find out, without a guiding literature, how much was pure, and how much alien – in plain English, "slang;" to winnow the wheat from the chaff; in fine, to bring a wild and unhandled language into subjection. For this, a certain amount of hard scholarship, and acquaintance with the science of language, was requisite. And this was abundantly possessed by Mr. William Williams, an

Oxford man of repute, who took the acknowledged lead during this most difficult period of the work.

It is not intended to imply that the translation of those days reached perfection by a bound. Revision after revision took place, other labourers coming into the field, until the natives came to take the same pride and delight in it, for the very beauty of the language – pure and idiomatic Maori, that an Englishman does in the authorized version of his own church.

But even mechanical difficulties contributed to the original imperfections of the work. Special founts of type are needed for printing in the Maori language; compositors have not a little difficulty in setting up from copy 78 in a strange tongue; and the correctors of the press were not professional, but amateurs. The first attempt, mentioned by Mr. Henry Williams with small respect, may vie, for typographical error, with the Bible, famous among book collectors, of Sixtus V.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
Paihia, August 13, 1833.

We have just received a large quantity of books which have been printed in the Colony [New South Wales] in the native tongue. I hope our good friends in London will see in time the necessity of allowing a press and a printer. The book contains 250 pages: and abounds in typographical errors; not less I should think than two to a page. It must not be offered without correction. So much for colonial work: it is a sad place. The translation is very good, and in many passages may be denominated elegant. This is principally Williams' own indefatigable work; but it will be long before the whole Bible is translated. Had we a press, many would now be at work.

In April 1833, Mr. Williams submitted to the Committee his views concerning the extension of the Society's operations in New Zealand.

I should wish to call your attention to the state of the whole island, or rather of both islands, as our numbers have been increasing,

and the general feature of the country has undergone very material changes within these few years; while there is scarcely a part of the coast where Europeans are not settled, for the purpose of procuring flax. Though I feel that it would be improper to require any one to proceed upon new ground against his inclination, yet it is evident that he may err on the opposite side. Our ideas have been long dwelling upon the savage state of this people; and thus it may continue, unless some more considerable exertion is made to extend our influence more widely. The subject has been brought forward occasionally, that we might so dispose of ourselves as to ensure a settlement not only at the Thames, but with a prospect of extending through the two islands. To accomplish this, however, a new system must be entered upon.

I have felt much encouraged by your drawing our attention to the extension of the Mission, in some of your recent communications to us, and more particularly in your letter of August last. We have all felt considerable fears as to your means of extending our efforts, independent of which, there are many points for consideration. We are, at present, divided into four Stations in the Bay of Islands, which will necessarily require a stated number of members. At these stations we have three public works in daily progress, – the farm for the Mission, the English boys' school, and the English girls' school, which may be regarded as a basis of our Mission, requiring our constant and peculiar care. After providing for these, it may perhaps be well to ask what probable strength you may, in reasonable calculation, be enabled to provide, for the whole extent of New Zealand?

By looking over the chart of the island, you will perceive that the part which we now possess is but a mere spot, and that at the extreme end. At present all is darkness, desolation, and death; but there is certainly no physical reason why it should thus remain. Communication with every corner of the land has long been maintained by the traders of Port Jackson. Englishmen have been placed on shore to reside, and the natives from these places have visited Port Jackson, and also the Bay of Islands, and have consequently formed extensive acquaintance with us and our desires respecting them. We are upon the eve of forming a station to the northward of Knuckle Point, and proposals are now going to Sydney to form one up the Thames, lat. 37 deg. 10', in the course of next summer. At Table Cape, also, is a chief of great note, related to these people: the neighbourhood of Entry Island, in Cook's Straits, would also form a commanding situation. Here we have leading points to begin with, also in the Southern Island. The intermediate space can be filled up or occupied as occasion may offer, either by dividing the Europeans, or by native teachers who may act under the guidance of the Missionaries.

It is scarcely worth while to take account of spiteful stories invented and published by chance-visitors to the Mission stations, or of their complaints that they were not sufficiently well lodged and attended to. A passing notice must suffice.

Henry Williams to Mrs. Heathcote.
Paihia, August 29, 1833.

We feel sorry that your feelings have been called into exercise at the reading of Earl's book, and at the taunts of some whom you meet occasionally. We have learnt to endure these things; and so hardened are our hearts that they make not the slightest impression on us. We are engaged in a great work, and must not notice such things. Had Earl been less virulent, his statements would have had a more deadly influence, but in his eagerness he has overshot his mark. No one in the least acquainted with human nature could be galled with such extravagance. However, I have forwarded a few remarks for the Society, and will copy them for you, which you can use as you think proper, but I hope will reserve; for there are many who will gladly believe a lie, and will not be convinced by any evidence. Their good opinion and bad are alike one, – of no weight. Our trials, if I may so express myself, are manifold, and come from various quarters; yet, they shall endure but for a little moment, and work for us a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory. We are sorry that the Society should have felt it needful to have taken any notice of it publicly. I shall here transcribe a few observations which I have written to Mr. Coates.

Paihia, May 31, 1833.
Before the departure of the "Active," I should wish to send you a few observations respecting Mr. Earl's narrative of a nine months' residence in New Zealand.

We thank you for forwarding the book for our inspection, though under other circumstances we should not think it worthy of notice. However, I shall give you my own views.

The refutation had been copied for the press, but is cancelled. For these calumnies, paltry and spiteful, but of no serious import, are forgotten. It is enough to say that the exposure of Mr. Earl's statements was complete. Among other assailants were Mr. Dillon, and Dr. Lang; upon whose merits it is needless to enlarge. 79

There is much sameness in a narrative of continual travelling, always for one or other of the two main objects, – peace-making, and the dispersion of the Mission. Lesser movements must be passed over, for the purpose of bringing into prominence the three journeys into Waikato, through which the southern stations were formed, and after many vicissitudes, ultimately placed upon a stable footing.

The state of things down there was wretched in the extreme. It was worse than a well-defined war between two tribes, where shelter might be had within the lines of either army. The land swarmed with Ishmaelite marauding parties, each with minor causes of grief subordinate to the main cause, which was, the disputed title to a tract of what might be fairly called "no man's land."

The first journey was undertaken with Mr. Brown, Mr. Fairburn, and Mr. Morgan, 80 extending to Matamata, – a great feat in those days. There Mr. Williams had a long conversation with Waharoa, 81

the clue to all subsequent proceedings. Waharoa wished for Missionaries, and to obtain them, was willing to arrange for peace. He proposed that Mr. Williams should fetch down chiefs from Ngapuhi and from Ngatimaru (Thames), that all might be brought face to face. The promise that new stations should be formed was fulfilled; Mr. Fairburn and Mr. Preece going to Puriri; Mr. Brown and Mr. Wilson to Matamata; Mr. Morgan and Mr. Stack to Mangapouri. The voyage was made in open boats, the cutter "Karere" accompanying, as tender. The details shall be given in Mr. Williams' own words. It must be premised, however, that in this instance, as in all others, excepting one, his narrative is very much compressed; in order that this volume should not be swelled to an inconvenient bulk.

October 22, 1833. At half-past five, entered Whananake: a reef of rocks, of which it is needful to take particular care, runs out some distance from the North Head, in N.E. direction. We passed further up than formerly; no sign of inhabitants. The scenery very beautiful, but the river shoal, fit only for very small vessels. Pitched our four tents among the bushes, dined, held evening service, and retired to rest early, rather tired, the boats having been previously anchored in the river, ready for a move at break of day.

October 23. At daylight, all under weigh. Light air from the northward. Passed comfortably on to Tutukaka to breakfast. Assembled the boys in the shade, and held morning service. At ten, moved on, and at two, close to Te Whara; breeze shifted to N.W. at five; pulled to Mangawai by dusk; breakers at the entrance. Much care required to secure the boats, owing to the great stones.

October 24. All in motion at daylight, and by sunrise, pulled out, and with a pleasant breeze from the north, passed on to Omaha, our favourite spot. Determined to remain the day, to adjust our things, and send the boys for a stock of fern-root and fish; some in quest of pigeons. Our sportsmen soon returned; one having lost his flint, the other having spilt his shot in the bush. Replenished their stock, and started afresh. The lads returned early, with ten pigeons and a large collection of fine fish, which

occupied them till dark to cook, as sea-stock. The boys appeared well satisfied, – a very important point.

October 25. Mr. Morgan called us up before three o'clock, telling us it was a fine morning, and little wind. As the moon had not yet set, we concluded it was daylight, and all hurried up. The sky looked dark and hazy, and gusts of wind seemed to indicate an approaching gale, as it passed over the hills and among the trees. We loosed from our pleasant retreat, and were soon outside, where we found wind enough. As we drew near the point of land, going into the Thames, the sea became irregular, owing to the ebb tide, and threatened to break on board; but we soon rounded, and were immediately in smooth water. We continued on to Motu Kawau, a large island; landed in a fine bay perfectly secure from wind. Here we pitched our tents, brought everything on shore, and prepared for a gale which was fast breaking upon us. The boys behaved well, and our encampment soon appeared like a little town among the trees which protected us from the wind. The rain fell for two or three hours, when the wind shifted to S.S.E., and blew strong.

October 26. At first dawn of day was waked by the sweet sound of the bellbirds; their varied notes fill the woods, and continue till sunrise, when they cease. Fine clear morning, but the wind strong from S.E.; could not move on our way. After breakfast, we went to explore a river a little distance from us. We found sufficient water, and perfectly secure for any vessel, and a place which it is highly important to know, as a refuge in bad weather. In the evening we were thrown into considerable alarm, owing to the absence of three of our boys, who had gone with the rest in the morning to forage for food, and were not returned. Apprehensive lest they might have been climbing over the rocks after birds, and fallen. One of the boys was Puhi, son of Rauroha, one of the principal chiefs here, who died a few months since. Had anything happened to this lad, all our hopes and views here would have been frustrated for a season, as the natives would have looked to us for satisfaction.

October 27. Sunday. The three boys returned in the night; they had lost themselves; we felt very thankful to see them. On what a slender thread do all our joys and consolations here depend! how far concealed from our feeble sight are all future events! We know not what an hour may bring forth. My rest had been disturbed through the night, under the apprehension that mischief had befallen this lad, and that we should not, therefore, dare to proceed on our way. At half-past ten, assembled in a shady spot, and held service; it was retired from the busy hum of man, for naught was heard but birds of sweet and varied note skipping from branch to branch, as though surveying the group of mortals who had landed on their isle, and had intruded upon the quiet of their abode; however, they did not betray fear, and as we sang the praises of God and our Redeemer,

their voice was also distinctly heard with ours. But I felt a kind of indescribable something, as I viewed the ground upon which we sat. For many successive years, this neighbourhood has been the seat of war, in its most savage and infernal state. Not content with killing, but tearing even limb from limb has the foul demon taught his subject to protract human misery, and at times 'ere life has been extinct, they have commenced the work of cannibalism. Doubtless, this spot has witnessed many scenes like this, but now I knew it as an earnest for good that the Lord has heard the prayers of his people, and that the place is consecrated to His presence. At sunset, appearance of wind and rain obliged us to shift the position of some of the tents.

October 28. After breakfast, we crossed over to the south point of the island, to take bearings of the various islands, points, &c, around us. Considerable difficulty in ascending the hills, owing to the ferns, shrubs, &c, with which they are covered; however, our view was good, and I was enabled to take a sketch of the islands and country around. Evening fine; wind more from the westward; launched the boats, and put everything on board except our beds, in prospect of an early move.

October 29. Cloudy, and symptoms of strong wind. Determined to make the attempt to cross; shipped some water as we drew into the tide way; but the boys pulled well into Mahurangi; by a quarter past eight landed in a quiet bay, to breakfast. After assembling our boys to our morning service, we proceeded up the harbour, to see Mr. D. G. Brown; we found him well, and living in perfect quietness with about thirty of his natives. He gave us some information, and furnished us with a more correct chart of this part of the Thames. We left this beautiful place about three for Whangaparoa, and passed over in an hour and a quarter. The wind was strong, but we passed on comfortably.

October 30. Cloudy; wind scant; were therefore undetermined how to proceed. At high water, pulled to windward, and finding the weather moderate and water smooth, we crossed over on the ebb tide, and by twenty minutes past eleven landed in a small bay on the east side of Motutapu. We here found a small party, with Wharekawa. As we came in sight, they immediately began to prepare for defence, while the women and children ran off; but as the boats came nearer, they knew us, and discharged their pieces as a salute. We had some of their relations with us, who had been on a visit with us to the Bay of Islands. After a long and dismal cry, we had some conversation with them; they were going in an opposite direction to us. Before I left this spot, I mounted the hill, and took a view of the islands and their bearings, preparatory to correcting the chart. At half-past three we took our departure, and about five landed in a small bay on Motuihu. We had to contend with a rough sea for a short time, as the weather tide was making

strong; but as we drew near to land, we found it quiet, and soon went to work upon our quarters for the night. Sent off a party to fish; they returned with a large quantity. In passing along these islands with a boat, it is highly expedient to consult the time of tide, as a sea is tossed up in a few minutes. As our distance was short, we intended to go to-day. We packed up at daylight, but our lads, whose independence cannot be exceeded, gave us to understand that we could not move without their assistance. We were consequently an hour and a half before we left the beach, and six hours before we arrived at Mokoia, a distance of about nine miles. As the labour of pulling fell upon them, I did not feel disposed to express my displeasure, though I had the misfortune to feel it. We at length arrived in a small basin, which had something romantic about it. The entrance was narrow, between rocks, overhung with small trees and shrubs. We here landed at Mokoia (Panmure), famous in New Zealand history, – the spot where about twelve years since stood the pa of Hinaki, which was then taken by Hongi, and very many put to death. The people in the pa had at that time about eight muskets, while every man of Ngapuhi was well provided with everything, fully equipped for the field. The land was now overgrown with fern and tupakihi bushes; no sign of an inhabitant could be observed in any direction. Part of a human skull lay on the ground close to us, which was more than half an inch thick; there were three deep cuts on it from a hatchet, most probably inflicted at the time of the general massacre. The country around appeared very level for a great extent; and the general report of the natives (for we could not examine far) is, that it is of the same quality with that here. The river on which this place stands runs up a long distance, to within half a mile of Manukau, which empties itself on the western coast.

November 1. Cloudy, uncomfortable morning. As we arrived at the heads of the river, the wind had so increased, that we were obliged to pull for a beach, to windward, for shelter. On our way, we came suddenly upon stones, when Mr. Fairburn's boat ran on one and stove a great hole; she filled immediately, and was obliged to run on shore, to prevent her sinking. This was a sad check to our proceedings. We made the best of our way to a beach about a mile distant to repair our damages. The fracture was near three feet in length. We pitched our tents, under the impression that we should be detained till after Sunday. This beach, which is nearly a mile in length, is where Rangituke, son of old Te Koki, was killed, about five years since. It was therefore interesting to us, and to our boys, who had the battle to fight over again, in their narrative.

November 2. Very fine morning. Sea breeze set in about ten. Obliged to remain in an inactive state, as we could not proceed owing to the accident of yesterday. Our little bark was finished in

the afternoon and as there was no paint, we were obliged to substitute candle-grease, to keep out the water.

November 3. Sunday. No natives near us, to whom we could communicate the glad tidings of peace; very considerable dis-apointment, but hope to be with them to-morrow. Assembled our little congregation, and held service.

November 4. The breeze fair; carried us on to Pakihi. We landed on a fine steep beach, and had breakfast, but were first obliged to fish for it. We afterwards passed on to Wairoa, a river abreast of this island on the main. We went up two or three miles, but could not see any natives until our return, though fires were burning in several directions. As we were returning, a young man showed himself, fully prepared for action, with his gun and cartouchbox. Having satisfied himself who we were, he came forward. He invited us to the settlement which was some distance up the river, but we could not go, as the tide was low. On our return, we consulted as to the best movements to make, when it was determined to wait here for the "Karere" until Thursday morning, and then proceed, without her, up to the head of the Thames, should she not have arrived.

November 5. In the afternoon, we crossed over to a large island in order to give the boys opportunity to dig fern-root, as our stock of provisions is getting low, and no appearance of the "Karere." We ascended one of the hills, from which we had a commanding view. The island on which we were, was large – abundance of ground for many families. The rocks were covered with oysters, and pipis on the mud banks, which run out a long distance, and the sea full of fish of all kinds. It was melancholy to look around. All was perfect stillness – except here and there a bird, no bustle of active life – no vessels, boats, or canoes, moving on either hand – over the surface of these waters which spread, like magnificent rivers, among these numerous islands. The hills in the rear are clothed with timber, without rendering service to any. Traces of former towns and settlements were visible, as we came along, wherever we turned, but all were destroyed.

November 6. Wind continues westerly, and we doing nothing, waiting for the "Karere." The boys employed in fishing and digging fernroot. All in readiness by sunset, for a move at daylight.

November 7. At break of day, all in motion; struck our tents, and proceeded on our voyage, having left a note for William Lewington, 82 suspended to a stick, with directions to follow us. The morning was extremely fine, and sea smooth; a light air from the westward. We came to a beautiful point of land, which ran far into the sea. Here we had some conversation with a small party, who wished us to land and take refreshment; but we were obliged

to proceed on. They brought, however, a basket of stinking corn, which had been soaking in water for some weeks. This, to them, is a great treat, though the stench was unbearable to us. We passed on a little further, and put into a small bay to breakfast. The natives here were relatives to Puhi and Ngaiwi, youths who had been with us some time; they sat down and had a long cry. Having concluded breakfast, we continued our course with the sea breeze, which had now set in. Met a canoe with a number of natives, who had come to meet us; they saluted us with their muskets, and we proceeded together some distance; but landed at a small settlement, in order to make some examination of the quality and general character of the country, as it had been proposed to establish a new settlement hereabouts. It was so thickly wooded that we could not see far before us; but generally light timber. The soil appeared good. In the rear were hills covered with timber. We walked on to the top of the bank toward the sea, about a mile; but soon got off the good land, and passed over an entire bed of pudding-stones, from eight to fifty pounds each. We found our walking very uncomfortable, and again entered our boats, and continued on for about two miles; the hills coming close down to the water for some distance, when the land again improved. As this was the spot where it had been considered the houses should stand, we landed; Messrs. Brown, Fairburn, and Morgan entered the wood. My attention was occupied in speaking to the natives, about forty in number; I felt glad of the opportunity. Numbers soon gathered around, and we had an interesting meeting. The few patches of land here which had been cleared seemed very rich, but it did not continue far to the southward. We now passed on to Wakatiwai; our road lay along the bank of stones, which continued all our way; this made our walk heavy, and cut our feet. At about four, we arrived at the pa, where we saw our old friends Patuone, Kupenga, &c, and a good number of men, women, and children. All flocked around to gaze upon us and our baggage, which the boys, in our absence, had brought out of the boats, and put in a heap before them, to our great annoyance. After some trouble, we obtained dinner, of which we stood much in need. Before sunset, we assembled about a hundred and thirty natives, with whom we held service. In the evening, Patuone presented two pigs; he expressed great concern at not having any children. He complained that the Europeans had large families, but they had none. It certainly is a mystery to them how we become so numerous, and they so few. They tell us we are like the cattle, and shall soon cover the land; that we never die, as they do, but multiply exceedingly. I told him that their own great wickedness and abominations were the cause of all their distresses; they were corrupt in all their ideas and ways.

November 8. Went to see the country around the pa. All the low land exceedingly good, but to no extent. At noon, we took the boat, and pulled to the land we had looked at yesterday, where it was considered the houses would stand. We walked directly through the wood, and found it very strong for some distance. The low land did not exceed a quarter of a mile, when we came to a rising ground, covered with kahikatoa; very ordinary; we continued to the southward, in a parallel direction to the line of coast, and then struck through the bush to the sea, but were much surprised to find that the whole of the low land here was one continued bed of round stones, with scarcely any perceptible soil. This fact, added to several other objections, appears to close our examination in this neighbourhood. On our return, we were much relieved by the sight of the "Karen" standing towards the place; she anchored at sunset, and delivered letters from our wives and children, and from many of our natives, for ourselves and boys. This was an interesting particular for the people of the place, as they were thus enabled to perceive the nature and value of written characters, by the testimony of these, their countrymen. Our boys seemed to look for, and read over their letters with as much pleasure as we did ours, to the delight of all around; they repeated them aloud, to the admiration of their auditors, who were struck with wonder, at hearing, as they described it, "a book speak," – for though they expect that a European can perform any extraordinary thing, yet they cannot understand how it is that a New Zealand youth can possess the same power. Our communications were gratifying; all were well, – praised be the name of the Lord! At dusk, had evening prayers; Mr. Fairburn addressed the party.

November 9. Mr. Lewington breakfasted with us, and gave us the news from Paihia. Dr. and Mrs. Ross had come with him to Mahurangi. Our friends here, Kupenga, and Herua, appear jealous of our moving elsewhere. At low water, after much difficulty, we took our departure; the boys and the natives of the place wishing us to remain. The Seabreeze had set in, and soon carried us across. The "Karere" passed over the flats well, and we all arrived at Kopu by three o'clock. The natives here gave us the usual welcome, firing guns, &c. I met several who had seen me in the Bay of Islands. We were immediately surrounded, and while the boys were putting the boats and baggage in order, I sat down and had a long conversation with our friends. We contrived to get dinner before sunset, after which, we had evening prayers, and gave a few words of address to these poor people. They told us they had observed the Ra Tapu (had kept the Lord's day); but that was all they knew, as there was no one to instruct them. The country here is singularly beautiful; on the left are gigantic hills, the most varied of any I had ever yet seen in this island, well covered with timber. The opposite side of the river is perfectly

level, and an extent of wood beyond the reach of the eye. Horeta soon arrived, a man of noble appearance. Retired to rest; very weary.

November 10. Sunday. The natives congregated around our tents at sunrise. After breakfast, assembled all for service. Mr. Fairburn addressed them. It was our intention to have pulled up to Turua, to have seen the natives there; but the tide was so late, and the banks of the river so muddy, we could not accomplish it. A number of natives sitting about all day. Toward sunset, held evening service with the people of the place; I spoke to them upon the New Birth; it was doubtless as new and strange to them as it was, eighteen hundred years ago, to Nicodemus. Parekawhiowhio arrived, a man of renown. I have for a long time been desirous to see him; he has borne a notoriously bad character as a sly, murderous fellow; he is now blind. We had a good deal of conversation with him, but he was as wild as a hyena, and seemed desirous of returning to the woods; he spoke with greater rapidity than any one I ever heard. Many inquiries through the day as to the time when the Mission would be established here. Much jealousy expressed. The natives were very kind. Our attention was called to the cruel acts of the Ngapuhi, at Te Totara, &c.; though it appears that, till within these twenty-five years, Ngapuhi used to be driven before these people.

November 11. Packed up the baggage, and sent the boats on board the "Karere." Walked with the old man, Horeta, to see some of his plantations. The land over which we passed was perfectly level, and far more extensive than we had anticipated; our walk was superb; we continued till we came to a small river, which runs among the hills. The scenery here was very fine; the hills at the back run very high and irregular, covered with timber, giving a fine finish to the landscape. We here took leave of our friend Horeta, and returned by Te Totara, a pa which had been taken by Ngapuhi about thirteen years since, before guns were introduced among these people. Ngapuhi had been sitting near the pa several days, receiving presents, and holding friendly intercourse; but, having obtained their confidence, they rose upon them and killed a great number, and took all whom they could seize as slaves. The most horrible cruelties were practised, and many chiefs were cast alive into their ovens. Some of the posts of the fence are still standing, and, from the extent of the ground we passed over constituting the site of the pa, there must have been a large number of people. Human bones lay scattered up and down, and the natives pointed out the spot where their relatives had been killed and eaten. We arrived on board the "Karere" by one o'clock, and prepared for our journey to Waikato. We left at three, and were soon carried up by the tide to Turua, where we landed; but no natives there. We examined the land in the neighbourhood, but found it low and swampy, the

wood extending all along the right, without a break. Continued our course, and overtook a canoe; learnt that the people were up a small river, at their cultivations. We followed them, and soon found ourselves at an interesting settlement. The chief came forward to welcome us with "Hareru mai, poe? [How do you do, my boy?] They expressed great pleasure when they learnt who we were. We much admired this spot, as the land lay high, was of good quality, and considerable extent. We walked immediately to see their plantations, as the sun was now low. We were particularly pleased with the place and people, a long train of whom accompanied us from our landing to the foot of the hills. The natives made many inquiries when any one was coming to be with them, as they were people who attended to our karakia. Having taken our evening repast, we assembled all (about one hundred and fifty or two hundred) to evening service. It was a pleasing sight. They were confined for room in front, owing to a plantation of corn, and were consequently obliged to extend to the right and left. We had several fires in front of our tents, which, with some torches held by those in the distance, gave a striking effect to the scene. We commenced, as usual, by singing a hymn; but what was our surprise when we heard our whole congregation join and sing correctly with us! In the prayers, also, the responses were given by all, as the voice of one man. 83 We had not heard the like, and could scarcely believe our ears. It was very cheering to us; we believed that the Lord had now led us to the spot where His Altar should be erected. I addressed them, and found them very attentive. Many inquiries were made for books and slates: slates we had none, but concluded to give one of our new books to Tuma. We retired to rest about eleven, tired, though highly gratified by the day's proceedings, and thankful to the Lord. We found three boys here from the Mission, who had lived in our families for some time, and had acted as teachers. Thus we see the work of the Lord prevail.

November 12. Our natives slept around, and after morning prayers with these people, we took leave, and pulled up the river with the flood tide. The scenery was very beautiful. The land was perfectly level on each side of the river; on the right the wood continued, and stretched along to the S.E. On the left, the hills were our boundary at a short distance, with woods here and there. We did not remain at Te Karipa, as the people were all dispersed at their plantations. The river here narrowed, with the trees hanging over the bank on each side. As the tide was making strong against, we landed about noon, at a place where was a small party clearing

64 Toe, or Toue, brother to Taiwhanga, of Ngatitautahi; place of abode, Kaikohe.

65 Rewharewha, otherwise called Ururoa, of Tahaawai; residence, Whangaroa.

66 Wharepoaka, of Hikutu.

67 Many years afterwards, the Mangawhai freestone was made much of in the newspapers as a new discovery.

68 This translation of mamae [painful] has given rise to some enquiry. The canoe was a waka tapu; but its more specific designation, when employed on an errand of revenge, was waka mamae. A canoe, so called, would sometimes be built, to keep in memory a grief and the duty of revenge. Consequently the translation, though not literal, is by association correct. The explanation is supplied by the Maori clergyman at Paihia.

69 Taonui, of the Popoto; place of abode, Utakuru.

70 Haki, of Urikapana; place of abode, Manowhenua.

71 Tinana, of Ngatikuta. He fell at Otuihu, Pomare's pa, in the quarrel in which Pi was slain.

72 Now the widow of the Rev. John Morgan, who was for twenty-two years in charge of the Awamutu station.

73 In allusion to the death of Mr. Williams' mother, which, however, had been already made known to the family in New Zealand.

74 Marupo [kill by night], of Matarahurahu, or Ngatirahiri: place of abode, Pouerua.

75 How this anticipation was fulfilled, was shewn on the 27th November, 1873, when Trinity Church, Pakaraka, built in memory of the founder, was formally opened by the Bishop of Auckland, amidst rejoicing of natives from far and wide around.

76 The late Sebastian Erard

77 As in English, as indeed in every living tongue, the progress of change, though partially arrested by written stand-marks, is still going on. I have known it said to a person who had acquired the native language in childhood, but in a Mission family, – "Your Maori is too good for us; it is the language of the old times,"

78 An account of the translation, gathered together with some little care, is relegated to the Appendix. To a few, it will be very interesting; to the many, not at all. But the history, if only as a bibliographical curiosity, should not be lost; nor should the names of any who took their part in the work be forgotten.

79 While this volume was going through the press, Dr. Lang re-appeared in New Zealand, where he lectured upon the evil-doings of the New Zealand Missionaries. A public meeting, to which he was formally summoned by Mr. John Fairburn, son to the Missionary catechist, was held, for the purpose of exposing the untruthfulness of his statements, which, it was there alleged, were based on information supplied by one "Jones the Ratcatcher," of Kororareka. Dr. Lang declined the challenge; and then made it a grievance that he was accused of "shewing the white feather."

The Missionaries have been assailed by many; each detractor has been challenged to the proof; not one has had the courage to attempt to substantiate; and not one, that I have heard of, has had the honesty to retract.

80 Mr. Morgan arrived, to join the Mission, in May, 1833.

81 Waharoa, of Ngatihaua, is little known to the present generation, save as the father of William Thompson, the king-maker. But he was, perhaps, the greatest general that New Zealand has known. As his biographer, Mr. Wilson, has observed, had he led his tribes in 1863, we probably should not have so far forgotten him. He was not only a consummate tactician, but a desperate fighter besides; and in single combat was never worsted. He challenged one of his lieutenants to a duel with long-handled tomahawks, for having made a blunder in action, and met him. They were separated by the by-standers, luckily for the delinquent. He was, as a child, slave to the Arawas, at Rotorua (then known as Ngatiwhakaue). but was liberated. He was a posthumous child; named from the Waharoa [large gateway], in which his father, Taiporutu, fell, when attacking a pa at Wanganui. The passion of his life was the aggrandizement of his tribe, insignificant enough when he rose to its command. He drove Te Rauparaha and the Ngatiraukawa from Maunga-Tautari to Cook's Straits; he defeated the combined forces of Ngatimaru, Ngatitematera, and Ngatipaoa (Thames tribes), at Hauwhenua, – nearly annihilating Ngatimaru some two years later, though by an act of horrible treachery. He foiled Ngapuhi,- at Matamata, after challenging in vain their leader, Tareha, to single combat. Ngatiwhakaue alone, in the long run, managed to hold their own; for, although they lost a battle at Ohinemutu, they were able to hold the pa. Te Waharoa died at Motu Hoa, Tauranga, in 1834.

I have carefully collated Mr. John Alexander Wilson's well-told " Story of Te Waharoa" with the journals of Messrs, Brown, Hamlin, Morgan, Fairburn, Chapman, and Maunsell. The comparison is interesting, where parallel accounts are given; Mr. Wilson's being evidently derived, in the main, from Maori narrative. It is further confirmed by the enquiries of the Native Lands Court, wherever the matter treated of came within its cognisance; excepting in the date of the capture of Mokoia, where there is the difference of a year.

82 Sailing master of the "Karere"

83 The responses of a Maori congregation are most gratifying to a cultivated ear. They fall naturally into monotone; while the native perception of "time" is so keen that the words sound "as the voice of one man." We have something to learn from them in that respect.

[Pages 151-200]

ground; the people were uninteresting. At four, we again entered our boats, and pulled on, generally in a S.E. direction; a little before sunset we landed for the night, on the left bank, a fine, clear spot; an extensive tract of level ground here presented itself to view; we pitched our tents, and had dinner between eight and nine o'clock. Various accounts of the road which lies before us; according to some, we have more days' journey to accomplish now to our desired goal than when we set out.

November 13. We arrived at Raupa by nine o'clock. No one here; nor any fences up to indicate a fortress. We arrived at Wanake by quarter past ten; a party of the Whakatohae. We landed for a few minutes, but were afraid to remain, owing to the reported length of our journey. At eleven, we landed to dine and rest the lads, who had been pulling hard all the morning, and against the current, as we had now arrived beyond the influence of the tide. At two, came into a clear country, no trees on either side; in about an hour, we again entered a wood, and continued on to Tirau. We landed for a short time; but few natives present. Our guide was very solicitous that we should remain here, but, after much persuasion, we again moved on, up the winding stream, sometimes steering west, and again south-east. We landed for the night at half-past four, as the boys said it was going to rain.

November 14. Left our quarters at six, and at half-past seven landed at Te Ruakoawa; our course sometimes N.E., S.E., and S. We here secured the boats, concealed the paddles, &c, and prepared for our march. The day was the hottest we had experienced for a long time; not a cloud or a breeze. Our attention was drawn to the ascending of a column at no great distance from us, which was at first supposed to be smoke, but was discovered to be the ashes of fern carried up by a whirlwind. It appeared very remarkable, for there was not a breath of air near us; there were two other columns at a short distance. Halted at two o'clock for dinner, at the edge of a wood, much overcome with the heat, but thankful for the retreat. Our guide here left us, to proceed on to Waharoa; by which we inferred that the distance was not so very great; he went forward to apprise him of our approach. Four strangers arrived, who informed us that the old man was near at hand, and pointed out a wood where he resided. We were well refreshed by four o'clock, and at dusk turned aside, to go down to the bank of the river for the night. We here fell in with four Europeans, and a few of their natives; they were civil. We soon pitched our tents, lit up some fires, took a good wash, and had supper. The natives had prayers this evening by themselves; and while they were singing the hymn, the Europeans, who were near us in a raupo whare [rush house], and who rank among the New Zealand merchants, struck up their vocal powers, and sang the well known ballad "Old King Cole." Several places pointed out where battles had been

fought, great men had fallen, and murderous scenes had taken place.

November 15. Did not move till late, understanding that the place we were going to was only a short way off. We passed through many swamps; the last was very deep, but I was carried over comfortably by the aid of two poles, though the bearers frequently sank in the mud up to the chest. We entered a wood, and soon found ourselves at the cultivations of the old man, Waharoa, who was sitting in state in the midst of his nobles. We were here welcomed graciously; potatoes and a pig handed over to us. After taking some refreshment, we all passed on to Matamata, the pa. We here pitched our tents, in a clear spot, a good assemblage watching our movements with much interest. In the evening, worship held here, for the first time, to the one True and Only God. Mr. Fairburn addressed them.

November 16. The old man appeared early at the tent door; I had a long conversation with him. The natives related many sad accounts of attacks having been made upon them by the people of the Thames and Ngapuhi, particularly at the time when the expedition went against Tauranga. A party made a sudden attack upon this place, under the idea that there were but few men here; they returned, however, without effecting much mischief. In the afternoon, sent a blanket to Waharoa as a present, in return for his attention to us. Many natives around, all the afternoon. Before sunset assembled all to prayer; very attentive. I spoke to them for a short time, and particularly told them to remember that to-morrow would be the ra tapu [the Lord's day]. They expressed much pleasure, and begged for a Missionary to abide with them.

November 17. Fine morning. The natives gathered round. We endeavoured to assemble the people in a large new house which was not quite finished; but this was objected to, as it was still tapued, and the women must not enter, although the men might do so. This was sufficient for us to drop the question; we therefore congregated together beneath the trees of an adjoining wood, and held our service; all very attentive. Our old friend Waharoa appeared much interested, and asked many significant questions, and at last inquired what they were to do without a Missionary to teach them. This man has been a great warrior, and it is highly gratifying to see him thus, as a little child, making inquiries. Our congregation formed a pleasing picture, it was composed of all ages, and many were perched about upon the branches and stumps of trees. In the evening, again assembled for prayer; I addressed them. The old man was again foremost in his inquiries; we were all highly delighted with him; he was desirous that we should remain, and he would conduct us to the various places of Waikato; but we cannot remain, our time being expended. The leading men spoke of the necessity of our seeing those of Ngatimaru, that they might not be tutu [vexatious]

towards them, as heretofore, and gave an invitation to any of the chiefs of Ngapuhi to come, that a good understanding might be established, and all fighting cease. They pleaded hard for a Missionary. I trust the establishing a station in the Thames and in Waikato will be attended with very beneficial effects. May the Lord hear our prayers, and crown our feeble efforts with success! Waharoa is a venerable, grey-bearded man, bold, determined in his undertakings, and possessed of much natural good sense. Our conversation continued until dusk.

November 18. At half-past five, all were on the move homewards; the old man accompanied us three miles on our road, through the first swamp; it was a dirty place, with difficulty we crossed. The old man very particular in his last injunctions to return to him, and bring with us some of the chiefs of Ngatimaru and Ngapuhi; he was very kind, and gave us two small pigs and two baskets of potatoes, though there is scarcely a basket to be obtained, as all are planted. We arrived at a wood, where we dined; and at five we brought up on the edge of a wood; our boys seemed tired: our distance today eighteen miles, through several swamps and some little wood. Our boys commenced immediately to kill and clean one of the pigs, and to pitch our tents; we were soon in snug quarters, and passed an agreeable evening.

November 19. At twenty minutes past five, were on the move towards the boats, and after two hours' walk, arrived, thankful to find all safe. Our distance from Matamata computed at twenty-five miles. After a good wash in the. river, of which we all stood much in need, took breakfast, and proceeded down the stream; by six o'clock we entered the creek leading to Te Puriri. Our distance on the river, as near as we could determine, must have been forty miles; our movements received considerable check, as the tide was out, and not room for the boats; we with great difficulty effected a landing by laying down a quantity of fern-tops on the mud. Took supper, and lay down till high water, and then moved up the river.

November 20. Natives around at first peep of day, wishing to hear the news. After breakfast, previous to entering upon any arrangements with the natives of the place, we held a council as to the most desirable place of all we had seen in the Thames, upon which to form the proposed Station, when it was concluded that none had presented itself equal to the one we now are at. 84 We accordingly took a survey of the ground; wishing to give the natives some idea as to the portion required, we walked round the wood in the rear, and signified our wishes. There did not appear any objection, and with the wood there is level land in abundance, fit for any

purpose, with fresh water streams running in various directions. Orders were given for the erection of three houses. Assembled the natives in the evening, and spoke to them as usual. This place, though deficient in some points, yet possesses many important advantages: it is central, and will stand between these two parties as a restorer of wounded feelings which have long existed between these people, even the tribes of this river, who have but one common enemy, – Ngatiawa, Waikato, and Ngapuhi.

November 21. The people in general consultation as to the erection of the houses; some of the old women very vociferous in their harangues. At high water took leave of these people, with many expressions of regard on their part, and many desires on ours that they might be blessed with every spiritual blessing. In two hours arrived on board the "Karere" lying off Kopu; all well. We immediately commenced our preparations for departure in the morning, should the weather permit, which however did not look very promising.

November 22. Rough night. Rose at daylight, and found the little vessel dancing in good style, lying across the tide; no moving out to-day, wind directly against us, and strong. We shifted our quarters to the shore; a quiet exchange. Rain commenced. Not many natives in the pa. A long discussion upon the murder which took place here a few months since. Determined, therefore, not to take any one with us from hence, though several applied to return with us.

November 23. Much wind and rain through the night; no appearance of moving. Some few natives, in the course of the day, uncivil in their behaviour, and importunate for payment for wood and water. In the evening, several strangers, Porua, &c.; had long conversations with them upon their sad and wretched state; they replied, they were very well before the Europeans came and brought muskets to Ngapuhi, and the God of the Europeans, Waraki, had carried off great numbers in sickness; they acknowledged, however, that the news we had now brought them was good, and they hoped all would attend. It is a lamentable truth that, wherever we find Europeans void of religious feeling established, the natives are far worse, their manners more insolent, more corrupt, than those who are more remote.

November 24. Sunday. Wind more moderate. Horeta came this morning. Messrs. Brown, Fairburn, and Morgan went to a settlement about eight miles on the coast to the northward, and some of our natives to Puriri. While at service, our old friend Urumihia came, in her canoe; she was very gracious, and continued with us all day. Our congregation small. In the afternoon, called on the young man residing here as flax agent; several youths at work fencing in his premises. Weather more promising for a departure in the morning.

November 25. Our hopes of moving vanish; strong breeze N.N.W.; weather very warm; our friend Horeta took his departure for his plantations.

November 26. Heavy gale through the night, with rain; at daylight rain ceased, and at nine o'clock more promising; proposed to make the attempt to cross the Whakatiwai. Went to the "Karere" and having put our provisions in order, pulled out at the latter end of the ebb, and, after three hours' struggle with the wind and tide, and two hours' sailing, we landed at Wharekawa to dinner. We met here a number of men, women, and children. They inquired the news from the river and Waikato. We gave them a few words upon eternal things; and took our departure at nine, wishing to avail ourselves of the breeze, now fair. We called at a place where Herua was residing, and left word with him to join us in the morning.

November 27. A most lovely night, the moon shining bright; it was after midnight when we landed at Pakihi, the nearest island. We soon kindled good fires, pitched our tents, and, after a cup of coffee, retired to rest. Herua, with a large party, arrived before eight, and brought the two boys left behind; they were much disappointed when told that the Mission would be established among another tribe. At noon, landed on the west end of Waiheke; wind having shifted to N.W., by which our hopes of reaching home, this week, are all blighted. After refreshing the boys and ourselves, we again put off, at half-past three, for Motu Tapu; flood tide; several dangerous rocks were with difficulty avoided. As we passed along, we found ourselves suddenly in a race, and the sea boiling in a frightful manner. We felt thankful the distance was not great, and we soon pulled clear; the boys were a little alarmed, and extolled the merits of the boat, in being able to accomplish such wonders; had she been a canoe, we must have been upset. We landed on Motu Tapu, in a lovely, retired, sheltered spot, where the clematis and convolvulus and other creeping plants hung beautifully around. On the opposite side of the small channel was Rangitoto. While the boys were arranging the tents and our supper, we crossed over to make some examination of this strange place, of which we had heard so much. The natives described it as being impossible to walk there, owing to the wounds inflicted on the feet by the rocks, – and indeed no wonder, for the character of the place was as totally different from any land about us as it was possible to imagine. The island is one pile of lava, in blocks and masses of different sizes, in all shapes and descriptions, which have been torn asunder at some subsequent age; some resembled dross from a furnace, the small points and corners of which were so sharp, that it is almost impossible for a native to escape. The edges of oyster shells must be a trifle to this. At sunset, appearance of a gale from the northward; prepared accordingly.

November 28. Quiet and refreshing rest. A gale at north; the summit of Rangitoto enveloped in clouds. Walked across the narrow channel, which was dry, to examine more particularly this curious place. Notwithstanding the stones lay in huge masses, with frequent openings and fissures, the depth of which could not be ascertained, bushes and shrubs appear to cover the whole island. I was enabled to obtain some good specimens of lava, the best I ever saw, and as fresh as though but just set. In many places it lay like a foaming sea, and many large flakes, like the feathered wave, when driven by a strong wind. I had now more leisure to view and contemplate this wonder of the Great Maker of all. In all parts of New Zealand are volcanic remains, but none like this, which retains such strong evidence of the once liquid state of this matter. In the afternoon, heavy rain; our fires were very necessary and comfortable.

November 29. This morning wind shifted to S.W., but too strong to venture across to Whangaparaoa; went over to Rangitoto to explore, and certainly these wonders of the Almighty, as here displayed, must strike the beholder with awe. We walked about a mile towards the mount over broken lava, which required our utmost circumspection, lest we should fall into some abyss below; we at length arrived at a clear, open space, many acres, which appeared like newly broken ground; it was free from moss or vegetation of any kind, except in a few small patches, where were some plants, as though left by design; I was much struck with this variation from the general disorder around. In the afternoon the weather was more moderate; prepared for a move at high water, as we concluded the wind would die away in the morning. At nine, left this place, but little wind; crossed comfortably, by midnight, to Whangaparaoa.

November 30. Fine night. At three, entered Mahurangi; discovered it with difficulty; lit fires, and lay down to take some rest. At seven, proceeded to the house of Mr. G. D. Brown; we did not long remain there. At two, arrived at Omaha; wind south. No "Karere" there; took a hurried dinner, and continued our course towards home. We entered Whangamata at dusk; the breakers were running in an ugly way at the mouth of the river, but the flood tide carried us in, and we took possession of our old quarters.

December 1. All weary. Held comfortable service with our boys. Saw the "Karere" some distance in the offing, standing to the northward; wind N.E.; fearful of another detention. At sunset, clouds moving fast from the southward.

December 2. Fine night. At two o'clock, all in motion, preparing for departure. Pulled out of this ugly place at low water, the breakers extending across the river, but passed out well. Continued our course, with a little wind, to Tutukaka, where we arrived by eleven o'clock to breakfast. We here remained three hours, to rest the boys, who had been pulling all the morning. In

the afternoon again proceeded on our way; little wind, but considerable swell. At sunset, landed on a quiet beach; boys too tired to continue.

December 3. At two o'clock, all on the move and in good spirits, in the expectation of being at home in a few hours; breeze south, which carried us by eight o'clock round Cape Brett, and into smooth water. As the "Karere" hove in sight, we waited for her, and landed on one of the islands in Paroa Bay to breakfast, and put our persons a little to rights, previous to returning home, as we were in our travelling garbs, which were rough enough. We all sailed on together, with a sea breeze, and by noon were greeted by our families and friends, whom we found in health and peace, after an absence of exactly six weeks.

Europeans, while decrying the Missionaries, were not slow to claim assistance when in trouble, though not often mindful of the service, when rendered. One instance, out of many, shall suffice

April 18, 1834. Two captains came on shore to mention that their casks had been seized up the Kawakawa, whither they had been taken for water, and "to request some advice and assistance, if they could be recovered quietly, otherwise the various crews of the fleet would go up armed and get them by force." I advised them to let the crews attend to their own ships, and not attempt such a hazardous undertaking, as they would meet on very unequal terms: they might go up, but would not return. I told them I would accompany them in one boat, and what could be done I would do. We went accordingly, and found one raft of several tun butts; much beyond what I had expected. We passed on to the settlement; the natives soon showed themselves, and told us that the casks were some in one place, and some in another. After a long talking, scolding, and joking, we succeeded in recovering all, keeping them in good humour. Their demands were high for the water, and it was not until we were well down the river that I considered we had full possession, as they expected we should return previously with the required payment; we parted however on very good terms. We did not arrive at the ship before we were well wet, as it rained all the afternoon.

Shortly after this, Mr. Wilson and Mr. Fairburn, with their families, sailed in the " Fortitude" for the new settlement at Puriri. They were accompanied by Mr. William Williams.

The British Resident, who had been received by the natives with acclamation, was not suffered to remain long in ignorance of their

temper. He had to sustain his position with no greater force than that of moral influence, – a plant of slow growth. He was "a man-of-war without guns," and some of the ill-disposed were not long in finding that out.

April 29. Mrs. Williams had been two days with Mrs. Busby, who was the happy mother of a son.

May 1. A little after midnight, was awoke by a messenger (an Englishman) from Mr. Busby's, to say that the natives had broken in the windows of his house, and had been firing guns, that his master and the whole household were in a state of alarm. I immediately roused up the settlement; sent to the surgeon of the "Eliza Frances," and took Mrs. Williams over to Mrs. Busby's, fearing consequences to her. Mr. Chapman accompanied us; found all in confusion and alarm. Mr. Busby had received a slight wound in the cheek, but by what we could not tell. In about three-quarters of an hour, several boats came from the ships, fully manned, with three captains at their head, loaded with muskets, pistols, lances, harpoons, &c.; but all was now quiet, and we experienced some difficulty how to dispose of this new force. The sailors were scattered up and down, snapping their guns and pistols, and threatening vengeance upon all who came in their way. However, by stating that Mrs. Busby must be kept quite quiet, our friends withdrew, stating their readiness to return upon a signal given. At daybreak everyone out to trace the depredators. Followed their track for a considerable distance, by pieces of paper, feathers, rags, &c. We returned, after two hours' search, without discovering anything. The natives we saw appeared ignorant of what had taken place. We were here, however, much grieved by perceiving that two balls had been found in the boards of the house, one of which had been fired at Mr. Busby while standing in the doorway, the splinters from which had struck his face. The second had been fired at two Europeans while passing the end of the house, and lodged in the weather-board; four or five guns were fired in all. As the affair assumed a very serious aspect, we sent messengers to the Waimate, Kerikeri, Whangaroa, &c, to acquaint the chiefs generally, that they might consider the most proper steps to take. We then went on to the Puke, to observe whether there were any traces in that direction. We were somewhat confirmed in our surmises, as several muskets were heard in that quarter; but nothing was found on the road. We met a party of the Hikutu, removing the bones of several of their relatives. These had fired the muskets, heard in the morning. We could here learn no tidings, but all felt persuaded that the perpetrators of the deed would be discovered in a few days. Returned home in the afternoon, to observe the state of the matters there; all quiet. At sunset, took some boys and a watch dog and occupied my post at Mr. Busby's, that I might in some measure

relieve their anxiety. There were no natives but one chief near the house. About ten, an alarm was given by one of the Englishmen on watch that voices were heard amongst the bushes at no great distance. All were ordered under arms, and to quarters at all the windows.

May 2. Cloudy night. No appearance of the enemy; everyone still at quarters, and, as officer of the guard, I was armed with the garden rake, which I thought would do very well either to keep off, or draw to, my opponent, at all events it would be a weapon they would not be well prepared for. We remained on watch till about four o'clock, and had endured several serious alarms. First, by some fowls at roost, which were magnified into a troop of grenadiers marching down rank and file in military order. Secondly, by the knawing of a rat at the boards; but, last of all, the dogs began to bark and growl, and be uneasy. All were ready, and breathless silence reigned. A ponderous opaque body was seen advancing near, when, to the relief of our bold guard, it was pronounced to be the mare. "What! a man?" exclaimed some; "No, the mare." At daylight returned home; all quiet. At ten, Wharerahi and Rewa came over to learn the news; they appeared much concerned, and passed on to Mr. Busby's.

May 3. Fine. Titore arrived in the morning; much conversation with him respecting this unhappy affair. He expressed himself well; but as yet the parties are not known. He crossed over to Kororareka, to return on Monday. In the evening, the news that Marupo's slaves had done the deed.

May 6. Saw some of the Europeans living on shore, who expressed some alarm for their own safety, owing to the late affairs. A meeting to be held to-morrow by the masters of the ships in harbour and the resident merchants, &c, to move an address to the Governor of New South Wales, that more power may be given to Mr. Busby, to support the dignity of his office. Passed on to Mr. Busby's, where we met Titore and several others. Marupo was present; he acknowledged he was a bad fellow, but not so bad as to be guilty of so foul a deed. Our conference was, upon the whole, satisfactory. Culprits were not known, consequently could not be convicted.

August 29. Heke came early. I hope he is in earnest. Moka came over from Kororareka; I had now two of the greatest rogues in the land; they came however as changed men, which is evidenced by their conduct and conversation.

October 25. Fine. H.M.S. "Alligator" came to an anchor. In the afternoon, went on board. News of an attack on some pas at Taranaki by a party of soldiers sent over for the purpose of punishing the natives there for having murdered part of the crew of a ship which had been wrecked there a short time since. Three pas had been destroyed, and several natives killed and

wounded. The natives showed every disposition to fight, but could not stand before the troops. Though this is a serious affair, I hope it may have a salutary effect upon the people generally.

October 27. Mr. Busby, Captain Lambert, and Captain Brown called; much conversation respecting Pomare, and upsetting his pa. Captain Brown wanted to seize a native in the settlement who had run away from his vessel, which I would not allow, as the natives had come forward at the request of Captain Brown, and upon my word that he should not be touched. In the afternoon, Heke brought forward a mat of a peculiar make, which had been stolen from Mr. Busby's house on the night of the attack upon him.

October 29. Mr. Brown and I went over to Mr. Busby's to consult with him as to the measures which had better be adopted, as something must now be done, inasmuch as the culprit was discovered, and the natives were in anxious expectation upon the subject as to how the Europeans would act. After much conversation, it was determined by Mr. Brown and myself to propose to the natives that the land belonging to Reti, at Puketona, should be confiscated, and given either to the British Government, or to Mr. Busby, and that he himself (Reti) should be required to leave this part of the island. We had not long mounted our horses at Whauwhauroa, when the whole party from Puketona came in sight. We accordingly assembled upon the spot, to determine what steps were to be taken. Titore said he had been endeavouring night and day to dive to the bottom of the matter, but he could not, and had now brought Reti to stand his trial before the soldiers. He soon appeared with a party of about seventy men under arms, fully prepared for fight. I was here told to challenge Reti with the offence, and see what he would say to us. I accordingly did so. He strenuously denied for a length of time, but ultimately confessed that he fired at Mr. Busby. I mentioned to Titore our idea of disposing of the affair, at which he appeared highly delighted, and much surprised at our moderation. We called on Mr. Busby on our return home, and mentioned to him the result of our interview with the natives.

October 30. Kawiti, Hiamoe, &c, with a large party, came to the house early to learn the news; they kept me in close conversation until it was time to attend conference. At eleven, we all went over to Mr. Busby's, where we met Captain Lambert; he was exceedingly polite, and paid a great compliment to the endeavours of the Missionaries; he returned to his ship, and left us to settle the business ourselves. We here met Titore, and many others. Our meeting lasted three hours; many angry speeches were made towards the natives in the immediate connection with Mr. Busby. It was concluded to take Reti's land at Puketona. The natives appeared happy at the prospect of settling the affair in so quiet a manner. Returned home much fatigued and weary. The "Alligator" sailed at sunset.

It was not to be expected that all who engaged in a difficult and ungrateful service should have proved equal to the position. Some there were, unfitted by lack of stable character and earnestness for the work, – unable to reach that utter abnegation of self which was the first requisite of success, who dropped off like leaves in autumn, to be wafted home; but there, to tell their own story to their own advantage. Men who came out, possibly under the supposition that life in the bush was a sort of continual picnic, and that their duty would be comprised in exhorting meek and attentive heathen, all coming by degrees to conviction of the error of their former ways. When brought face to face with stern reality, these illusions fled away, and, with the illusions, the men whom they had beguiled.

About such as these, Henry Williams spoke plainly and uprightly, as will be seen upon more than one occasion. It was, moreover, a duty to do so, lest the Society should be misled; and what he thought, he never flinched from saying.

The following letter is, in more than one point of view, very suggestive. I am not about to develop the leading idea which it indicates, being engaged in writing the life of a Missionary, and not in giving advice to a Missionary Society. Suffice it to say, that the attempt to make men useful in two capacities – to kill two birds with one stone, almost necessarily results in failure. The principle of clear division of labour is recognized in England: why not also in New Zealand. Give a man two sorts of work to perform, leave him to himself, and, almost of course (in a colony more especially), he neglects that which does not confer the higher social station. If labourers are to be sent out, send for the sole purpose of labour. Verbum sapientibus.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
Paihia, February 14, 1834.

– – – – -with his fellow voyagers have arrived amongst us; but we cannot say that we are any of us in the least gratified, excepting with the assurance of the good wishes of our friends in Salisbury-square, to assist and strengthen our hands, though our opinions are not in unison. I fear we must be more cautious in giving ours upon these

heads, from the check we received in their last letter to us respecting the two farming men of whom notice had been given. I am fully assured of the kindly feelings of your Committee, in providing men who may relieve us from the laborious work of erecting chimneys and building houses, &c.; but how clearly to define this matter is the question. I recollect very well in London that Mr. Pratt said to me that I need not trouble myself about a house, as carpenters would go before and prepare one for me, and when finished I might walk in. Now just catch the idea. This is quite clear in England, where an order need only to be given and it is executed. When we have obtained assistance in our building, it has been by men paid by the day, whose only duty it was to work; and when that ceased, so also did their pay. But persons of this description coming out from England imbibe high notions as they come along, and when landed here have themselves to attend to, and others to attend upon them rather than give their attendance. This has hitherto been the case in every instance, and I doubt not will continue so to be. Economy has been the order of the day for many months past; it has been our study to reduce the expenses in every possible way; we are therefore surprised and disappointed upon the accession of this weight to the machine. True, we shall be glad of some hands; but they should be suited to our wants. It is our desire to bring the Mission under a new form with as little additional expense as possible, – to reduce our establishments in the Bay, that we may thereby extend our work and influence to more distant fields; and though the directors of the Mission (the Committee) should require their wishes to be put in force, still I consider that much deference should be paid to the opinions of those on the spot. A master, when he purchases tools for his workmen, exercises his own judgment upon the value of the tools, and the temper to which it has been wrought; but it is the workman who puts it to the proof, who can alone describe the exact kind and form, and general character of the tool he may require for certain and particular work. Now, we are the workmen who have the work to do, and must state the description of tool required. A carpenter cannot plane a board with an axe, nor bore a hole with a hammer, but each piece of work must have its appropriate tool. I know that our good friends acted with the most kindly feeling, in order to relieve our hands from laborious work; but that specific work is now past, I hope not to be renewed. I must say that the present position of the Mission oppresses my spirits. We are now a large body; and yet, what is doing as to what might be done were we more extended? . . . I have purchased a piece of land at Taiamai, of Te Morenga, 85 Mr. Marsden's friend. He is head farmer with his people, and is now putting up a raupo house, and fencing in a

paddock. There will be some sheep, about forty, to put on, with some head of cattle, and a cart is in hand. The natives about are very much pleased, and I hope we shall there lay the foundation of a town or city. We shall have schools there, and general instruction under one of my leading natives. Marianne will soon be out of school; she is a most valuable child, and I expect must be admitted as a teacher, to relieve her mother, who is not quite so young as she was. Maria is now generally at Williams' house, and at the infant school. We have hit upon a plan which perhaps you will not understand respecting the boys, – that at fifteen they shall receive £50 as an apprentice fee, with a portion of land (two hundred acres), 86 and be dismissed from the Society's books. I feel that by this measure our hands will be more free, as also the public book. We were fearful of being put in a dilemma, as determining who should be in the Society's service, and who not; for all certainly could not. This, therefore, after much thought and consideration, we concluded upon as being most desirable for all parties. The parent must do his best, and as soon as possible.

Mr. Williams succeeded where so many have failed, – in obtaining from the natives a modicum of really good land. The Maori, while eager enough to get rid of worthless land, is scarcely to be tempted into parting with that which is of high fertility. And if, perchance, he does so, he will insist upon a quantity of bad being taken along with the good. Selections of oases in the desert are not to be accomplished in New Zealand. Any advantage, indeed, would be taken to compel a large purchase of barren land. As an instance, Mr. Williams was compelled to purchase a worthless tract of four thousand acres – uncultivated to the present day – with the sole object of securing a right of way to the farm. The half of this, in after years, he cheerfully resigned to the Government, retaining the road line.

Notwithstanding the opening afforded by the farm, which, though in the long run it proved a complete success, was as yet but an experiment, Mr. Williams made an effort to obtain for his eldest son

an English education, and a degree in medicine, – at that time the only one of the professions, called "learned," that was, in a secular point of view, of any practical use in New Zealand. Moreover, the latter occupation need not altogether exclude the former.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
Paihia, June 20, 1834.

The time is fast advancing when I must close my scribbling. Two more days, and our boy leaves us. But how thankful I feel that he is not "going to fight the French upon the sea." I would rather follow them one by one to the grave, than expose them to the severe trials and temptations of a sailor's life, especially on board a man-of-war. He goes, I trust, under the guidance and direction of our divine Master, who I hope will do with him as seemeth good to him. I feel for him, for I have endured much; but he is going among those who will watch over him, and pray for him. You know our wishes; do as you can. At this distance we cannot propose anything, but as circumstances will allow, so would we hope you will act. I have not mentioned the lad's name to the Society – that is, to Mr. Coates; for I would not they should think I was throwing him upon their hands.

Again Mr. Williams returns to a subject which could not be long absent from his thoughts, – the future of the children. Then was the time for the Society to have spoken out, volunteering to take charge of the children, if there had been any objection to the purchase of land. But they were of one accord with Mr. Williams in this matter, themselves defending these purchases, at a later period, ably and unanswerably. 87

Henry Williams to the Rev. E. G. Marsh.
Paihia, December 1, 1834.

. . . . I am happy in the expectation that the children may soon be beyond the reach of want, humanly speaking, as I have been enabled to procure for the benefit of the children a good piece

of land as a farm, upon which I have put some stock, which seem in a thriving way. This method we have adopted rather than suffer them to fall upon the hands of the Society. We had the means, and felt it needful to avail ourselves of it. And as the lad [Edward] in all probability will be called upon to exercise his abilities in the management of a farm in its various parts, should he not be a fit person to join the Mission, perhaps the knowledge of this would be most beneficial to him, should our first idea be beyond reach. However, let the worst come to the worst, I consider it will be money well spent, were he to return in a year or two, as it was needful to give him some idea that the world is not confined to the shores of New Zealand.

The Puriri station suffered, comparatively, few troubles, though not altogether exempt. 88 It was considered to be a city of refuge. But in February, 1835, Mr. Williams received intelligence which shewed that his presence was imperatively required.

He prepared for a second journey without delay, this time in company with Mr. Hamlin. He found the people involved in war, both among themselves and their neighbours around; but succeeded in bringing the tribes to some better feeling towards each other. Again he penetrated as far as Matamata, where he brought his influence to bear upon Waharoa. He left him well inclined for quiet, and proceeded to Ngaruawahia, where he had an interview with Te Wherowhero. After putting a stop to the fighting at Te Horo, it was arranged that he should return in four months' time, bringing with him commissioners from Ngapuhi and Ngatipaoa, with a view to settling their differences at a general meeting, – the Missionaries to act as arbiters.

For the reason already assigned, Mr. Williams' memoranda of travel have hitherto been much compressed; but for once, his narrative shall be given in full, as a sample of his journal keeping, – a compound of diary and seaman's log.

February 11, 1835. My birthday: a good day to commence a Missionary tour upon. May the Lord grant His presence, and His blessing; protect my family, and bring me back again in peace! At daybreak we went on board, and immediately got under way, with the wind S.S.E. We were soon out of sight of the settlement, and came to an anchor at the Rawhiti. Went on shore with the natives. All were in full occupation; and we found a large party here at Wharerahi's place. A very sumptuous repast set before us, consisting of the dainties of the season, – fish, potatoes, kumera, and melons. At noon the sea breeze set in, which was directly against our getting out of the bay. Wharerahi having regulated everything to his mind, and giving every necessary instruction, particularly about the erection of a school-house, accompanied us on board. Working out of the bay occupied us till dark.

February 12. Wind S.; the little vessel kicking her heels about; everybody down. No appearance of sea breeze, as we had been hoping. Wind increased, reduced our canvas; considerable head sea; our passengers very unwell, lying about the deck in all directions.

February 13. Much wind. At daylight close to Whangarei; determined to run in and anchor, which we did after a few tacks. Hoisted out the boat, and sent the passengers on shore to wash themselves, and to get a little recovered. Wanted to go up the river, but the boys had dispersed to fish.

February 14. Light breezes from the west. At break of day, weighed, and stood out. Calm nearly all day, the boys catching fish; were enabled to procure a good quantity. In the evening, wind from the southward. A good thumping. A vessel at best a sad place, but a small one is very bad.

February 15. Hazy morning; more to westward than we had expected; a fine little craft; Mahurangi a little to windward. About ten o'clock, came to an anchor in this beautiful place. Captain Brown sent off a note, to request us to go on shore and hold service. We landed about eleven o'clock, and soon assembled a very comfortable congregation, twelve in all. The captain and his brother were very friendly. Held native service at three; and in the evening returned on board.

February 16. As the wind was still from the South, we could not move till high water. Went on shore to breakfast with our friends. Captain Brown takes very great interest in the Mission; he wanted much to commence a school here, but has not the means, and we could not help him out. At ten, weighed and worked out;

continued working to windward till dusk. Much pleased and surprised at the sailing qualities of our little vessel. At sunset, dirty appearance; brought up for the night.

February 17. At daylight got under weigh, and stood to windward; at seven, brought up at the Tamaki. After breakfast, went on shore to see if we could discover any signs of natives. All was quietness around; no appearance of smoke, though the fern had been recently burned off in the neighbourhood. At one we weighed, made sail, and stood along shore between Waiheke and the main land. The soundings were very regular from seven to four fathoms. A superb anchorage for vessels of all sizes. At five, brought up close to Pakiri; too much sea to send our passengers on shore. Patuone somewhat out of order at the idea of the vessel not going to Whakatiwai, and spoke largely of his wish that he had come in a cutter that was in the Bay of Islands, which would have taken him whither he thought proper. I was obliged to give him some reproof, which tended to quiet him. Poor, ignorant children, they cannot perceive our care and desires respecting them.

February 18. Fine. At sunset, weighed and made sail through the northern passage by Waiheke, and was much struck with the beauty of the harbour, which is accessible at all times; it will some day make a valuable place, being by far the best anchorage, and deep water. At noon we were favoured with a sea breeze, and at five brought up off Whakatiwai. Went on shore with our baggage. Our boat was so deeply laden with natives that we with difficulty reached the shore. We pitched our tents outside the pa; the scene was enlivened by several fires, which were very welcome, as the evening looked threatening. When all things were put in order, Patuone commenced the narrative of his travels and the wonders of the north. He told them he had much to say, and should not leave off till daylight. All appeared highly interested with his marvellous accounts, and gave him their undivided attention. Patuone, like a true traveller, did not attempt to confine himself to a mere relation of facts, but strove to excite the admiration of his auditors, which he did most effectually, adorning his tale, as he went along, with some most outrageous fabrications; for example, in speaking of the attack made by H.M.S. "Alligator" on the natives in the neighbourhood of Taranaki, he stated that the slaves were salted down into casks in the same way that pigs are, and carried away as pork. This was only regarded as an embellishment, and consequently passed off with a laugh.

February 19. Rough night for our little vessel. Wind North, and appearance of a blow; could sleep but very little, owing to the multitudes of fleas and noise of the natives, who were true to their word that they should talk till daylight, when we were conducted into the pa, to receive the welcome of the grandees. We sat in silence for some time, in the presence of a great throng, while an old lady

put forth her miserable strains in a tangi, our party concealing their faces in their blankets, responding by an occasional sigh. This lasted about twenty minutes, when Wharekawa arose and gave us welcome. Having sat down, Raumate, one of our party, said a few words, at the conclusion of which he spoke of the necessity of attending to better things, whereby they might obtain peace and happiness. A second chief of the pa, who had been shot through the head some years ago by a Ngapuhi, the ball entering at one of his eyes, spoke more particularly to Wharerahi. He expressed some apprehension of Ngapuhi. Our venerable friend, Wharerahi, next rose; he spoke like a noble man, with considerable dignity and grace, and what he said tended to quiet many fears respecting Ngapuhi. I was next required to say a few words; Mr. Hamlin followed me. When our conference concluded, they appeared pleased at our taking up the Waikato question, and expressed their willingness to preserve a peace, if consented to by their opponents. A large quantity of dried fish resembling sole was brought out, with potatoes, melons, &c. About noon, Patuone's wife came to her residence, where were assembled about twenty women, old and young, for the purpose of having a general cry with her. As she came towards them, they lifted up their arms, and all struck off in an instant in their most melancholy strains. We were sitting at a little distance with our boys, who all broke out in a most violent laugh at the absurdity of these people. The scene altogether, crying and laughing, was truly ridiculous, and we could not preserve our gravity. The howling lasted nearly an hour. In the course of the day I was enabled to converse with most of the chiefs; they, of course, defended their own conduct towards Waikato, but expressed their wish for peace.

February 20. Truly miserable night; thousands of fleas, and dogs howling most pitifully; almost disposed to join them; was relieved by day dawning, as all then began to move. About seven we were all in the boat, the sea very smooth; several canoes filled with the people of the pa in company, going up to Puriri to attend a hahunga; 89 but it is proposed first to call at the Pura, a place directly opposite, that we might consult upon the Waikato question. We landed, after a good pull, about ten o'clock, and soon learnt that a canoe had just arrived from Rotorua, with news of Pango with four hundred men going to Tamaki. This is a man whose head we saved in the Bay some years since, as Ngapuhi had charged him with having makutu'd Hongi at the time he was shot. We passed him on to his place at Rotorua. Oh, when shall their wars and murders cease? What destruction and confusion on every side! In the afternoon I had some pleasing conversation with the

natives of the place, who were making great lamentation over one of their number who had recently died, and who was now laying in state, or rather his bones. I afterwards, at the desire of Herua and others, went to Waiomu; saw Tuwiri and others, who appear most strenuous about the war in Waikato. I found them rather stiff at first, but disposed to yield the point; I was pleased and encouraged at their attention, but grieved at their wretched state. No one has yet been to them to give instruction.

February 21. Fine; at seven we embarked, in all thirteen canoes, besides the boat. When off Kauaeranga, the natives fired some guns as a signal for us to land at their place. This was very inconvenient, but old Wharerahi was so very urgent that we were obliged to separate from the main body. We had to undergo the usual tangi, and afterwards told our tale. Paurangi and Hauauru spoke for some time, expressing their hope that the people of Waikato would listen to us, and that the war might be terminated. As the tide was nearly up, we left our friends here, and pulled up to Puriri by high water; were happy to find all well here, excepting little Marsh Brown, who has been ill for the last ten days. Messrs. Brown and Wilson had recently returned from Matamata, and Mr. Stack from Mangapouri. The news from these quarters is better than we had anticipated, though every one appears jealous of his neighbour. A fresh arrival of natives from Whakatiwai; very noisy. It was refreshing to meet in the evening at prayer meeting, at the close of a week of bustle, and on the eve of the day of rest. I took up my abode in my tent, being cooler and more roomy.

February 22. Sunday. Fine; natives around quiet. At nine, the bell summoned us to attend service. The strangers were ignorant of its intent, and ran off to their encampment. I followed them, and after some time most of them returned. We were enabled to hold an agreeable service, but they were nearly all strangers to our proceedings, and I was obliged occasionally to stop during my address until order was restored. Upon the whole, they behaved well, though impatient for the finish. We afterwards assembled at Mr. Wilson's house, for English service, where we mustered twelve Kaumatuas [elders], besides children. In the afternoon, I attended Mrs. Fairburn's infant school: twenty-eight were present. It was exceedingly interesting, as being early in this quarter. Most of the children were boys, seven years downwards. Each put on a blue frock on entering the house, which gave a clean, uniform, and pleasing appearance. The children manifested much pleasure and desire to learn, going through their various evolutions with considerable precision. At the conclusion, some of the old ladies of the visitors made a special request that the children might be marched round the flagstaff, in order that they might see them. Their wishes were complied with to their great admiration. But one of the most important characters of their school was Tine, a lady of considerable

note, the wife of one of the principal chiefs here. She came in a clean blue gown, and took the lead, under Mrs. Fairburn, in pointing to the letters, and keeping order. She appeared very quick and intelligent, and is, I understand, a very well-behaved person. This is a highly important feature in this early Mission. Surely this moral wilderness shall soon rejoice and blossom as the rose, and this desert break forth into singing. There is something very pleasing in being able to convey instruction; to draw off the attention from this vain and sinful world of our fellow-fallen sinners. To hear these children repeat their catechism and answer questions put to them was very animating, and we could not but feel the assurance that our labours were not in vain. We closed the day by a prayer meeting, as there was no other English service. The strangers from Whakatiwai had conducted themselves very quietly all day, but were now growing impatient, desirous to break forth from that restraint under which they had evidently been held, and began gradually to commence their haka. I sent to Herua, to request him to keep his people in order, and to remember that the Sabbath was not yet closed. The noise immediately ceased.

February 23. At break of day I was awoke by the firing of guns, and the breaking forth of a furious tangi. This lasted about two hours, and was truly dismal. The strangers requested that the horses should be turned out to view, which was accordingly done, to their great wonder and satisfaction. At high water, the natives had a dance previous to their departure, and we were soon left in quietness. In the evening, I met four candidates for baptism: I am sorry to say that several have lately behaved very ill. They require much care and watchfulness.

February 24. Fine; preparing for our departure at high water. Settled all my business, and at half-past three we took our departure, after being much gratified with my visit to this place. We embarked in the large boat belonging to this place, taking our small one with us, for the purpose of dragging overland to Waikato. Wind fair. At nine, landed at Whakatiwai. A good deal of swell on, and we with difficulty found the proper landing-place. The natives came out to assist us, and soon kindled fires on the beach, to enliven the scene. Wharerahi soon met us, and was very civil. News from Waikato that some canoes had been drawn over on this side, to look out for stragglers, and that the various tribes were assembling to make a descent upon Whakatiwai, in two days. We consequently found the natives in some little alarm, though I do not believe a word of the report. The chiefs wish us to go over to-morrow to Maramaru, the nearest point from hence to Waikato, to see if we can discover any signs of an enemy. This will hinder us three days. How sadly perplexing! They little think the trouble we take in their affairs, or the expense of our proceedings; but I suppose we must go.

February 25. Wharerahi came, and spoke about some dried fish which he wanted to take on board. I proposed that we should immediately take them, which the old man approved, and thereby our course was altered, through his regard to his fish. We consequently prepared our boats, and in about an hour, were on our way with a fair breeze. At two, we landed at Pakihi to dine, and about six, were on board the "Columbine." All well, and ready for sailing in the morning to Tamaki.

February 26. Light airs from N.E. At sunrise, weighed and made sail for Motuihi. Brought up at half-past two. Anchorage good; five fathoms close to the beach. At four, took our departure for the river Tamaki, and landed at Otahuhu at sunset. The country is good, and so divided by rivers, that it will doubtless be very valuable at some future day. 90 The various branches appear to run in all directions, forming islands of different sizes. We walked over the neck of land to Manukau, which is about three-quarters of a mile in extent. Good ground, and the appearance of a cart road, from the numbers of canoes which have been drawn over from time to time. No one here of late. We observed that the tide on the eastern coast was high water, while on the western it was yet low water. We pitched our tents in a clean place, and had plenty of fern. Our friend Tarawati gave notice that he had been startled in sleep, and that we should be surprised in the night. Spent a pleasant evening.

February 27. Two alarms in the night of intruders on our peace. Tarawati arose, and announced our name and nation to the darkness around, our object and intention, but no reply; all was silence. Boys in much fear and apprehension. At daylight, all quiet. Concluded that our visitors were rats, attracted by our food. The boys soon dragged the boat over, and at ten we were afloat in Manukau. We much admired the river and its convenience, though it was painful to reflect upon the numbers who had been killed in this neighbourhood; now not an inhabitant for a great distance. The tide soon carried us down to an extensive piece of water, twelve or fifteen miles broad, and in some places much broader; the length we could not see: it was quite an inland sea. We continued on to the S.E., and landed to dine and to wait the turning of the tide. Our guide told us that the entrance is very good, and the water deep, but the tide in the sea reach must run very rapidly, owing to the narrow space through which these waters must ebb and flow. Kauri trees stand thick on the north shore. We remained on shore about three hours, as the ebb tide had not concluded; as soon as the flood made we pulled up to Waitete, the

pa of these people, but not an individual was to be seen. It was a miserable, wretched, filthy spot, the ground covered with fleas. We were undetermined what to do, as we feared the report we heard when at Whakatiwai might be true, and that all had gone against that place. This was a serious disappointment, as we were in hopes of passing Sunday with them. We could not follow them, the distance being too great, and time important. We accordingly turned back for the night to the place where we had been in the afternoon, – landed about nine o'clock, and soon recovered ourselves by the aid of fires.

February 28. As the flood tide made, we took our departure, and returned to Otahuhu by half-past ten, in hopes of saving the tide in the Tamaki river, but we were too late, and were obliged to remain till past six o'clock. The evening was fine, but we were four hours before we reached the vessel. The first news was discouraging. Some natives from the Bay of Islands had passed, and left information that a party of natives in four canoes, from Whangarei, were prowling about for the purpose of surprising any small party under Kahakaha and Mataura. My spirit was cast down within we. We felt a strong disposition to go in quest of them. Wharerahi, poor old man, appeared much concerned at their movements.

March 1. Strong wind from S.S.E., and cloudy; concluded to run to Mahurangi, as we lay in rather an exposed place; also to learn the truth of the report of Ngatitautahi with Kahakaha, &c, being abroad. We accordingly weighed and made sail. About nine o'clock, the rain came on so thick, we could scarcely see the land, though close, and it was now blowing a perfect gale. At noon, the weather cleared up a little, and showed our desired haven. We soon came to an anchor, and were glad to find refuge from the gale. The weather was too severe to go on shore. In the evening, held a pleasant service in the cabin.

March 2. A heavy gale, blowing and raining all night; decks leaky in several places. The weather cleared off at daylight, to our great relief. Called on Captain Brown. The wind being yet very strong, I remained on shore during the afternoon. Captain Brown is much interested in Missions, and a member of the Madras Committee. I spent a very agreeable time with him. I here learnt the particulars of the expedition, which had put in here; they were between forty and fifty in number, but impudent, mischievous fellows.

March 3. At daylight, weighed and made sail to our island, where we had left the boat. Much distressed at the conduct of the natives. The old man, Wharerahi, fretting to return, as he was sure no one would listen to us; it would be much better to let them fight it out and leave the land to us. Pouri rawa toku ngakau, – my heart is very sad. We had much consultation as to the best

mode of proceeding; at length determined to proceed by way of Whakatiwai to Waikato, and see what can be done by way of establishing peace amongst these turbulent and uncertain people. Death and destruction rages on every side; all is desolation, and the common topic of conversation amongst them is war and murder. Fear is on every countenance, lest a party should fall upon them by surprise, – a fear which is not known to the northward. When shall the blessings of the glorious Gospel of Peace be sounded forth and received by the people? How little do they know the things which relate to their eternal salvation!

March 4. A gale from E.N.E.; could not move; employed reading and writing.

March 5. More moderate; wind N.N.E.; weighed and worked up to Waiheke, where Patuone was. We entered a small and important port; a very snug place. The weather being fine, we proceeded on our voyage towards Puriri, leaving the vessel at anchor.

March 6. Fine night and moderate wind. At half-past one, landed at the place of our friend Urumihia. The people received us very kindly, kindled fires, and brought us provisions ready cooked. After some time we lay down for a little sleep. At seven, we were again underweigh with the flood tide, and at noon arrived at the settlement, much in need of refreshment. All well, except little Marsh Brown, whom we left sick. Mr. Chapman had arrived from the Bay of Islands on his way to Rotorua, to commence his station there. No news from home; he had put back, owing to the southerly wind prevailing against him. Prepared immediately for a continuance of our journey up the river to Matamata, on our way to Waikato-nui.

March 7. At ten, were enabled to move on our way up this beautiful river. Nearly met with a serious accident by running on a stump, but were graciously preserved from all mischief. At five, landed at Waihou, where we determined to rest for the morrow, a party of natives being here, and a pleasant sitting place; a wood on each side of the river. It is quite a relief to be amongst the natives, though they buzz around like bees. A large number of children here. Fears expressed lest the enemy from Waikato should come down.

March 8. Sunday. Awakened at break of day by the grand concert of birds on all sides; it was truly delightful. I never heard anything like it, except in New South Wales; the notes are peculiarly musical. When the sun was well up, we assembled a goodly number to service; Mr. Hamlin addressed them; they were not so attentive as we could wish. In the afternoon, we gathered the children to school. We held service by ourselves amongst the trees, and in the evening again assembled the natives; they were more attentive, though as yet sadly ignorant. A report brought up that

Kahakaha had fallen upon some of these people, which set them all in motion, though I believe it was untrue.

March 9. Fine; thick fog. Left our friends at sunrise, and soon arrived at a new pa, belonging to Patupo. We remained a short time here, talking with the natives. They presented us with some potatoes and water melons. Every one expresses fear lest he should be surprised by the enemy. How truly wretched and miserable! Of all people they possess the means of living sumptuously, but are in perpetual alarm. A hope expressed that we might be able to induce their opponents at Waikato to come to terms of peace. Landed at ten to breakfast in a beautiful wood. After innumerable turnings and windings in the river, we landed at half-past one at Raukawakawa, and proceeded on immediately. I had a better opportunity of examining the country than before; it is very fine and valuable. Many thousands of acres of fine meadow land, extremely rich, with rising grounds for towns and villages, with abundance of wood and water. The land generally is level, with a large range of hills extending in a south-west direction on the east side of the Thames, and other ranges of hills at the distance. At dusk, we halted at a wood for the night. The boys were very tired, carrying the provisions and baggage. With difficulty we were enabled to obtain water in the dark.

March 10. Heavy rain in the morning; could not move till nine o'clock. Passed the swamps better than we had expected, though a very little trouble would make them very comfortable. Met Mr. Wilson on his return to Puriri, owing to the illness of one of his children. News of a battle having been fought in the neighbourhood of Mangapouri. At half-past 3, arrived at the first settlement, belonging to Waharoa, and were immediately surrounded by natives from all sides, who continued increasing till we came to the new Mission settlement, where we found the old man, Waharoa, sitting in state to receive us. As is the custom, no one spoke for some time, but all sat in silence to be gazed upon. Mr. Chapman had left an hour before, on his way to Rotorua. Very perplexing; for I was anxious to hear a word from home, as he had left so recently. At sunset, we assembled the natives to prayers, and afterwards entered into conversation with the old man. Many inquiries to make concerning the war; he told us we must not proceed on to-morrow. He is a fine old man, and has been a terrible warrior. Felt tired, and glad to retire to rest.

March 11. Passed a comfortable night. The old man came at daylight. Mr. Chapman encamped about a mile distant. Took a survey of the buildings erecting for Messrs. Brown and Wilson, they were very good. The woods beautifully dispersed, and the country around very inviting. The pa is much improved and enlarged, and abundance of food in the ground. The old man conducted us round, – a great cavalcade of men, women, and children in company;

it was with great difficulty we were enabled to keep our tents clear of people who came from Matakitaki. In the afternoon, gave Waharoa the box I brought for him, besides a blanket which Wharerahi sent him, and a pound of tupeka from Titore; he was quite delighted. In the evening we assembled all to prayer; but they were very restless, owing to the arrival of a messenger from inland, with the particulars of the late battle. Had a long conversation with the old man respecting the affairs of the nation; he had much to say of his own goodness, and the evil of his neighbours, – a failing not confined to New Zealanders. He objects to accompanying us to-morrow, as a son of his, in a quarrel with his wife this evening, attempted to destroy himself by throwing himself on a large fire; it is doubtful if he can live. The poor old man appears however favourable towards peace being made. We purpose moving in the morning, and shall take some of the chiefs of the place with us. Sewed up a man's back who had received a cut from a knife in an affray a day or two since; a large number of persons to gaze at the performance of so great an operation.

March 12. Heavy rain in the night, which continued till 2 p.m. The poor fellow who attempted to destroy himself not yet dead. I hear that two acts of suicide were committed last week; the sister of this man shot herself, through jealousy, on Saturday last; also a man a day or two ago. How great is the darkness that prevails around! We took leave of our friends here at four o'clock, as the wind had now changed, and the sun was shining. We brought up at sunset by a small wood, our party consisting of between thirty and forty persons. Two long days' journey before us to Mangapouri.

March 13. Were on the move by sunrise, and continued on the march by sunset, only resting once to breakfast. The boys were very tired, and we quite willing to halt. We pitched our tents in the midst of corn, and soon refreshed ourselves, taking dinner and supper together. My feet much chafed, owing to my shoes being too large, and passing through water several times; also from walking in their very narrow paths. We passed through a remarkable place this morning, where the ground had at some distant period suddenly sunk perpendicularly between one hundred feet, and two hundred – the extreme depth. Very many acres had thus fallen, presenting a very striking spectacle. The sides were composed of pumice stone, very small: it was singularly beautiful. Our road lay through this curious vale, and we soon entered another equally curious, through which the river winds its way, which is wide and deep; but the land on either side is carried in straight lines twenty or thirty feet, one above the other, with regular slopes, as though done by art, each side corresponding with the other, as the lines of an extensive fortification. We had to cross over the river where the stream is exceedingly rapid, upon a rudely native-constructed

bridge, consisting of a few slender trees thrown across, over which we passed on our hands and knees. Our guides took advantage of our being entire strangers, and led us many miles out of our way, in order to show us Maungatautari. The latter part of our journey was by a sad rough road, up and down steep hills, through high fern, and rendered much more unpleasant by the thought that we ought not to have gone that way. We were extremely glad when the setting sun terminated our day's march, and we found rest on beds of fern.

March 14. Heavy rain in the night; could not move till half-past nine. A weary, heavy road, over steep hills, and through several swamps. Towards the latter part of the day, we had to pass through a dangerous bog; all that appeared to keep us from sinking, I know not what depth, was the roots of a weed, which seemed to float upon the surface, and bent under us like weak ice, obliging us to move quickly, lest we should fall through. We closed the day with one of the most dirty, difficult, and fatiguing bush marches I have yet experienced. It was raining not a little, and we had to pass over piles of fallen trees and broken timber, old roots which in many places were under water, consequently out of sight. We could not reach Mangapouri, and brought up beside Mangapiko, a deep, quiet river, at a place called Komako. Raroera is a pa about two miles distant, from which some of the people came to see us, when they heard of our being here. We told them the object of our journey, at which they appeared pleased. Heavy rain all the evening. Neither Pangarae nor Waru, the two chiefs, came near us.

March 15. Rain all night, but no wind. Numbers of strangers came from the pa to have a gaze at us. About noon, the rain ceased; assembled all who were near us to service, but found them exceedingly impatient: they were more attentive to our conversation through the day.

March 16. Gentle rain; no wind. Discovered that our meat had been stolen during the night, and soon heard who had committed the theft. Determined to show our displeasure by passing the pa in silence, and not communicating with any of the people. Packed up, and prepared for our march, notwithstanding the rain. Passed through a great field of corn, more than a hundred acres. As we approached the pa, the people appeared fully sensible of our intention, and none attempted to speak. Several followed us some distance, and seemed disposed to create a disturbance with us, though our own boys gave us the most trouble in moving them on. In about an hour we came to Otawa, the pa of Ngatiruru. We remained here only a few minutes, as we were wet, and did not know our distance. As we were leaving, a native of Raroera, the pa we had passed by in silence, made a seizure of a hatchet from one of the boys, but the activity of the boy was as great as that of the thief; consequently he recovered his property. Our boys here

hung back again, and gave us much trouble. After passing several dirty places, we were happy to arrive at Mangapouri by two o'clock, very wet and hungry. We found Mr. Morgan well, and in the midst of abundance of work, having just returned from the contending parties down the river. The accounts very interesting, and fully evidence the influence Missionaries may have amongst the people in checking their evil ways. All appear disposed for peace, but do not appear to know how to bring it about. We purpose being amongst them as early as possible, as we hear they are to fight as soon as the weather shall change. Wiri, one of the leading chiefs here, came to see us. He is a fine-looking man, quietly disposed. The Mission garden here in good order, with plenty of cabbage, melons, cucumbers, and a good collection of fruit trees, &c. Our view rather contracted owing to the rain.

March 17. Rain through the night, no moving. Went to see ten thousand bricks made here in good order.

March 18. Rain nearly all day. Several chiefs came to converse upon the present state of affairs. Towards evening the weather cleared up; prepared to depart in the morning. The hills in the distance, and Pirongia in the front, are now uncovered for the first time since our arrival: they are very grand, and add much to the scenery of this place. The river also, which runs close by, is deep and highly valuable.

March 19. At daylight on the move with two canoes, with a number of natives. I was much delighted with the river; it is very noble. Observed several old pas; one of great extent, Matakitaki, was upset by Ngapuhi when Hongi was alive; many thousands were put to death. At noon we arrived at the Horo, a large pa, and the present seat of war. The inhabitants crowded around to view us; we were conducted within. The chiefs did not give us that welcome which is customary with Ngapuhi; we felt we were amongst a strange people; they were afterwards, however, more polite, and we had a long talk with them; they approved of all we said to them, and expressed a desire for peace, both with those now come against them, and also Ngatipaoa in the Thames. This is the troublesome party which fell upon Whakatiwai by night, some months since, and fired upon the people of Momoroiti a short time since. We proposed to see the opposite party, who we heard were in the neighbourhood; we accordingly took our leave, with a promise to return. We soon arrived at the enemy's camp, on the other side of the river; they all flocked down to us, brandishing their guns and other weapons, and rending the air with their infernal noises. They conducted us to old Kanawa in great state, amidst the whole throng of natives, old and young. The old man had a venerable appearance, with a long white beard. After the ceremony of placing all in due order in a large circle, in which the old chief took a very noisy and active part, I first arose and told the object of our visit, – to

suppress their wars, and establish peace, that they might possess the blessing of the Gospel of peace, – peace with man and peace with God, through our Lord Jesus Christ. Messrs. Hamlin and Fairburn also spoke. We were replied to by old Kanawa and others. They spoke well, considering that they were the injured party, the attack having been made upon them; and, moreover, they had suffered the greatest loss in point of rank. About half-past five, some guns were heard from the Horo, which was about a mile distance. All were immediately in motion, and these savage troops were soon before their enemy. The firing continued till dusk; when this party returned, bringing with them one killed and four wounded, three seriously, probably mortally. How awful! These young men, a few minutes since, were in full vigour, and listening to our message; one has gone with it sounding in his ears, and the other will soon follow. This should be a solemn warning to them to ground their arms, attend to the voice of love and mercy; and a solemn call to the Missionary to be vigilant and active in that holy work in which he is engaged. For the day is far spent, and the night at hand, when no man shall work. We had a view of the whole affair, and dropt a word here and there, as circumstances would allow. Our party appeared now perfectly crest-fallen. Old Kanawa was the old savage, and we postponed saying anything to him while he was yet smarting from the loss he had sustained, for some were his immediate relatives. In half an hour we returned to our camp. In the evening, some from the pa came to learn the news. The returns from thence, one wounded. It is a singular feature in the warfare of this people that, at the close of a battle, they have an interchange of visits, and talk quietly over their plans of proceeding. We trust in the morning they may be better prepared to receive our message. A great clamour; every voice appeared in motion, recounting their brave deeds. I at length obtained relief by sleep.

March 20. A dense fog. At break of day, the taua off to the pa, to re-commence their murderous work. They soon returned, for it was too thick to see many yards off. Heard that they had gone, owing to the death of one of the youths wounded last night. A third near death. After breakfast, we crossed the river. Found the chiefs assembled in parliament. A large circle; three speakers frequently on their legs at once, with several voices joining occasionally. The speeches were much to the purpose. Afterwards, Maioha, brother of Te Wherowhero, introduced the subject of a new doctrine brought amongst them. The destruction of the world; when is it to take place? as they had heard that it was close at hand. Also the resurrection of the body. This led to much interesting conversation, to which they were very attentive. We paid a visit to the pa; the natives were very civil, and urged us to remain some time with them. On our return, we called on Kanawa, that we might know their mind, and proceed to Whakatiwai if still for war. The old man

said we had better remain quietly, as a party would be here in the morning to join them, and then peace might be made, if we were sufficiently brave and strong to upset them. We resolved to remain and try our abilities. We feel this a critical period, but unto the Lord we lift up our voice; it is "He who maketh wars to cease unto the end of the earth, He breaketh the bow, and cutteth the spear in sunder."

March 21. A dense fog. Awakened in the night by hearing a woman making a great squealing noise; profound silence around. This was none other than the Atua now talking, commanding the people to be strong and quit themselves like men; for there would certainly be a battle, and the victory should be theirs. The screams of this witch were quite of a nature to alarm a weak mind. At daylight, a gun announced the death of one of the young men wounded the day before yesterday, succeeded by a dreadful howl from a number of women. It was truly dismal. An occasional gun appeared to give fresh vigour to these poor creatures, who made the air resound with their mournful strains. Crossed the river to the taua; old Kanawa told us to go on to the party just arrived to join them, and to show our anger to them, as we had to him. We accordingly did so; but, instead of finding three hundred or four hundred men, as we had been led to suppose, we observed only about thirty; sitting by themselves in an open space, and no one near them. We went up to them, and commenced our conversation; they appeared surprised at our telling them that we should put a stop to their proceedings, and persisted in telling us we should not; for it had been the custom with the New Zealanders from time immemorial. In about an hour, some women of rank came from the pa, endeavouring to modify matters. They were not ill received. As they had come on public business, the chiefs gradually came forward to meet them, to hear what they had to say, and to declare their own sentiments; but women make bad politicians; they said, in order to soften the feelings of the taua respecting their recent loss, that they were only slaves who had met them in the late skirmish; at which much indignation was expressed, – that chiefs should be shot by slaves. They endeavoured to explain themselves as well as they could, but much ill feeling was excited. However, we were glad to find that their affair were so far advanced as to hear that the taua was about to disperse. Poor Kanawa spoke very well; he said their work must be finished, as the Missionaries were angry with them. In the afternoon we paid a visit to the pa, and spoke to them of the necessity of sitting quietly on the morrow, promising to return to them. The natives proposed that we should hold service with them in the morning before we returned; their attention was very great. In the evening, Pero, son of Kanawa, came over, and told us that he was to go to the pa to make peace. We were much rejoiced to hear the news. Several natives remained about our tents till late in conversation.

March 22. Sunday. Much rain through the night. At break of day, the taua on the move home, firing guns and making a great noise, – quite an uproar, yet none attempted to disturb us in any respect. We were glad when they had taken themselves out of the way, and quietness once more amongst us. After breakfast, we accompanied the commissioners for making peace to the pa. It seemed an infringement upon the sacred duties of the day, but there was danger in delay. On landing, I witnessed what I had never seen before, – the ashes of three dead bodies, of men who had been killed a few weeks since by an attack made upon the pa in the night. They were burned by their friends, but not wholly consumed; a small part of their bodies remained with their gun barrels to public view, – a horrid remembrance of their miserable state. We walked in slow order to the pa, where our friends had a cry in front of each other; they afterwards made a few singular but uninteresting speeches. When we considered that they had indulged sufficiently in this, we proposed to hold service, and soon assembled a large party, who paid much attention. We afterwards went to Kauwai, to see him previous to our departure. We had a few words with him respecting peace with Whakatiwai; he expressed himself well, and gave me his hatchet to carry thither as an indication of his good will. We returned to our encampment to dinner. In the afternoon, Messrs. Hamlin and Fairburn went to the pa to hold service, and I spoke to those sitting with us. We had some lightning, which Awarahi was somewhat alarmed at, as it was he tohu mate [a sign of death or of a battle].

March 23. Some chiefs and others came to our camp to see us off. They expressed their satisfaction at our visit to them, and the necessity of being frequently amongst them. We left soon after sunrise, and passed down this beautiful river. We were more than forty in the canoe. The turnings in the river were very various, and sometimes forming nearly a circle; the banks are high, varying from fifteen to forty feet; the soil good, and well wooded. At one, we landed at Momoroiti, the pa of Wharepu. We did not take any refreshment, for the weather was very hot, and the place exposed to the sun and full gaze of the natives. After a little conversation, we proceeded to a retired spot, where we dined free from the buzz of men, women, and children, and the fear of being trampled upon by them. We here overtook Ngatepo, and several canoes who were pulling down to Ngaruawahia to attend a general council. We called on Captain Kent, who resided about a mile from the pa, and we afterwards passed on to the assembly, which we found sitting in open order. The New Zealand customs certainly need much amendment, though I am happy to say there is a considerable change in favour of our northern friends; but in this neighbourhood all is very uncouth. No one came to meet us, or gave us welcome. We accordingly sat down at a respectful distance from the grandees

of the place for a certain period; but remembering that we had come as teachers and fathers, we took the liberty of introducing ourselves. Te Wherowhero 91 I had never before seen; most of the others I had more knowledge of. We soon entered upon our business, the subject of peace with the Thames, and the establishment of a Mission at Manukau. Towards sunset, we proposed holding service; all assembled. Mr. Hamlin gave a few words on the necessity of salvation by Jesus Christ. We then returned to our encampment. The pa stands on the junction of the Waipa and the Horotiu; below this, the river takes the name of Waikato, and runs nearly two hundred miles to the entrance. The country round is very beautiful; several noble hills in the distance covered with wood. Much apprehension was expressed as to Kahakaha and Ngapuhi. Old Kanawa mentioned his alarm at the lightning of the past night, as it was uira tangata [lightning indicative of war and bloodshed], and that it had never failed to be true. Poor old man, what fear does he show, and how enslaved in chains of superstition.

March 24. Symptoms of a gale from the eastward. The natives making a great noise through the night, dancing and haka-ing. After breakfast went to the natives, who were assembled in debate. We had much interesting conversation with them; they entered into our views respecting the Thames; they consented to send some of their friends with us to treat for peace, and said they should proceed to Manukau in four months, when Mr. Hamlin promised to go with them; but as they are somewhat incredulous, I also promised to return with Mr. Hamlin as early as possible. With this they appeared quite content. At parting, I gave Te Wherowhero a blanket, and one also to Toha; Mr. Hamlin gave one to Kanawa. We proceeded on our voyage down the river at one o'clock, and brought up at sunset. This day the river was very shoal, stumps of trees standing in very dangerous positions for canoes or boats; in one place they were so close together that we could with difficulty find a passage. This had been at some distant period a wood, and the water seems to preserve the timber rather than decay it. We carried the breadth of the river generally a quarter of a mile. I lay me down to rest with a thankful heart, for everything appears in a fair way for peace with the Thames. I trust the Lord will permit it to be established permanently amongst them, and that his praise may resound on every side. It is distressing to witness the present state of the people, yet pleasing to be engaged in the way we are, in the immediate service of God and welfare of his creatures. Nothing can exceed the expressions of the people under their better feelings; they tell us it is a good work in which we are engaged, but that we should have been amongst them years ago; then would thousands

have been spared to them, who had been cut off by the relentless hand of war. The wind sounds hollow this evening, and I fear we may be detained.

March 25. Much wind and rain through the night. Wharepu and several of his people arrived to accompany us to the Thames to treat for peace. He appears well disposed, and promises to meet us on our return from the Bay, and assist us up the river; he is a young man of much penetration, and a chief of considerable rank. He observed that, had we not arrived as we did, the fighting would have continued until all the tribes had been involved, and there had been a general destruction. How true is it, the beginning of strife is as the letting out of waters; but I trust the time is near when the members of the Mission shall pass through the length and breadth of the land, and wars be known no more. We had a large supply of eels to-day, the first I have seen fresh, though the rivers and creeks are full of them. Mr. Morgan attempted to construct a stew of the eels; a more horrible specimen I never beheld. At a general stand, owing to the gale; the boys constructing screens round our tents, to defend us from the wind and rain. Much lightning in the North.

March 26. A quiet night, and little rain. At break of day, the wind having abated considerably, we packed up our baggage and proceeded on our voyage. The canoe was very deep, and in one place, being obliged to cross the river where the wind met the canoes, I was very apprehensive that we should swamp, and have to swim. The water came in on all sides, but through the care of our Heavenly Father we sustained no further damage than a little fear. We landed at nine o'clock, as the rain was coming on, and in a very short time it fell in great abundance. We felt thankful at being able to find refuge in a wood on the bank of the river, both from the wind and rain; with the aid of fires we soon recovered ourselves, as all were more or less wet. Our movements are tedious, a step at a time. We cannot reach Whakatiwai before Saturday, and may not be able to do this, if the weather continues as it is. The day closed with a heavy fall of rain, but we were in snug quarters.

March 27. The rain ceased early, and we were happy to see the sun rise with grandeur after the gale. The face of "the river was perfectly smooth, and we were soon in our canoes and on our way. After continuing our course for about a quarter of an hour, we turned out of the main river up a small branch, called Maramarua, which conducted us through vast swamps on either side, until we landed, at noon, at a place bearing the same name, the nearest point to Whakatiwai. The channel towards the close became so narrow as scarcely to admit of the use of the paddle, and the turns so sudden that we could with difficulty proceed. We here took dinner, and were thankful to be thus far on our way; we shall be enabled by God's blessing to have a view of what we call our sea, on the eastern

coast, by to-morrow early. We brought up at five o'clock, quite disposed to retire to our luxurious bed of fern, being somewhat weary after passing through the numerous swamps, the short rivers and brooks which lay in our way, and were rendered worse by the late rain. At sunset, two natives were seen on the road to Whakatiwai. Sent off a messenger to them, lest they should give an alarm that we were a party of the enemy. The two strangers soon made their appearance; had not much news to communicate, except that Kahakaha and Motutara were there in one canoe; the others had returned. The two strangers went back to Whakatiwai with the account of our proceedings at Waikato.

March 28. Fine morning. At break of day on the move; our road, as yesterday, wet and uncomfortable. At eight, halted to breakfast a mile's distance from Whakatiwai, our party consisting of upwards of forty persons. Numbers came forward to meet us, though none came near. The parties met and had their haka; and our party, belonging to and from Waikato, afterwards had a long tangi with the ladies of the pa, standing opposite each other. Some few speeches were made, but a heavy shower of rain put a stop to further proceedings. In conversation with the chiefs who were assembled in congress, Kahakaha accused us of being a makutu-ing people, and soon worked himself into a rage; seizing my coat, he tore one corner; he afterwards gave me his old, rusty sword, as a kind of remuneration, but I did not take it away. Kahakaha and Motutara, are two rough, uncouth natives, the latter a man with whom we cannot hold conversation, or communication, – a sullen fellow. I delivered to Herua Te Kauwai's hatchet, and had some conversation with him and Kupenga respecting Wainga; it was not quite so satisfactory as we could wish; but Kahakaha and Motutara are here sowing the seeds of iniquity. We received some letters from Messrs. Wilson and Preece, mentioning the illness of the children at Puriri. Mr. Fairburn left at two o'clock, and as the south wind blew in, felt it needful to avail ourselves thereof, and at four o'clock took our departure. The evening was calm, and at nine, we landed at Motunau, close to the anchorage of the "Columbine." I took some refreshment, and was kept in conversation with Wharerahi and others till midnight, when I retired to rest.

March 29. Wind S.S.W. At daylight, put off in a canoe to go on board, but when we had rounded the point we could see no vessel, and concluded she must have sailed for the river, (as was intimated in the communication we had received,) for the purpose of conveying Mr. Wilson and family to the Bay of Islands, in consequence of the illness of two of his children. We landed with feelings of great disappointment, but were enabled to spend the day in quietness. Obliged to go on half allowance of provision; my candle reduced to one inch.

March 30. Cold, clear night; wind south, and fresh; we hope to see the vessel this morning; everyone lowspirited at the loss of a fair wind. It is painful thus to be detained at the end of our journey, for no apparent reason. Shifted our quarters to Puni, an island nearer to Hauraki, where we may have a clearer view of the sea. A look-out kept till sunset; no vessel in sight.

March 31. Cold night; wind continued the same; fair for the Bay. No vessel in sight. At ten, "a vessel in sight" was announced from the look-out, which was a cheering sound to all. We ascended the hill, to be sure of the pleasing news; we saw a vessel indeed, but, after some hours watching, she did not stand towards us, consequently left us with the unpleasant conclusion that she did not belong to us; but our desires for the schooner persuaded us that we saw a sail coming out of the river standing towards us. At sunset, were fully assured that what we had seen was our vessel, and, at half-past seven, heard the report of a gun. At nine, we heard a second. The canoe pulled out, but could see nothing. I lay down, anxious for the return of day.

April 1. Passed a sleepless night, desirous of knowing if there were any passengers on board. Seven weeks this morning since I left home, though it was thought we might accomplish our mission in three. At daybreak all in motion, and we were soon gladdened by the exclamation, "Ka puta, ka puta!" [she appears!] and looking out at the tent door, I saw our little schooner under weigh, and standing into the anchorage. We were soon off, and after a few fears as to whether or not we should be upset in the canoe, as the breeze was strong, and a good deal of swell for such a bark as we were in, we once more gained the deck on our voyage to the Bay, with the continuance of the favourable wind. The latest news from Tauranga direct is that Horeta and a large party of the Thames natives have been murdered at Whakatane; they had been fetched from hence, in order to assist that tribe in going against those of Opotiki. How grievously sad is the state of these people, whichever way we turn. At sunset we were close to Te Whara; pleasant breeze and clear weather, but very considerable swell.

April 2. Fine. At two a.m., close to Cape Brett; wind very light; the vessel thumping to such a degree that I felt quite disposed to be seasick, but the sight of the islands in the neighbourhood of Paihia perfectly recovered me. As we drew into the Bay, the wind headed us, but the boat put off from Paihia with my brother, Mr. Baker, and three of my children, who gladdened my heart with the news of "all 's well." The return home is an anxious moment, after several weeks of absence in a strange land, where no post carries a letter to distant relatives, but all remains in dark uncertainty. At one o'clock I landed, and was greeted by the natives, and finally by my dear children and wife, as well.

We had much news to hear, and much to impart, as to what had occurred during the last two months. Surely I may say, – "The Lord is my Shepherd, I shall not want; He maketh me lie down in green pastures; He leadeth me besides the still waters."

Let us contrast with the turmoil of the South, some quiet school business in what may be termed the Mission homestead. The extract is from Mrs. Williams' journal.

May 8, 1836. Sunday. A bright morning, but a piercing cold wind. I sent for Hera, to put my infant school into her charge and Mrs. Ashwell's during my absence; went down to the boat with my husband; we got in at the rocks, and rowed against a strong wind, and were off to the Kawakawa before the bell had rung for morning service. Our row up the river was slow, the wind piercingly cold; I almost repented my undertaking. We landed a little before twelve on the Church Mission Society's land; twice I had landed there before, the first time ten years ago. The river and all its banks looked the same; but time had advanced and made many changes in us and in the state of the natives since then. We walked some little distance through low brushwood to the new pa on the opposite banks of the stream; we were carried across. We saw the men and boys standing in front of the new chapel, and concluded that morning service was over, and that they were at school. The old lady, widow of our chief, came to welcome us at the top of the steep bank, with several others: she conducted me to the verandah of a new kumara house, where she invited me to sit down upon a bundle of clean raupo. The number of women and children soon increased around me to a crowd. With most of them I was well acquainted, and first one and then another exclaimed, "Mata Wiremu [Mother Williams] is sitting at the Kawakawa!! Mata Wiremu is sitting amongst us!! sitting warming herself in the sun at the Kawakawa." It was not long before their bell rang for the female school, and I accompanied Ana, Hera, Meri, Katerina, Riripeti [Elizabeth], Mariana, &c. The roof was finished of the new chapel; it is wider than ours at Paihia, and entirely their own performance; but it was only boarded up about six or seven boards from the ground. A blanket was fastened up to keep the wind from my shoulders, the only chair at the Kawakawa placed for me, and fresh green fern spread under my feet; sixty-four women and girls were arranged in much order in different classes round the chapel, and twenty-four children. Katerina has the women's school, and Meri Makarini the children's. Ana exclaimed, "Mata Wiremu will teach the first class!" I consequently heard the catechism, but upon concluding walked round all the others, and looked at the children. Katerina had the book and pencil I gave her. They then gave an account of the morning sermon, which Moses had that morning addressed to them, but Ana gave such a prolonged account of "Te

Wiremu's" at Paihia, a fortnight ago, the parable of the seed and the sower, that Henri called me to close before some who were waiting had said anything. Meri ran away and wrote a long slateful, which she brought me while I was seated in the verandah. The bell then rang for church; I counted about a hundred and fifty, possibly more, who were assembled for divine worship, at least half decently dressed in English clothing. Henry addressed them from Matth. VII, 24-27. As the floods had been at the Kawakawa, it was very applicable. It was a sight and a scene to stir up feelings of joy and gratitude to the Lord of the Harvest to be permitted this refreshing view of what God had wrought in the wilderness. Oh, may it assist us, may it encourage, amidst trial and amidst the actions and strivings of our great enemy, to feel that God is working, that His promises cannot fail, that His word is gone forth, and will not return void.

Such was the Kawakawa in 1836, and so it continued until the work was all but destroyed by the war in the North of 1845-6.

In a letter to his brother-in-law, Mr. Williams mentions the small beginnings of a farm, the success of which provoked so much jealousy in after times.

Henry Williams to the Rev. E. G. Marsh.
May 12, 1835.

I am glad you approve of my purchase of a piece of land for the children. I think also that you would be pleased with its situation. The stock upon it is doing very well, and in a little time we hope to have butter, cheese, poultry, eggs, &c. I think it may be more gratifying to Mr. Holford to learn that I have spent the £10 he was kind enough to present to my children in the purchase of sheep, which we hope will accumulate and prove of more extensive use than by laying it out in any other way. I have much pleasure in contemplating the rising towns in a few years, under the care of my boys, and trust that they may be made blessings to the poor natives amongst whom they may reside. My ambition does not wish them to settle anywhere else than in this land. We were some few years since much perplexed as to how we were to provide for our young ones; but this is now removed, and I have no doubt but they may possess as much land as needful for them and the natives around them.

To keep the promise made at Te Horo, during the second journey through Waikato, Mr. Williams undertook a third, in

company with Mr. Maunsell. 92 Details shall be given, as before, in his own words; reduced, however, into the least possible compass. It suffices here to say, that peace is more easily spoken of than effected in Maoridom. The negotiations were upon the point of being abandoned in despair, when an idea occurred to Mr. Williams, which led to a complete success. It has been already mentioned that the seemingly insuperable difficulty lay in the disputed title to a tract of land, now known as the Tamaki. Mr. Williams suggested that the land should be ceded to himself; of course, for payment duly made. As usual, the real question at issue was not the thing itself, but the point of honour. The contending parties eagerly closed with the proposal; the stumbling block was cleared away, and thus another war was brought to an end. Mr. Williams, having no desire to become the actual possessor, now requested Mr. Fairburn to take his place in the transaction. Mr. Fairburn accordingly made the purchase, and acquired the land.

It will presently be seen how war blazed up elsewhere, more fiercely than ever, and how the new Mission stations, excepting The Puriri, were involved in the general ruin.

December 16, 1835. At daylight, sailed with a large party on board, amongst which were Mr. and Mrs. Maunsell, and some Ngapuhi chiefs. Evening, breeze fresh, S.S.W.

December 20. At daylight, close to Wakatuwhenua. At two, ran under Waiheke.

December 21. 93 Took the two boats with all the natives, and pulled up to Puriri; found all well; Messrs. Wilson and Flatt here, from Matamata. Rewa appeared in full dress. After breakfast, went out to see the natives, Tuma, Tarawati, &c. Made speeches which continued till past noon; chiefs of Thames rather jealous of Rewa's intentions. Sent off messengers to Mr. Brown and Mr. Hamlin, to meet us at Manukau.

December 23. Pulled down to Kopu, and entered the pa in much form and ceremony. After going through the usual speeches, we returned to the vessel laying off this place.

December 24. Our party came on board to prepare for departure to Kaweranga. After breakfast, went on shore, and were soon on the way. The walk was pleasant, and we were enabled to see the site of the new settlement at Te Totara. As a Mission settlement it is admirable, under all the circumstances of the case, – a large pa on either side. We arrived about one o'clock, and received the usual welcome. After sitting in profound silence for a while, the old man, Horeta, made a long speech, which seemed very gratifying to Ngapuhi. After three or four persons had addressed the audience, I was required to get up. I spoke to them upon the present position of affairs amongst themselves, upon the jealousy with Waikato, and upon the stripping of Kati and Parati.

December 25. Much conversation with Horeta. About noon, the boat and canoe arrived; immediately proceeded to embark, and pulled along the East Coast to Urumihia's place. The lady was very solicitous that we should remain here during the night. Towards sunset, assembled for prayers.

December 26. Arrived at – – – – - 94 by eleven. Very civil; speeches, as usual, not very bright. I was obliged to give a few words.

December 27. Sunday. At ten, proposed to hold service, but everyone very reluctant. The chiefs were assembled in close debate, in a house, not disposed to leave off for karakia; I felt cast down: sitting upon a heap of stones not far off, I felt their situation to be truly distressing, and besought the Lord that they might be inclined to attend to the word spoken. In about half-an-hour, I gave them a second call, and was thankful to find that most of them came very cheerfully. We assembled a goodly muster, though several of the leading chiefs were not present. In the afternoon, I had a pleasant conversation with some small parties, and towards sunset held evening service. The attention of many of my congregation was very hard to gain; however, I delivered my message, and relied on Divine aid to bless the word sown.

December 28. At daylight, under weigh to Whakatiwai; overtaken by Mr. Fairburn; not well, and returned home. "Columbine" not out, though the wind was fair all Saturday. Landed at Wharekawa, – a pretty place; took breakfast, and proceeded on to Whakatiwai. Entered the pa in due form and order; long silence. At length Kupenga commenced, but evidently laboured under some embarrassment, not knowing what to say, as Rewa was expected to be going to take possession of Tamaki; he sat down, and again a long silence. In order to set them in motion, I made them a speech, which soon had the desired effect. I was opposed by an old man, who vaulted from side to side as a rope-dancer, so lightly touching the ground. He spoke in an angry manner, and was

replied to by Moka and Rewa in much anger. After Rewa had run himself out of breath, Kahukoti [Coat], the head chief, replied in a mild manner, expressive of good-will. I concluded by stating the part we were desirous of taking to keep peace.

December 29. Before sunrise we were on our way with a fair breeze. We saw a vessel, which we supposed to be the "Columbine." Landed on Motu Nau to breakfast; at ten o'clock the canoes proceeded on, leaving us to remain for the "Columbine," which did not appear to be nearing us. At 2 p.m. the "Columbine" neared us fast and we were soon on board, with a fair wind, standing for Waiheke. We brought up in a small bay at the west end, and went on shore in quest of Patuone, whom we found in a very snug pretty place. Our party soon followed, when Rewa and Patuone immediately commenced a duet, at a tangi, which lasted about twenty minutes. After this was well concluded we took leave, and retired on board for the night.

December 30. Went on shore to ascertain the will of our friends: no one disposed to move. At length it was proposed that we should proceed on by ourselves to Waikato, and return with some of the opposite party to meet them at the landing place. 95 This arrangement quite met our views; we therefore took our departure without loss of time in order to save tide up to Otahuhu, and arrived at the landing place by high water. We immediately had the baggage carried over the neck of land, intending to move on at high water to Manukau; but by the time the boat was brought over, the sky became overcast with heavy clouds, threatening for rain. We therefore pitched our tents for the night and were but just in time to escape a good wetting.

December 31. About five o'clock was awoke by Mr. Fairburn's voice, who had just come over from Tamaki, having followed us. We were very thankful he had arrived, and that we had not proceeded, as we certainly should have done had not the rain set in.

January 1, 1836. Took our departure for Waikato. As we drew near the Manukau heads, we observed the natives on the right side of the harbour. Mr. Hamlin was not here. Natives not very communicative, nor did any offer food, – the first instance yet witnessed this journey. They brought a little fern-root, and some fish for sale during the day. Te Wherowhero and some other chiefs came to learn news, and then returned to their respective places. Towards six o'clock, Mr. Hamlin's boat was announced; I was sorry not to see Mr. Brown. We learnt that Mr. Brown was under considerable alarm for the safety of his house, owing to the woods around them being on fire, and therefore he could not come. He had had some

trouble with his people, but had now brought them to order. Mr. Chapman at Rotorua had suffered considerable loss from plunder; and at Mangapouri a disturbance had taken place, owing to the insolent conduct of an obstinate young man named Awarahi, who not being pleased with Mr. Stack's mode of dealing with him, fired nine guns at his house, the balls striking various parts of the building. This last is certainly a very serious affair, and one which must be noticed; but there is in all these things abundant consolation in knowing that there is One on High who will cause all to work together for good.

January 2. Went to look at point of land on the north side of the harbour, to see if suitable for a station; very barren. At five o'clock, left for Otahuhu, to fetch Rewa and others. A long pull; landed late; no sign of Ngapuhi.

January 4. Ngapuhi announced; they did not hurry, but all came after waiting two hours, and fired off between two and three hundred cartridges (powder mamae) for Kati and Toha; Rewa afterwards burnt a fowling-piece for the same cause; they then assembled round Toha, and had a long tangi. At high water, moved off; proceeded to the heads, and joined Messrs. Fairburn and Hamlin.

January 5. Woman killed; head half off; trifling circumstance, all laughing and jesting; body thrown into the river. A few words with the man; he afterwards came with the others to receive Ngapuhi. Rewa and party came; feasted on fern-root, a new thing for Ngapuhi. General accusation of natives in Thames. I gave them a few words upon the necessity of making peace, saying that unless they were so disposed, Missionaries could not live amongst them. We had come as their fathers, but they must themselves determine the question. Messrs. Fairburn and Hamlin followed on the same side. I had some conversation with several chiefs; they approved of all we had to say, but doubted the sincerity of Ngatipaoa. At low water, crossed the river within the heads; very rough. A large party waiting for Rewa and Ngapuhi; all very civil.

January 6. At break of day, firing of guns at the approach of Rewa; a great noise, and men running about naked in all directions; they had their hellish dance, and then dispersed. As our time was advancing, we wished to proceed up the river, but had first to obtain permission, which was granted. We accordingly left the noisy throng in quest of a site further up the river. We landed at some places going up; the land very barren. At sunset, brought up two miles from the dragging place to Waikato [the Awaroa]. Clean lodging, plenty of fern-tops.

January 7. Examined the country in the neighbourhood, as Mr. Hamlin had considered this place desirable for a station. Could not recommend this situation under present circumstances, preferring to occupy the boundary between the two parties. Returned with the ebb tide to Awitu, saw the chiefs, and had long conversation

with them. We told them we were now on the eve of departure, and wished to know their desires as to peace, this being now the second year, and little having been accomplished. They of course attributed all mischief to the others, but desired us to say that they were willing, and would leave the adjustment of the affair to the Missionaries. We were much encouraged by all they said, and concluded to go in quest of the leading men in the Thames, and learn what their desires might be, trusting that the Prince of Peace would lead us in the right way, and incline the hearts of the people to listen to Him.

January 8. At low water took our leave, after receiving particular instructions from Te Wherowhero, Haukai, and others, as to the nature of our message. As we approached Otahuhu, observed smoke and a number of natives, whom we found to be Ngatipaoa; they were very civil, and enquired with much interest as to the result of our intercourse with Waikato. In the course of the afternoon we held a council, when the chiefs acceded to our wishes to make peace. The disputed points were not much insisted upon, and they appeared to approve of our occupying the land between the tribes. 96 Two chiefs were deputed to return with us, Maukoikoi and Potiki.

January 9. At two o'clock, struck the tents and embarked. As we drew near the native settlements, hoisted a white flag, as signal that we had a commission of peace. It did not, however, appear to be clearly understood. Moka came down to meet us, and immediately announced the names of the two chiefs. This was instantly answered by firing of guns, which brought the distant parties together, to learn the news. We walked up in state, and when we arrived, our friends arranged themselves in front of each other, and commenced a tangi. After a long interval, Kaihau arose and gave them a welcome, though interspersed with a few sharp expressions upon their desire to seize the land. All, however, passed off in good humour, and all seemed glad at the prospect of a cessation of hostilities.

January 10. At present, all are under great excitement, having but just arrived at the place, the scene of former desolation; they as yet do not feel themselves secure, the enemy within a few miles of them. Numbers of young people with them. Their state at present very degraded, their minds enveloped in darkness, and their bodies in filth. In the afternoon, went to see the natives around; very dark, and but slender desire for knowledge. In the evening, Mr. White announced Mr. Mitchell and Captain Wing, just arrived in the "Fanny;" they had come from Kaipara, which they reported as a noble river, and entrance good. Mr. Hamlin gave up his tent for their accommodation.

January n. At daylight, embarked with our party, – Ngapuhi and the commissioners for peace. The cross-sea caused by tide was such that the canoe nearly swamped, and I felt very thankful we were well through our difficulties. We afforded the commissioners an opportunity to pay their respect to Ngatiwhatua, who seemed now even disposed to treat them with disrespect; their speeches were not of a pleasing kind.

January 12. In the morning learnt that Mr. W – – – had been purchasing a tract of land, about twenty miles square, for four casks of leaf tobacco, value £8, whereby he had nearly bought up all the sitting place of the natives, and consequently hindered our Mission movement. Mr. Fairburn left for Mahurangi. No appearance of natives from Waikato for the purpose of ratifying peace. It is generally thought they will not come.

January 14. No signs of any one from Waikato; our natives feeling much indignation. At two, being high water, we took leave of Mr. Hamlin; pulled out to the entrance of the river, where a large party of Ngatimaru were sitting to see the conclusion of this negociation. Here we are to stay for a few days, to allow the opposite party opportunity to come up, if they think proper; but I fear the great enemy is keeping them back, his work not being yet complete.

January 15. About two a.m., a fire observed on the opposite side of the river; crossed over; a messenger from Waikato, stating that the party to ratify peace had been hindered by strong wind, and had but just arrived. Our party appeared pleased; Mate, a chief from Mangakahia, was deputed to conclude peace.

January 16. At daylight, Rewa and I pulled up to Otahuhu; met Mr. Hamlin, tired and weary. Chiefs not yet up, but near at hand. At noon, went to see them; had long conversation with them. Chose a site for a house. Ngatiwhatua down about Mr. W – – – 's purchase. Te Wherowhero, Kaihau, and Maiora accompanied us to Otahuhu to see Rewa; all very impatient; no food.

January 17. Took commissioners to meet Ngatipaoa; Ngatipaoa stiff at first, but more agreeable in their speeches.

January 18. Brought back commissioners to Otahuhu. Took departure for Puriri; arrived at Mohunga.

January 19. Proceeded on our way across Thames, and arrived by one o'clock; walked over, to Puriri; found all well; very glad at peace being concluded.

Mr. Williams had intended an immediate return to Paihia, after the peace-making at Otahuhu; but on his arrival at Puriri, not finding the "Columbine" as was expected, he determined to make a flying visit to Matamata, to enquire of Waharoa concerning the troubles at Mangapouri. On his arrival he heard of a foul murder committed at Rotorua, upon Hunga, cousin to Waharoa; Waharoa himself was then at Tauranga. Mr. Williams followed him up, in the faint hope of appeasing his wrath. But the offence was of such a nature that "satisfaction," as it is called in Maoridom, had to take its course. This brings us to Waharoa's war with Rotorua; which

originating in one murder, increased by degrees in its destructive character, until it led to the temporary abandonment of the Southern Stations.

In December, 1835, Huka, of Rotorua, murdered and ate Hunga, cousin to Waharoa. No one palliated the conduct of Huka; but his own people, as a matter of course, were bound to fight for him. For the individual man, in the eye of the Maori law, does not exist: the act of the individual is the act of the tribe. At the instigation of Nuka, a chief of Tauranga, Waharoa's attack was directed, not against Rotorua itself, but against Maketu, a pa which belonged to Rotorua. The pa was stormed; about sixty-five of the defenders were killed and eaten, and about one hundred and fifty slaves were carried away prisoners. "Oh, how sweet to me will taste the flesh of Rotorua, along with their new kumaras [sweet potatoes]," said Waharoa to Mr. Brown.

Maketu was destroyed on the 28th of March. In retaliation for Nuku's proposal, Rotorua attacked the Tumu, a fortification belonging to Tauranga. The Tumu was taken on the 5th of May. The number killed, on the Tumu side, amounted to sixty men of rank, with more than two hundred women and children. On the Rotorua side, about an equal number of men.

From the time of the taking of the Tumu, the Stations at Mata-mata, Tauranga, and Rotorua, were each and all in expectation of being visited by the enemies of their particular people; each tribe sitting at its respective pa, apparently desirous to go forth and attack their enemies, but withheld by the expectation of being themselves attacked. Affairs continued in this uncertain state until July, when Waharoa assembled a force at Patetere, a village half way between Rotorua and Matamata. On August 6, he attacked the Rotorua pa. Rotorua had allies outside; a general engagement began; the allies were routed, and unfortunately fled through the Mission station. The house was pillaged by the pursuers, and Mr. Pilley 97 much maltreated. Every building in the station was afterwards fired, not by Waharoa, but by Rotorua, lest Waharoa should occupy it as a pa.

About the middle of September, the Matamata station was stripped, not by a war party, but by a mob of thieves, with blackened faces, Marupo [Murder by Night] at the head of them. Mr. Brown, after these distressing scenes, quitted Matamata, for Puriri, which again he left in November for Tauranga, with Mr. Chapman, Mr. Wilson, and Mr. Williams, who had shown himself upon the scene.

Mr. Williams' journal is now continued.

January 26, 1836. Reached Matamata by two p.m.; Mr. Brown arrived in the evening. News of disturbance at Rotorua.

January 29. Preparations to depart for Tauranga. At one, Mr. Brown and I took leave, carrying with us a long train for some distance. Had to cross a large swamp; called at Mangapouri; was carried on a litter, which at times was uneasy from the beam sinking. We walked on in full view of the fall, which rolls down from the summit of the long range of hills which runs from Cape Colville in a south-east direction. We found the river somewhat deeper than usual, owing to late rain; I should have been glad to have waded over, but our natives objected to it; we were consequently carried over on their shoulders, and landed safely on the opposite side. We continued on to the foot of the fall, where we halted to dine, our distance being ten miles. Having rested about an hour, we commenced our ascent up the hill, which really required great exertion, but the view from the summit amply compensated for the fatigue. We here have an extensive country before us of level land, with rivers winding as far as the eye can reach; then we saw swamps which might be drained with little trouble. In the distance are hills which, for the most part, are extensively rich, well watered and wooded. We continued our journey upon table land for about three miles; it was very level, thickly wooded, and a delightful stream of cool, clear water running by the road side, over stony bottom; we also crossed several smaller ones, the sight of which refreshed us. The ground was very wet, owing to the clouds resting upon the hills; there are but few days without rain, though in the valley beneath the sun may shine in all his glory. Towards sunset we brought up in the woods, by the side of a clear brook, and pitched our tents. Our party was large, being accompanied by about forty persons carrying flax; amongst them several fine young women, but extremely low in their ideas of propriety. Held a pleasant service, and spent an agreeable evening.

January 30. Fine. At break of day all in motion, and had a good tough walk through wood; a dirty, rough, irregular road. At nine, came out into open space; had full view of Tauranga and coast for a long distance; continued course over hill and dale till past noon, when we arrived at Tupuna, where we found Waharoa, whom we wanted particularly to see upon the present state of affairs.

We had much discussion upon the late events and desolating consequences of war. He admitted the justness of what was said, and his desire for quietness, but turned off to the evils of Rotorua; we could only say, all were evils alike. It was near sunset before the boat came for us; Waharoa and wife accompanied us to the settlement.

January 31. Waharoa came at daylight to go to the "Columbine," which had arrived.

February 1. Nakuku went to learn Waharoa's mind and intentions; he returned at ten o'clock, with a message to remain, and he would call on the morrow.

February 2. Fine. No sign of Waharoa; a second vessel arrived this morning, which will doubtless hinder our friend. Poor old man, he is very active in temporals, but no desire for things eternal. Mr. Wilson and I went to Otumoetai.

February 3. Moved on to Maketu; took refreshment at Mr. Tapsel's. We were enabled to proceed; canoes to carry us up the river; we brought up for the night upon a low piece of land scarcely above the water, and assembled the natives to service. I felt more weary with my walk than for a long time past.

February 4. At daylight, proceeded on our journey up this winding river, which runs through a swamp, generally deep, and but few places to land at.

February 5. Arrived at Rotoiti about eleven o'cock; the sight was beautiful and refreshing; we soon forgot the roughness and unpleasantness of the latter part of the road. The boat hove in sight after a few minutes. By the aid of a canoe we embarked all our party, and launched forth upon the bosom of these waters. The scenery was very beautiful, and the lake scarcely disturbed by the breeze, which carried us quickly on to our friends. We observed recently-formed settlements of natives in several places, where there were no signs of life on my last visit; everything was much altered for the better. We passed Mokaia; fair breeze, and did not escape a shower of rain. We landed on the Mission ground about three o'clock. Messrs. Chapman, Pilley, and Knight all well. Several natives came to see us. We walked out to the pa, but with considerable circumspection, owing to the holes of boiling water, which were very numerous in certain places; were received in a gracious manner, and conducted to an open space, where we met a large assemblage, who were soon seated in a circle. When silence was obtained, Pango rose and made his speech, bidding us welcome; he declared that the error was their own respecting the murder of Waharoa's relatives, and that they did not wish to fight. Being expected to speak, I expressed my displeasure at their late conduct. Instruction had been afforded them, but had now brought war in its foulest shape upon the country; God had loved them, and had given His Son as a Saviour to them, but to those only

who received Him was He precious; their deeds were bad, but we would still see what could be done to appease the anger of their enemies.

February 8. Took departure across the lake with Messrs. Chapman and Brown in a small boat, which was deep with people and luggage.

February 10. At daylight on the move; walk very wearisome over the sands to Tauranga; relieved to find "Columbine" at anchor; went on board; Taipari came on board and Hekereia.

February 11. At seven, weighed and stood out on ebb tide.

February 12. At sunset close to Cape Brett; landed about midnight.

Mr. Williams had desired to return to the South almost immediately, Titore having announced that he was himself about to proceed thither on a peace-making errand. Titore changed his mind, having to do a little fighting on his own account, and the project was abandoned. But on October 11, the "Columbine" came in with ill tidings: Mr. Brown and Mr. Morgan had been stripped at Matamata; there was general confusion; Mr. Chapman wrote, urging Mr. Williams to go down again, which he did without delay. No detailed account of this journey has been preserved; only some memoranda in his travelling note-book. Even these must be now abridged.

October 28, 1836. Took leave, and embarked on board the "Columbine."

October 30. Kaweranga, ten miles. Anchored by ten a.m. Had service on board. In the afternoon, landed, and met the natives at Kopu.

October 31. Went up the river to the settlement [Puriri]. Met Messrs. Fairburn, Preece, Brown, Wilson, Morgan, Chapman. News. Matamata withdrawn. J. Flatt stripped by Rotorua. Child killed.

November 9. Showers and strong wind. Late in the afternoon, in company with Messrs. Brown, Chapman, Wilson, and Knight, pulled up river, and at dusk brought up. Pleasant evening.

November 10. Moved on, and landed at Ohinemuri; walked on till sunset, and brought up by a Wood. Fine country, level for considerable extent.

November 11. Pleasant night. In the afternoon had a view of the sea, and arrived at Katikati by three, the boat waiting. Had some refreshment, and proceeded towards Te Papa.

November 12. Arrived at Te Papa by two a.m.; all well. After breakfast, went to Maungatapu, – some speaking, but no disposition to peace. Returned, and found Taharangi and several others waiting for us,

November 16. Sent messenger to Waharoa and Puriri. Afternoon, went to Otumoetai, and passed on to the place, on an island, to which it is proposed to retire in the event of war being brought into the neighbourhood. Had much conversation with Taharangi. After some considerable time, they seemed disposed to give way, and one man in particular, Amohau, said that peace should be made as soon as Waharoa made his appearance. In the evening, news from the Thames that the Rarawa were coming down with a vessel.

November 17. Went to Maungatapu, to see the natives. Nuka the only speaker; long conversation; his thoughts evidently evil. When coming away, he observed that if Waharoa should approve it might be well.

November 18. Waiting for Waharoa.

November 20. Sunday. Mr. Brown and I went to Maungatapu; assembled three hundred, men, women, and children.

November 21. Fine. Canoe from the southward, with Tapsel and Mr. P – – – . Ngatihe landed in considerable numbers. Held long conversation; pakeke rawa [very hard]. Afternoon, held examination.

November 22. Waharoa came over; his speech maro tonu [very stiff]. Determined to return, and hold on here as well as can be done; gloomy, very gloomy.

November 23. Prepared for departure. Nuka and others came from Maungatapu to see me.

November 24. Daylight, on the move. Taharangi came to see us. With much difficulty landed at Kati Kati.

November 26. Arrived at Puriri by sunset.

November 29. Committee till noon; took our departure in Mr. Wilson's boat. Landed about eight on west end of Waiheki.

November 30. Fine, calm afternoon; wind S.E. Landed at dusk on north end of Kawau; laid down on fern.

December 1. At half-past six, rounded Cape Brett; landed at Maunganui.

December 2. Bed of stone; hard. At daylight, moved on; at two p.m. landed at Paihia; all well.

In a letter to his brother-in-law, Mr. Williams describes the progress of the farm, which, as was usual with his undertakings, had become a complete success. In such matters, he had no experience; but, in the colonies, the greater aptitude of naval, compared to that of military men, in fitting themselves to new circumstances, – in turning their hands to anything, has always been remarked. They seem less trammelled by routine, and more ready to leave the beaten road.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh.
February 13, 1837.

I am paying more attention than heretofore to the children, a duty which I think has been too much overlooked, in a too ardent desire to carry on the public duties of the Mission.

You are aware that I purchased a piece of land as a farm, yet the general opinion of its qualities was bad. I therefore laboured under considerable disadvantage, and ploughed and sowed without hope, as the farmers told me I might get a crop of straw and no wheat. After my seed was in the ground, I paid a visit to the Thames and Tauranga, and on my return was thankful to learn that my wheat looked surprisingly well, and indeed it surpassed my utmost expectations. I pay an occasional visit to my native farmers, for I have no one else. The last week we concluded our harvest. Our Waimate friends tell me it is remarkably good, far exceeding their own crop. My boys are now preparing land for the next crops, and are extending their borders. I have a small native-built house for myself, and a large barn built by the natives. I have now to estimate in the year's expenses a blacksmith's shop of wood, cowshed, a shed for the sheep, and fresh stock-yards. We are obliged to proceed slowly, but, I hope, surely. I wish to have things brought a little to hand by the time Samuel shall have done school, which will be January next, if all be spared. Samuel and Henry have taken the lead this year, and feel their importance. I hope I may not be led away by these things; but it is needful to attend to the children, and put them in the way to do something for themselves, and not be turned on the parish. Mr. Davis' land, Mr. Clark's, and William's joins mine. In this respect it is well situated.

It is not surprising that Mr. Williams should have been so strong an advocate for regular government; either by strengthening the hands of the British resident, or through means of regular colonization by the Crown. From the first, the lawlessness of Europeans had been his great hindrance to the work. And these waifs and strays were gathering strength year by year, bidding fair at no distant time to take charge of the land. Not, indeed, that all Europeans were alike defiant of restraint; there were well disposed persons in the country, who were willing to support law, if law could only be had, and who took the only means in their power to obtain it. But the "roughs" were strongly predominant.

Henry Williams to the Reverend E. G. Marsh,
Paihia, March 28, 1837.

By this opportunity I forward to your care a petition, which has been prepared here, and signed by several British subjects, though there are several who have not been able to put their names to ft. The one to the King is forwarded by Mr. Busby, and we thought that you would be able, by the aid of Mr. Hoare, to have it presented to the House of Commons by Mr. Buxton, or some one else.

. . . . .

It is high time that something be done to check the progress of iniquity committed by a lawless band daringly advancing in wickedness and outrage, under the assurance that "there is no law in New Zealand." Without some immediate interposition on the part of the Government for our protection, our position will become very desperate, as we may expect to be surrounded ere long by a swarm of rogues and vagabonds, who indeed carry all before them, both as respects the respectable Europeans and also the natives.

The troubles in the South, never quite allayed, had become serious. The "Columbine," which had been left behind, arrived at Paihia, with refugees from Matamata.

The North, for some while past, had enjoyed comparative immunity from disturbance. But in March, 1837, war broke out again. Mr. Marsden was then upon a visit to New Zealand, – -his last, and made mention of it in a letter to the Society.

It is upwards of seven years since my last visit. On my arrival here, I find two of the principal chiefs at open war – Pomare and Titore; in consequence of which, the whole island was in the greatest commotion. The chiefs from all parts have assembled, with their men, to support either Pomare or Titore. I have repeatedly visited both parties, with a view of bringing them to terms of peace; but have not succeeded. The Rev. Henry Williams has used every means in his power, but as yet without effect. There were one hundred and thirty-one Europeans in Pomare's pa, and a great number in Titore's camp. These are generally men of the most infamous character; runaway convicts, and sailors, and publicans, who have opened grogshops in the pas, where riot, drunkenness, and prostitution are carried on daily. What will be the issue of the contest, cannot be foreseen. Pomare's pa is very strong. It appears to be impossible for Titore to take it. A few days ago, Titore sent eight hundred men, in forty-two war canoes, to attack Pomare's pa, but they returned, after much firing

84 The Puriri was chosen as a central position. The Haurake [Thames] natives were of four grand tribes, – Ngatimaru, Ngatipaoa, Ngatiwhanaunga, and Ngatitamatera.

85 Te Morenga, of Urikapana.

86 Two hundred acres, to be purchased for them by the Society. This proposal was agreed to by the Society, but was clogged with conditions which could not be accepted. It must here be observed that purchase by the Society, as suggested, was a matter quite distinct from purchase by the Missionaries, out of their own private means; yet, when in aftertimes these latter purchases were treated as a political question, an impression arose – assiduously fostered – that the Society had forbidden their Missionaries to acquire, by private purchase, more than two hundred acres each.

87 In April, 1831, the Church Missionary Committee had passed a resolution, as follows: –

"That the situation of the Society's Missionaries in New Zealand be represented to his Majesty's Government, and that they be requested to place them on the same footing with regard to grants of land, in New South Wales, as the children of the chaplains in that Colony,"

That is to say, four square miles – 2,560 acres, for each son; and the half of that amount for each daughter.

88 For instance, Kapa, a Waikato, and his wife were on a visit to the station: Koinake, a chief of Whakatiwai, at feud with Waikato, came to see them, protesting that all past animosity was at an end. After remaining three days in the valley, eating and sleeping with them, he succeeded in persuading them to accompany him to his kainga, down the river. They had not proceeded more than ten or twelve miles, when the vulture landed with his prey, killed them both with his hatchet, and carried the bodies in his canoe to his own settlement, where they were eaten. This was in revenge for the death of a relative, cut off by Waikato some seven years before. See Mr. Fairburn's journal, June 24, 1834.

Some while after, Waikato retaliated by a descent upon Whakatiwai, attacking by moonlight on a Sunday morning, killing fifty, including women and children, with the loss of only three of their own party.

89 A raising of bones before laying them in their second and final place of burial.

90 When consulted by Governor Hobson as to the site of a capital town for New Zealand, Mr. Williams, who had noted the capabilites of this district, recommended Waitemata. He is, in fact, the founder of Auckland.

91 In later times king, under the name of Potatau.

92 The Rev. Robert Maunsell, now Archdeacon and D.D., arrived to join the Mission, November 26, 1835.

93 On this day, Captain Fitzroy, in aftertime Governor, anchored H.M.S. "Beagle" in the Bay. He visited Waimate, showing much interest in the school, and in the affairs of the Mission. On the 23rd, Mr. and Mrs. Ashwell arrived, to join the Mission.

94 A blank in the MS. journal.

95 Patuone and Ngapuhi were apparently not willing to trust themselves in the heart of the Waikato, and therefore proposed that Waikato should come up to meet them, on what was at that time neutral ground, – Otahuhu.

96 This mode of settling the dispute having been taken unfair advantage of by the Government, in the attack upon the Missionary grantees, requires further explanation. The tract of land thus purchased (£900 in goods, at the Commissioners' valuation, being the price) was extensive, though its extent has been largely exaggerated. The question was, not how much, or how little; but how bloodshed should be stayed. The Government ultimately reaped the benefit of the transaction, taking possession on the plea that it was not native land, for the natives had sold it; that it was not the purchasers' land, for the Government would not let them have it; and that, therefore, it was Demesne of the Crown. A remnant was returned to the purchaser. Mr. Fairburn's own proposal had been, to retain one-third of the whole for his family; to convey one-third to the Church Missionary Society, and to place the other third in trust for native purposes.

Subjoined is Mr. Fairburn's account of the transaction, followed by a corresponding account from Mr. Williams.

Mr. Fairburn to the Church Missionary Society.
November 27, 1838.
In January, 1836, Mr. Williams arrived at the Puriri, with a few Ngapuhi chiefs from the Bay of Islands, to endeavour to effect the establishment of peace between the Waikato and the Thames; which object having been accomplished, and the boundaries of land settled between the two parties, the Thames natives immediately made application to sell at once their portion of land joining on that of the Waikato, declaring that peace could not exist for any length of time unless they did so, as there would be perpetual infringements on each others' territories. About a week afterwards, the same natives came in a body to the Puriri, and almost insisted that the land should be purchased. It is also particularly worthy of remark, that the whole of that portion purchased was entirely unoccupied by the natives; but now, I am enabled to invite such natives as are well disposed to sit down together, without any distinction of tribe. And there are now living in the neighbourhood portions of three different tribes, who would not have sat together under other circumstances.

Henry Williams to the Church Missionary Society,
January 11, 1839.
It was a disputed piece of land between the natives of Waikato and those of the Thames; – that is, the former wanted to encroach upon it, and take possession. I was, previous to the transaction, with the natives of both parties, endeavouring to bring about a better understanding among them; and was told that the great obstacle was this piece of land, – that neither party could take possession, as it would create an immediate war. In order, therefore, to set this question at rest, I told them that neither should have it, but that I would take the land for myself; to which all gave consent. Of course, it was understood that payment was to be made for it: I had no desire for the land myself, but felt that it was needful that it should be purchased. I therefore proposed to Mr. Fairburn to take it, which he accordingly did; and since that period there has been no word of dispute between the natives of Waikato and the Thames upon the subject.

97 Mr. Pilley and Mr. Knight were assistants to Mr. Chapman.

[Pages 201-245]

on both sides without effect. Two war canoes met, and engaged, when three men belonging to Titore were killed; two of them were brothers, and men of high rank.

Mr. Williams' journal, during this period of turmoil, is singularly meagre. He does not even make mention of his own final success, though he recounts the steps by which he worked up to it. Mrs. Williams' journal is more discursive; but neither one or other give any account of the origin of so unexpected an outbreak.

The immediate cause was the death of Kirimahore, a woman belonging to Ngapuhi, killed at Te Uruti, near Kororareka, by Ngatikahungunu, living at Otuihu, of whom Te Mauparaoa was the chief, – allied to Pomare and Whareumu, through them to Kawiti, chief of Ngatihine, and through Ngatihine to Te Urikapana, of whom Te Haupokia was a chief.

But, previously to this, Te Rangiwehekura, a southern woman, and wife of Te Haupokia, had been killed at Pakeretu, on the road from Te Ahuahu to Waima, where she and Te Haupokia had plantations, by one of Pi's men, of Waima. It was for her death that satisfaction had been taken by Ngatikahungunu. The question arises, how was it that Te Haupokia did not himself avenge the death of his wife, leaving it to a southern tribe to do so? The answer is, that Te Haupokia was believed to have brought witchcraft to bear upon Pi's people, and that a great mortality among them had consequently been set down to the work of Te Haupokia's gods. The woman, too, being a southern, probably a slave woman, her death was not considered a sufficient cause for war.

But Ngatikahungunu were not so easily satisfied; and, taking advantage of a land dispute between Ngapuhi and Ngatihine, as to the boundary line of the Kororareka block, surrendered to Ngapuhi, in consequence of the death of Hengi, slain at the battle of Kororareka, some seven years previously (Tikitikioura, at the back of Uruti, being the disputed point), killed Kirimahore, a Ngapuhi woman, at Uruti; – thus, not only avenging the death of their relative, slain by Pi's men, but, by a clever stroke of policy, making it appear as an outbreak of the old feud in which Hengi was killed. It is remarkable that the death of Pi should have been the result.

Mr. Williams was absent when the disturbance began, being on a visit, with Mr. Marsden, to the Mission station at Kaitaia. In a letter written shortly after his return, he seems to treat it very lightly.

Henry Williams to the Rev. E. G. Marsh.
April 12, 1837.

I have returned from Kaitaia since Saturday last, and we found the natives here in great confusion, and know not what to say to them. However, on Saturday morning the parties met, and after firing at each other for about three hours, the list of sufferers were one Englishman wounded in the foot, and one pig in the shoulder. Things look black around, but we shall be better able to judge in a few days. Mr. Marsden seems very much recovered since his landing; he is so very infirm that he is obliged frequently to rest when out for a walk, and requires much nursing and care. He has been very much delighted with all he has seen since his arrival; he says, nothing which we could have written could have conveyed to him the true state of the Mission.

The following extracts are from Mrs. Williams' journal.

April 3, 1837. A fight at the pa [Otuihu, Pomare's place], or rather a squabble, which we fear will bring on trouble. A woman shot.

April 5. Mr. Brown has written to Henry, urging his return, on account of the disturbed state of the natives.

April 8. Henry, Mr. and Miss Marsden surprised us. The "Columbine," when in sight, had been mistaken for the "Jessie." A happy return. The dear old gentleman was delighted with his visit to Kaitaia.

April 9. Henry went up through Kawakawa. He heard of the fight, and saw the canoes. No settlers at church. Heard of Mr. Greenway's alarm, from the war party. Henry had called on Captain Clendon, and brought a box from them to be in a place of safety.

April 10. Henry went to Kororareka, to see the army, and talk with the leaders, to sound their dispositions towards peace.

April 11. Mr. Marsden went with Henry and Mr. Brown to the pa.

April 14. Mr. Marsden and Henry went to Kororareka.

April 15. A fearful day of excitement. Just as I went to the infant school, with Mr. and Miss Marsden, Henry saw a movement among the canoes; was off, and up the river in his dressing-gown before we knew he was gone. Mrs. Clendon and her children were brought over for refuge. She came weeping, and made me shudder with the account she gave of their skirmishing and fighting, and

dropping down as fast, and my dear husband among them in the very thick of it. My husband returned safe. The poor natives had made a sad affair of it.

April 20. Henry, Mr. Brown, and Mr. Baker went to Kororareka, to see the captains of the vessels, who had a meeting on the occasion of the fight. Mr. Busby went also. Mr. Marsden went to see Captain Dillon, of the "Jessie." Rongo came, and her husband, John Heke. Rewharewha at Waimate. Our men at the farm, Matiu and Puriri, in great fear. The storm of war seems gathering, and fears increasing. But the Lord reigneth: we need not be dismayed.

April 22. A volley of musketry at daylight. Papahia arrived at Waimate.

April 23. Henry went up the Kawakawa.

April 24. Henry went to see Papahia, at the camp at Waimate.

April 26. Henry went inland.

April 27. Mr. Kemp breakfasted with us. The canoes were passing and firing; many sights and sounds of war.

April 29. All was commotion. The fleet of canoes moved up the river, from Kororareka and Waitangi, to the attack of the pa. Henry was off before the breakfast bell rang: I had terror and anxiety to endure again.

May 2. The natives firing and fighting behind the hills, near the Haumi. All the natives in the settlement up the hill, to see one man wounded.

May 3. Henry went to Kororareka; thence to Whauwhauroa to meet Mr. Davis.

May 4. Mr. Davis and Henry went up the river, and returned in good time.

May 5. .Henry and Mr. Davis went over to Kororareka.

May 7. Mr. Davis and Henry went to Kawakawa. It seemed now to be established that the Europeans should be unmolested.

May 9. Henry set off directly after breakfast, to go and visit the Kawakawa; but the canoes passed from Waitangi before he started, and the firing soon began, and continued till three o'clock. The canoes were seen going from Kororareka. The firing had been heard at Waimate.

May 10. Mr. Marsden, Henry, and Mr. Clarke went to Kororareka, after there had been much firing, and playing, like children, at bo-peep. The canoes from the pa, and those from Waitangi, coming out in a body, and daring each other to follow.

May 11. Mr. Marsden and Mr. Clarke went to Kerikeri.

May 12. Henry did not return from Kororareka, where he had been toiling among the natives, till four o'clock.

May 16. We heard of John Heke's near escape, being chased in a canoe from Wahapu. How sad that this Christian native should in any way mix in these civil wars.

May 22. The canoes fired all day. Reports of killed and wounded.

May 23. Henry and Mr. Brown went up the river, and to Kororareka. Mr. Marsden went with Mr. Baker.

May 26. Two vessels coming in; one expected to be the "Buffalo," or "Rattlesnake."

May 27. Mr. Mair came with the letters just as we were dropping off to sleep. It was H.M.S. "Rattlesnake."

May 27. Mr. Marsden and Henry went on board the "Rattlesnake," and returned; the former in high spirits at having secured his passage to Sydney.

May 29. Captain Hobson and the first lieutenant called, with Mr. Busby. The captain is a thin, pleasing man, said to be the original of "Tom Cringle," of "The Log."

June 4. Henry off at day-dawn to the Kawakawa. Heard news of peace at the southward.

June 6. Mrs. Clendon and children to dine, and spend the day. Captain Clendon, after landing Mrs. Clendon, picked up two captains, and saved their lives, from a boat upset, round which they were struggling; but he was near endangering the lives of his boat's crew, from the Waitangi mob, who ran along the beach to fire at the boat, the natives being of the opposite party.

June 14. The canoes went up, a formidable shew. News arrived of the slaughter of Pi; a chief of Hokianga killed. This mischief was done when we least expected.

June 17. Henry returned unsuccessful from his attempt among the natives to procure peace.

June 18. Henry went up before it was well light to the Kawakawa.

June 19. To our surprise, heard that Captain Wright's place had been stripped, and their inmates half murdered by three Europeans.

June 28. Henry informed us the Committee would be here next week, on account of the natives assembling, and the prospect of making peace.

July 4. Mr. and Miss Marsden embarked on board the "Alligator," for Sydney, taking with them our eldest daughter, Marianne.

July 8. Henry up the river, peace-making.

July 11. Pi's son [Adam Clarke] arrived from Waimate. A grand haka of natives on the beach.

July 12. Henry went up with natives, and had a fatiguing day; Wharerahi and Tamati Waka called. Noise of guns, and natives dancing on the beach.

July 14. Henry returned with news of peace having been made; he had taken four individuals up to the pa. Rewa and Wharerahi came over in the evening to say that Kororareka were angry with the arrangements for peace.

July 15. Rewa's great gun went off at Kororareka, as a sign they were angry. Henry had ordered "Maroro" [" Flying Fish" – the large boat], then ordered the little boat; and Wharerahi seemed inclined to give up all hope. All seemed gloomy again. However, Wharerahi came to beg the great boat might go, and he and Henry went to the pa, taking a red flag and a white one, for peace or war. We had the happiness of seeing Henry's boat return with his white flag flying to Kororareka, two canoes with him. A white flag was hoisted on shore. We knew that Henry had brought the Kororareka people back from the pa with a chief of the pa.

A few words from Mr. Williams' journal must suffice.

June 4. Canoes at Waitangi moving up the river. Went up the Kawakawa to give notice of the Hikutu being out; much concern expressed. Return to Otuihu: Ngapuhi returning; much firing. One shot from the great gun fell close.

That is, close to him. The story of this shot is amusing.

Pomare had a big gun, but no round shot. He boarded a trading vessel at night, and endeavoured to obtain some from the master. "No," said Captain – – – ; "you will be shooting Williams if I do; I know that he is going up." Pomare promised so faithfully to fire wide of Mr. Williams, and pleaded so hard, that three shot were given him, to get rid of him. The next morning, Captain – – – , not feeling quite at ease, deemed it advisable to go up himself, to keep Mr. Williams out of range. He found him standing right in the line of fire, and had some trouble in persuading him to move, for they were beyond the range of musketry. Scarcely had they moved aside, when a shot ploughed up the ground where they had stood. Mr. Williams, much surprised, exclaimed, "Some rascal has been supplying them with round shot." He was then for returning to his former ground, supposing, it is to be presumed, that Pomare had no more. But the vendor knew better. He kept his own council, however, and managed to detain Mr. Williams a short time in conversation. Another shot came, and again another; "and then," says Captain – – – – , (he tells the story himself, with glee,) " knowing that there was not another shot in the locker, I walked forward as if I were the bravest man in creation."

On another occasion, during this outbreak, Mr. Williams was assaulted by an angry native, his only weapon being a long, sliding-

jointed telescope. The assailant was prepared to parry what he expected, a blow across the head; but, feigning to cut, Mr. Williams gave point. The telescope, of course, shut in; and the fellow, seeing how short a portion was left in the hand, believed himself run through the body by the remainder. By the time he had satisfied himself that he was sound in wind and limb, his anger had subsided.

May 10, 1838. Kawiti sent to Tareha to whakatika [make straight] his pukapuka; but no notice appears to have been taken.

On the 12th, he writes: –

Mr. Baker and I went over to Kororareka to take Kawiti's patu; the Kororareka people not inclined to receive it.

The presentation of the patu, – a flat batoon carried in the hand, is equivalent to an offer of peace. Rendre l'epee is a custom something akin to mis, though going farther, as implying absolute surrender. The patu is presented by a third party; generally a woman of rank. For instance, when Governor Grey made peace with Heke, he was not permitted to see Heke himself; but he did see Heke's wife, Harriet. In this instance, the entrusting the office to Mr. Williams was a signal proof of the confidence reposed in him.

During this war Titore fell, and died at Kororareka.

As a parallel to the "telescope affray," mention may be made of one more of Mr. Williams' bloodless victories with unusual weapons. A bevy of the Kororareka ship-girls had given notice of their intention to visit Paihia, to flout the Missionary interference with their vested rights. They came accordingly, dressed in all their finery, to tawai [taunt] the sober school girls. At the time of their arrival, a language committee was being held in the chapel. On landing from the canoe, in which they had paddled themselves across, they opened the attack by a ruri-ruri. 98 When a report of these proceedings reached the committee, Mr. Williams sent William Puckey, a modest youth of about twenty years of age, to start them off. The enemy met him with such language and gesticulation, that he was fain

to turn and run for it. "Nonsense," said Mr. Williams, "do not be beat by a parcel of women; go back with Mr. Fairburn, and try again." But the two were no better able to stand fire than the one, and were routed, in utter dismay. Mr. Williams then sallied forth himself, umbrella in hand, the whole wharekura [school] looking on in silence, wondering what was to come of it. The women, knowing well that this was the advance of "the old guard," the crisis of the battle, redoubled their action, calling out, "Here comes karu-wha [four eyes]. The leader, herself a great lady in the land, came on brazenly, pukana-ing 99 at her adversary. Karu-wha gave her a great whack on the flank with his umbrella; she yelled with astonishment and indignation that one of her rank should suffer a blow, but fled; the others did the same; the whare-kura shouting with admiration, – kua whati, kua whati [they flee, they flee]. "Follow them up," said Mr. Williams, "and duck them." The school, men and boys, nothing loth, gave chase; there was a scene of floundering in the water; and the saucy damsels got such a ducking in the tide as sent them crestfallen home again, wiser, if not better, than they came.

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In June, 1838, Mr. Williams' eldest son, Edward, arrived from England, invalided, by consequence of brain fever. Unable to bear the greater severity of the English climate, he had been ordered to return, and so came to an end his hope of a professional career. He came, by way of Hokianga, a bar-harbour on the West Coast. Signals were made on shore that the bar could not be taken, the sea being too high; but the master of the vessel resolved to chance it. Probably he had no choice but to do so, for it was blowing hard on to a lee shore; or he would hardly have run so desperate a risk. He gave his passengers the option of being battened down under hatches, or lashed on deck; Mr. Edward naturally preferring the latter alternative. The ship had been under double-reefed topsails; but the master now set every stitch he could, lashed two hands to the wheel, himself in the rigging, and put her right before the wind.

It was just a chance about her broaching to; with a stiff breeze aft, they were becalmed as often as she fell between the seas, the sails lying flat againt the mast; but she held her way, the three well-known rollers were passed, and they found themselves in smooth water, the pilot boat awaiting them. "I never expected to see you safe across," said the old salt; "did you not make out the signal?"

.

In September, Mr. Williams was called by subpoena to New South Wales. Mention has already been made of the attack by four Europeans on Captain Wright's house. One of the culprits, James Doyle by name, having been committed for trial, was so unwise as to call Mr. Williams as a witness on his behalf. Mr. Williams' evidence was conclusive, and led to a conviction; but the interruption to work was great, for he did not reach home, on his return, until the 18th of December.

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In 1838, Mr. Williams was sorely tried by the establishment of a Roman Catholic Mission in New Zealand. Bishop Pompallier, with two priests, landed at Hokianga, intimating that nine others were to follow. They made some way among the natives at first; but were unable to maintain their ground. Mr. Williams met them from time to time in public argument. Controversial matter is avoided, save where needed for vindication of character, in this "Memoir;" it shall suffice to say that, at the present time, there are very few pikopo 100 natives in the Colony.

On the 28th of April, a French man-of-war, with two French merchant vessels, anchored in the Bay. All three fired royal salutes in honour of the King of France's birth-day. The Frenchman commenced a survey, and to facilitate operations, set up small flags on certain points of land. The natives, who had from the time of Marion regarded all proceedings of the Oui-ouis with suspicion,

came to the conclusion that the country was being taken possession of, and hastened in great alarm to Mr. Williams. He laughed, and told them that they had nothing to fear until they saw a large flag run up to a high pole on the main land; but that that would really have a meaning. On the following day, Mr. Williams was told that the French captain had double-shotted his guns, having been informed that the Missionaries were inciting the natives to attack the ships.

Mr. Williams' dictum about flags was not forgotten; and in after years, when the flagstaff at the Bay was made a cause of war, he was accused by the English, on the strength of his having thus laid down the law about the Frenchman, of having treasonably excited the natives to rebellion, by telling them that the hoisting of a flag indicated the taking of the country from them; also, of having told Heke to cut down the flagstaff.

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Hitherto, the Mission work had been carried on by Europeans only. The time was now ripe for turning to account the agency of such native converts as could be relied upon. Ordination, in New Zealand, was not yet possible, for want of a Bishop; nor, perhaps, would it have been yet advisable, without the test of further trial. Native teachers, however, would be confirming their own faith, while imparting it to others. An opportunity came to be afforded which was not thrown away. 101 Mr. Wm. Williams had been informed that at Waiapu the ra tapu [Sunday] was observed, and that the natives met for service. This was through the teaching of Taumata-kura, who, a slave to Ngapuhi, had attended school at Waimate, and had been carried down, with other liberated slaves, by Mr. Wm. Williams to Waiapu, in January, 1834. Though he had not been baptised, he taught and preached, acquiring much influence; and when invited to a fight at Cape Runaway, agreed to join the expedition, stipulating, however, that the slain should not be eaten. He headed the attack upon the pa, his book in one hand and his musket in the other, under a shower of bullets, but was not hit. His escape was attributed to the power of his God, and his influence was clenched.

The value of a native ministry, since abundantly confirmed, was at once perceived; and in October Henry Williams sailed, taking with him six volunteers, – three for Turanga, and three for Waiapu.

What follows is extracted from his report to the Society.

Toward the end of October [1838], I sailed with a party of natives, to establish them as teachers at the East Cape and Turanga, among those distant tribes. I found the natives very numerous, when compared with those of this part of the island; and at all the pas, both at the East Cape and Turanga, all seemed perfectly prepared to receive Christian instruction. Their repeated and strong solicitations for teachers are a loud and imperative call that the field should no longer be neglected. The visit paid to these places a twelvemonth since has had a very salutary effect. The demand for books was great and general; and it was truly distressing to be obliged to turn away without the means of giving relief. I distributed, in the course of my journey, five hundred slates, and a few early lessons and catechisms. Books I had none. Three of our married teachers were placed at the Cape, and three at Turanga. We were enabled to make a commencement with schools, and there is little doubt that they will be continued, unless suffered to languish and die from the want of Missionary support.

It would be easy, were strong impressions desired, to tell a sensational story of the horrors of the war in the South, – of the fiendish atrocity, of the perfidy and objectless cruelty with which it was waged. But there is no space for these things here. It is enough to say that turmoil wore itself out by degrees, as it needs must where desolation succeeds to strife. So soon as there was a chance of making good the ground, the Southern stations, with some derangement, were re-occupied. It may be said that a general dispersion of the Mission families, for some while past concentrated in the North, took place.

During the absence of Mr. Williams at the South, Bishop Broughton arrived from New South Wales, in M.S. "Pelorus," on a pastoral visit to the native church. With him was the Rev. Octavius Hadfield, then a deacon, not having till now reached the required age for priest's orders. This gentleman had been compelled, through ill health, to leave Oxford, where he was advised to try a milder climate. Mr. Williams returned about a week after their arrival.

The Bishop was most active in supervision, scrutinising all with a careful eye. He visited as many stations as his time, or rather that of Captain Harding, would allow; confirmed about twenty children of Missionaries, and about double that number of natives; admitted Mr. Hadfield to priest's orders, and consecrated two burial grounds, – those of Paihia and Kororareka. A foundation of regard and confidence was laid between the members of the Mission and the Bishop of Australia, which was never disturbed. It was deepened, moreover, by a common memory, – that of Samuel Marsden, who had but lately passed away. The Bishop preached at Paihia on Christmas-day; when he reminded his hearers that on that day was completed the twenty-fourth year of the establishment of the Mission, "his venerable friend" having landed on the 24th December, 1814, and preached his first sermon, on the beach, on the following day, – the Festival of the Nativity.

After the Bishop's return to Sydney, he addressed a full report to the Society in England. It is too long to be given in full; but an extract will be read with interest.

Sydney, New South Wales,
March 28, 1839.

Having rendered this short account of the principal incidents during my residence in New Zealand, I shall now offer to the notice of the Society those conclusions with regard to the present state and future prospects of their Mission which I was enabled to form, through the exercise of my judgment upon all which presented itself to my observation. In thus proceeding, I shall use great plainness of speech. It is in my power, I think, effectually to contradict the assertions of the adversary and the scoffer, who have some times gone the length of affirming that the attempt to Christianise the people of this nation has been a failure, – that nothing has been done. On the other hand, I shall not suffer my admiration of that which has really been effected, to hurry me into an unqualified approval of everything connected with the establishment of theMission, or the operations of the Missionaries; nor to deter me from pointing out any particulars in which I think there is room for improvement.

First, with regard to the Missionaries of the Society, I must offer a very sincere and willing testimony of their maintaining a conversation such as becomes the Gospel of Christ, and the relation in which they stand to it, as the professed guides and instructors of

those who are, by their agency, to be retrieved from the service of sin. Their habits of life are devotional, they are not puffed up with self-estimation, but appeared to me willing to learn, as well as apt to teach, and among themselves they appear to be drawn together by a spirit of harmony, which is, I hope, the sincere effusion of their hearts, prompted by that spirit, of which love, gentleness, and goodness are among the most delightful fruits. It is upon the continuance of this spirit among themselves that I raise my principal expectations of their continued success among the natives. Without unanimity, there can be no successful combination of their exertions, nor is any blessing upon them to be hoped for, such as has hitherto visibly attended them, and in a very ample measure.

At every station which I personally visited, the converts were so numerous as to bear a very visible and considerable proportion to the entire population, and I had sufficient testimony to convince me that the same state of things prevailed at other places, which it was in my power to reach. As the result of my inspection, I should state, that in most of the native villages, called pas, in which the Missionaries have a footing, there is a building, containing one room, superior in fabric and dimensions to the native residences, which appears to be set apart as their place for assembling for religious worship, or to read the Scriptures, or to receive the exhortations of the Missionaries. In these buildings generally, and sometimes in the open air, the Christian classes were assembled before one. The grey-haired man and the aged woman took their places, to read and to undergo examination among their descendants of the second and third generations. The chief and the slave stood side by side, with the same Holy Volume in their hands; and exerted their endeavours each to surpass the other, in returning proper answers to the questions put to them concerning what they had been reading. These assemblages I encouraged on all occasions, not only from the pleasure which the exhibition itself afforded, but because I was thus enabled, in the most certain and satisfactory way, to probe the extent of their attainments and improvements. The experience thus acquired has induced me to adopt the habit of applying the term "converts" to those alone, for many such there were, who, in the apparent sincerity of their convictions, and in the sufficiency of their information, compared with their opportunities of acquiring it, may be considered Christians indeed. They have, as the Society is probably informed, the whole, I believe, of the Liturgy in their own language, accompanied, for several years past, with portions of the New Testament.

But a very great work has been accomplished in now providing them with a translation of the whole volume, copies of which are distributed to such as are likely to employ them well, as rapidly as, with the limited means in their possession, the Missionaries are able to have them bound. This translation will ever remain a

monument of laborious and well-directed piety. My acquaintance with the language was not sufficient to enable me critically to judge of its fidelity to the original; but in my conversation with the Rev. W. Williams, the principal agent in this great work, I availed myself of every opportunity to ascertain the exact literal rendering of any passages which chanced to be the subjects of our immediate attention; and, upon inquiring – which I did very closely, – into his reasons for adopting particular words or phrases, to express the sense of the original, I was gratified to find that he was invariably prepared with a reason; and my impression is, that where there were conflicting reasons, each carrying weight, he had generally given the preference to that which deserved it. In speaking of the character of the converted natives, I express most unequivocally my persuasion that it has been improved, in comparison with the original disposition, by their acquaintance with the truths of the Gospel. Their haughty self-will, their rapacity, furiousness and sanguinary inclination, have been softened – I may even say, eradicated; and their superstitious opinions have given place, in many instances, to a correct apprehension of the spiritual tendencies of the Gospel. Their chief remaining vices appeared to me to be indolence, duplicity, and covetousness.

Mr. Williams' sphere of action was now about to be again enlarged; this time, as before, through the agency of a native convert. A slave, named Ripahau, 102 had been instructed at Paihia. Having obtained permission to visit his relatives, who were living at Otaki under the protection of Te Rauparaha, 103 he gave of what had been

given to him. The possessor of one book, he taught them to read from it. Presently a part of the Gospel of St. Luke, in which Ngakuku had written his name, found its way from Otaki to Rotorua. The missing portion had been used for cartridges. The result was, that Te Rauparaha's son and Matene Te Whiwhi, at hazard of their lives, made their way to Paihia, deputed to request that a Mission station might be established among themselves. Sooner than that they should be disappointed, Mr. Williams offered to take charge of it himself; but this was overruled, for Ngapuhi could not spare him. Mr. Hadfield volunteered; Mr. Williams undertook to accompany and establish him.

From Mr. Williams' journal. 104

October 21, 1839. Wind fair. Sunset, embarked and got under weigh; Mr. Clarke, Mr. Hadfield, Mr. Wilson and his children, Mr. Stack, passengers.

October 23. Wind increased to a gale. Stood into Tauranga.

October 24. Strong wind. Thought of going overland to Kapiti. Boys opposed to it. Concluded to visit Maketu and contending parties.

October 26. Mr. Brown, Mr. Clarke, and myself left for Maketu.

October 27. Maketu; met in friendly consideration. Passed on to the Waikato tribes; after much opposition, they proposed to retire in the morning. Went over with the news to Maketu. Insolent language, in consequence of which Waikato determined to remain.

October 30. Saw Waikato again; no disposition to move, owing to the insolence of last evening. Returned to Tauranga.

October 31. Set sail.

November 1. Stood close for land. Landed Hamuera and his party, – native teachers.

November 2. Tumbling night. Landed Mr. Clarke, Mr. Stack, and some natives.

November 7. Saw Cape Palliser (Kawakawa). Bore up before the wind, and were soon in smooth water. We drew in more to the land to get a better observation, and found an opening. We were soon in a most splendid harbour, Port Nicholson, called by the natives Poneke; quite a different place to what is laid down by Cook. We came to anchor in a perfectly sheltered place, with sufficient room for all the fleets of England. Some canoes came off, and informed us that the " Tory" 105 [ship] had been here and purchased the whole place. That they had desired to reserve a portion of the land for themselves, but the European would have the whole. A fortnight since, a dispute arose among some of the natives respecting land. Not being able to come to any satisfactory arrangement, they took their guns. Of the aggressors seventy fell; of their opponents twenty. The parties are now in open arms, though closely related and sitting together. The land in question was intended for Europeans, and would probably be sold for a few blankets. The "Tory," I learnt, was in Queen Charlotte's Sound, purchasing land; and they were endeavouring to obtain Taranaki (Mount Egmont). We were told that the natives were to have reserved for them one thousand acres for every million sold to the association. Riki (Dick) came on board and gave pleasing information of the progress of the Mission in Port Nicholson (Poneke), and on the coast to the North. Went on shore, and had long conversation with the natives. Numerous applications for books. Gave two Testaments and some prayer books. Reihana (Richard) with his wife and family appear to be established here, and to take a lead among their people. He had opposed the proceedings of the chiefs with the "Tory," but to no purpose. He reserved his own portion of ground to himself. This young man will, I hope, be found very useful here. He appears steady in all his transactions. For several years he lived at Paihia, and on the removal of Mr. Davies to Waimate, he accompanied him thither. He came here about three months since, and takes the lead in the service amongst the natives.

November 8. Got under weigh; wind came on strong; could do nothing in working up to Kapiti; stood over to Cloudy Bay.

November 10. Went on shore; met the natives at service. Saw the Europeans, and held service. Much pleased with them. Heard that the "Tory" had been to Kapiti, buying all right and title to the land for a considerable extent.

November 11. Met Mr. Guard and Mr. Wing, with whom we had much conversation as to the state of the natives in this part of the island, and their desire for instruction. Mr. Wing expressed his desire to assist in distributing books, if sent to him. The schooner "Hokianga" arrived from Taranaki. Mr. M – – – came on board, and reported their landing at Taranaki; that at first they were apprehensive of the natives, who presented themselves with their muskets; but upon their calling out that they were Missionaries, all ran towards them and gave them a hearty welcome. Mr. M – – – is an infidel, and his companion a Jew. Enemies to our cause; but in this instance it was convenient for them to hail for Missionaries.

November 12. Wind against us; stood across the Straits, and determined to land at Port Nicholson and walk overland. In the afternoon anchored in the harbour. Several natives came on board, with whom I made arrangement to accompany us on the morrow. My companion, Mr. Hadfield, very unwell; much distressed to observe his weakness, fearing that he will not be able to undertake the journey.

November 13. In full preparation for our departure to Kapiti, where I hoped to meet the "Columbine." Landed at Ngauranga. In the afternoon, proceeded up the harbour in a canoe to Petoni. We brought with us one hundred prayer books, fifteen Testaments, and six catechisms.

November 14. Found my companion, Mr. Hadfield, very unwell this morning. Doubtful of his proceeding; he however determined to make a beginning. Took a good breakfast as a preparation for my journey; my companion a draught of cold water and a crust of bread, a sorry commencement. Mounted the height on our way to Kapiti; joined in the evening by Reihana.

November 15. Received an express to go to Manga, a pa of Te Rangitakaroro. Arrived at noon, amidst heavy rain, and were happy to find ourselves opposite to the island of Mana. Passed close to Te Koriwa, a place where are several Europeans whaling. Saw Neti, the native who came out in the "Tory," who gave us an account of the proceedings of the Agent of the New Zealand Land Company.

November 16. Prepared to cross over to Mana, which occupied some time, owing to the numbers who wished to accompany us. We were nearly one hundred in the canoe, and I was somewhat fearful of consequences. It was about two miles across. We landed at the

pa of Rangihaeata, 106 who received us with all due honours. Several Europeans were here, who were civil, one in particular, who was very solicitous that we should take some rum, which gave me an opportunity to speak on the evil of the practice. While here, heard the account of the dreadful deed committed by Stewart at Bank's Peninsula; 107 the prisoners were brought to this place and killed with savage brutality. Passed to Oeka, where we found two Europeans.

November 17. Held conversation with Moturoa and some others, who appeared in a pleasing state. After breakfast, went to Porirua. Held service with natives; about ten Europeans present.

November 18. Moved off at daylight; a large company. Travelling rough and heavy, over deep sand, sharp rocks, and large stones. Detained at four or five places along the road where the people came out to welcome us and invite us to remain and eat. They would not, however, allow us to pass without giving them a few words, as they were believers in Jesus Christ. I did so, and was much surprised and delighted at so unexpected a change. As we drew near Waikanae, numbers joined our party. A most gracious reception at the pa. In the evening, some of the chiefs came to the tent, and kept me in conversation till I could talk no more.

November 19. The boat arrived from Kapiti, to convey me over to Rauparaha, whom we found to be more agreeable than I had anticipated. He received us graciously, and entered fully into conversation upon politics, and the necessity of laying aside his evil ways. He said he had sent two letters to me, at different times, requesting me to come down to him; and, lastly, he had sent his two sons to fetch me, and I had done well to come to him. I was much pleased with the apparent interest shown by the old man. We had service at his place, and took up our abode upon the "Atlas." The old man presented me with a splendid pig.

November 20. Rauparaha came off at daylight, and we had much conversation with him. He was much pleased that Mr. Hadfield had come to reside among them. He was interested with all his son had to tell him of all he had seen in the Bay of Islands

and among the Missionaries. The old man told me that now he had seen my eyes, and heard my words, he would lay aside his evil ways, and turn to the Book; and on the morrow, he would proceed to his people, who live about sixteen miles to the northward, and "tread down the anger," that there might be no more fighting. It was then proposed that we should proceed to Otaki, on the Southern Island, near Bank's Peninsula, to make peace with his enemy, Tairoa, that he might plant and eat his potatoes, and catch his fish, and believe on Jesus Christ. In the afternoon, we went on shore, and the old chief urged our conversation on the subject of religion. He was much interested with the doctrine of the Resurrection. We held service at his place, and were heard with great attention.

November 22. Embarked Mr. Hadfield's horses in a large canoe, and passed them over to Waikanae. We went over the ground on which the late battle was fought, owing to the payment for Port Nicholson not being generally distributed. For a native affair, it must have been very desperate, the unevenness of the ground bringing the parties into close combat. Rauparaha's people led the attack, and were defeated by the people of Waikanae. The old chief himself was not present. I was shewn the sepulchre of their enemies, whom they buried with military honours, with their garments, muskets, ammunition, &c, not reserving to themselves anything which had belonged to them. This is a new feeling, arisen from the great change which the introduction of the Gospel has effected among them. We saw their late chapel, a very large one, which they were obliged to leave, owing to the war; they have now a new one, in the pa. These chapels, and many others around, were built through the influence of a young man instructed in the Paihia school, named Matahau. He lived many years with my brother, and afterwards with me, and returned, many years ago, to his relations at this place, among whom he has laboured with astonishing zeal and perseverance. He has taught many to read, and has instructed numbers, as far as he is able, in the truths of the Gospel, so that many tribes, for some distance round, call themselves Believers, keep the Lord's Day, assemble for Worship, and use the Liturgy of the Church of England. The schools, also, are numerous. I felt that our boy, Matahau, had set an example which ought to rouse the Missionaries to every exertion, and act as a powerful appeal to the friends of the Society at home.

We took leave of Rauparaha. I determined to proceed overland to Tauranga, reluctantly giving up going to Bank's Peninsula, a field I had long desired to visit, and for which I had now an excellent opening. But I felt it needful to turn my course northward, from the disturbed state, in consequence of the new war; that I might do what I could to effect a peace, and visit the natives of Whanganui, who had sent many pressing invitations. We had much conversation

with the chiefs previous to our departure to their enemies of the other tribes, for the purpose of endeavouring to make a peace. Towards sunset, we had a large assembly for service, and in the evening were much gratified by examining about twenty candidates for baptism.

November 23. We proceeded on our march for Otaki, with a long train of followers, who intended to accompany us half way. About four o'clock, we arrived at Pakakutu, the pa belonging to Kuru. It is a small one; but Kuru had separated from the main body, that he, with his people, might have service without fear of interruption. We had service with the people of the pa, the first time that any Europeans had declared to them the truths of the Gospel. Kuru and others afterwards came to the tent door, and I had much conversation with them. The chief observed that he knew several hymns, but could not catch the tunes, and had therefore composed some of his own, of which he gave a specimen. He afterwards commenced repeating the morning service, and I believe would have continued to the end had he not been interrupted. I was much delighted with him, and gave him a primer and two prayer books.

November 24. Te Kuru and his people accompanied us to the great pa. Watanui, the chief gave us a gracious welcome, but, as it was the Lord's Day, they abstained from their usual practice of calling out on our approach. We proceeded to the chapel, a very good building, about fifty feet by thirty; several hundreds were present, though I understand that comparatively few attend to instruction. We afterwards held school, and had much conversation with Watanui and other chiefs. In the evening, we held service outside our tents, and continued in conversation till late.

November 25. Watanui came at daylight to conduct us to his pa, where all the chiefs were assembled. I had a long conversation with them upon the present state of affairs. Some were for war, and others proposed to proceed to Waikanae, the place of the enemies from whence we had come, when the potatoes should be planted, and they would make peace. Watanui's two sons seem to be well-disposed lads.

November 26. Expressed my wish to my lads to return by way of Taupo, overland, to Tauranga. They were not willing, being alarmed at the length of the journey.

November 27. After breakfast, Wata came for us to proceed with him to Waikawa. On our arrival, we had to go through the usual form of speechifying, which occupied much time. We found a good chapel here, though a small one, and many came for conversation on religious subjects. We gave away four prayer books, and a Testament. After our repast we proceeded, crossing several streams of water, and came in about two hours to Kowau, a pleasant place, with abundance of grass. Natives came out of the pa to welcome

us. Many speeches were delivered upon the present state of the country. Several old ladies came forward to hold a crying in compliment to our lads, their distant relatives. Towards sunset, we all assembled to attend evening prayers. My words, to many of them, were very new, yet all were attentive. Much conversation in the evening; the chiefs appeared generally indisposed to making peace.

Back to Otaki; sent to Wata to know our movements, as he objected to our returning to the opposite party at present. Sent Hemi Tautari to Waikanae to give notice to them to sit close within the pa.

November 29. In the afternoon, we observed a movement among the troops, and crossed the river in readiness for a march towards Waikanae. As the sun declined, our numbers increased. I held evening service on the beach. Several speeches upon state affairs were made. The troops determined to remain for the night, lest they should be overtaken by the rain; but as the distance is rather great for one march, I requested permission to proceed halfway, and wait for their coming up in the morning. This was objected to, as none must precede the Aitua [sacred spear]; and I did not choose to interfere with any of their military customs. However, after some time, it was proposed to send a small party before us; the person carrying the Aitua keeping about one hundred yards in advance. Our attendants were all highly tapued, and we were forbidden to eat until we should have arrived at the enemy's pa; I, however, occasionally stole a piece of biscuit, under cover of the night, as we had not tasted anything since the morning.

November 30. At break of day, our troops came up, upwards of three hundred, and gathered round in full military costume; their heads dressed with feathers, their best mats on, and some of them with shawls tied round their waists. They were desirous of having prayers before moving onward; at the close of which, several speeches were made, all good of their kind; the whakaaro [judgment how to conclude this affair] being left with me. We all pushed on until we came within three miles of the pa at Waikanae, when the chiefs gave Mr. Hadfield and myself leave to drink at the brook, and directed us to go onward to Ngatiawa, to put up the white flag, and declare their willingness for peace; they then shook hands with us, and we continued our march. About fifty men accompanied us till within a mile of their enemy. We crossed a river, and soon joined our friends, the Ngatiawa. A body of natives were out to meet the enemy, should they show any disposition to fiht. We were received with much kindness. All assembled in the general place for discussion, and some used angry expressions; yet the general voice was for peace; and Matahau, their teacher, the young man who formerly lived at Paihia, and who had married the daughter of the principal chief of Waikanae, was selected to go out

to ratify the treaty of peace. We then ate our first meal since noon yesterday. In the afternoon, the troops belonging to Waikanae turned out, to the number of about five hundred, and made a display of their force in a war dance. Afterwards we had evening service, and then met the Christian natives in the chapel, consisting of some native teachers, who accompanied me, and a few from the neighbourhood, previous to my administering the Lord's Supper on the morrow.

December 1. Lord's Day. The natives held prayers close to my tent; the singing, though the tunes were purely native, was very agreeable. Some Europeans came, and expressed great satisfaction that peace had been established. At eight o'clock, we assembled about twelve hundred at service. In the afternoon, we assembled all at school, old and young, and afterwards held evening service, with a very attentive congregation. Continued in conversation with a large party at the tent door till late.

December 3. Obtained some supplies, as my boys had consented to accompany me overland.

December 4. We assembled the natives in the chapel, and admitted our friend Matahau to the christian rite of Baptism by the name of Joseph. It was an interesting service, particularly so, considering that this young man had been made an instrument in the hand of the Great Head of the Church in conveying much knowledge of divine things to his benighted countrymen. We now proceeded to Otaki, and at sunset held service at the tent door. Mr. Hadfield and myself agreed that it would be most desirable that he should occupy this place with Waikanae, from whence we had come this morning, as his main stations, seeing that he could pass from one to the other, on horseback, with ease in an hour and a half, and keep a general oversight of the settlements all round, until he should have more assistance, which it is highly important should be speedily afforded to him.

December 5. Took leave, and commenced my journey alone; more than three hundred miles through the heart of the island, – an entirely new road, not yet explored by Europeans. At sunset, brought up at Waikanae. Heard of Wiremu Neira (William Naylor), who was assembling a large army at Whanganui, to come against these tribes. Much fear of him was expressed.

December 6. The Manawatu; a large river, with large quantities of drift-wood. This river will doubtless be of importance at some future day.

December 9. Our road lay over sand-hills for two hours and a half, to the Rangitikei, where we found the land much improved. Proceeded up the river in canoes, the current so extremely strong that the natives were obliged to pole the canoe, requiring the greatest care that our bark should not be upset. So irregular was the surface of the current that at times it ran more than a foot

higher than our canoe. I kept my eye upon our boatmen, who appeared perfectly composed, and aware of what they were about; I therefore kept myself perfectly quiet. On landing at the pa, the people drew up, rank and file, to shake hands. Hakeke, the chief of the place, most anxious for my protection and comfort, took up his abode at my tent door, as guard for the night.

December 10. Desired to move on, but the proposition was opposed, as a large body of natives were expected from Whanganui, with hostile intentions against Otaki.

December 11. Ngatiruanui arrived. Wiremu Neira came to my tent, of whom I learned, with great surprise, that they were on an expedition against Otaki, having been sent for by Paura.

Gave him a severe lecture, which he took very well, though much confounded. He at last observed, "What could a native teacher do by himself?" He excused his party having their guns from the circumstance that Tamati Waka took his people over to the Bay of Islands with their guns. I gave him notice that after dinner I should go to his taua, and give them my opinion on their proceedings. I found them very obstinate and saucy; they said they were going to carry the gospel, and shewed their books. Our party drew off, highly displeased.

December 12. Natives talking all night; discussing the subjects of the day, whether to proceed, in defiance of what I had to say, or to return. At daylight, assembled the people at my tent door for prayers, after which, one of the strangers addressed the taua. After breakfast, heard much loud speaking among the taua. Drew near, in order to learn the point of interest. Much inflammatory language; extremely insolent. Many spoke, but all of Ngatiruanui very violent for proceeding at all hazards.

These impudent fellows profess to be under the guidance of this Wiremu Neira, who cannot read, and is extremely ignorant. The sooner this ceases the better for all. After dinner, had conversation with lads from Taupo, which was very cheering after the contest of the forenoon. These youths had books, which had been given them from Rotorua. Wiremu Neira sat by, but said little. Learned that the taua felt very uncomfortable at their insolent conduct. They said that if Neira proposed to retire they would do so. I gave Neira a close word upon the impropriety of his conduct. Whether they go on or retire will be determined by the Great Disposer of all events. Heard much of a baptism which had been introduced by that man Neira, and had many questions proposed to me as to its correctness. This ceremony appears to be the washing of the head, which has always been considered as sacred by the Maori, in warm water, out of an iron pot; the person at the same time confessing

his sins. This ceremony, termed kokiro, is supposed to effect a washing away of sin, and a release from tapu. A perfect cheat of Satan. 108

December 13. Neira came to hear my further opinion. I observed that it had been already given. Took my departure about eight a.m. Neira followed me about a mile, and told me that he should return on Monday, and some, if not all, of the taua. Crossed two rivers in the afternoon; Whangaehu appeared of some consideration. Had a good sight of Taranaki [Mount Egmont] and Tongariro; both covered with snow in the height of summer. Two most magnificent objects, – one on the coast, the other in the interior of the island.

December 14. Arrived at Putikiwaranui, on the Whanganui, the largest river of this coast. On the banks, up which I was to proceed into the interior, are large settlements of natives.

December 15. Wiremu Neira returning on his way home. Assembled on the beach to service; a congregation of three hundred. Engaged in talk with Wiremu Neira and others, reprobating the new kokiro doctrine.

December 16. At daylight, much noise and firing of guns; Wiremu Neira and others leaving for Taranaki. After breakfast, held council with the chiefs respecting their land, as they were in considerable alarm lest the Europeans should take possession of the country. All approved of their land being purchased and held in trust for their benefit alone, 109 Fearing delay, the chiefs determined to conclude the affair immediately. They accordingly took it in hand, and, with their secretary, drew out a rough draft for my approval. Closely beset; natives wishing to thrust themselves into the tent.

This morning's work was fraught with serious results to Mr. Williams. His endeavour to save a remnant to the natives from the grasp of the Company brought down upon him a storm of invective, which ceased not during his life, and pursued him even after death. It will presently be necessary to go into this question with full detail.

December 18. Crossed the river, to see two parties. Kurukanga and other young chiefs came; very solicitous for books.

December 19. Turoa and other chiefs came to see us off. I promised that a Missionary should soon come to reside among them, and do trust that this most interesting post, where all are eager for instruction, will speedily be cared for. They requested that the Missionary might bring a wife, as then he would be likely to stay with them. Moved off, after being detained for our party to finish crying. The river was very broad for about ten miles up, with level land where it became narrower, but steep hills on either side. At four, we landed at Kauarapaua, the pa of Te Tauria, the chief of Ngatipa, the original inhabitants of the place. Received many applications for books. Tauria, though very unwell, came across the river; all insisted that he had been makutu-ed [bewitched].

December 21. Landed at Uritini, a pa of some size. The natives importunate for books. Again at Oawitu; the same solicitations. Passed on to Ihurangi, for the Lord's Day. The people were delighted at the arrival of a Missionary among them. I found several who could read, and there was a great demand for books. Towards sunset, we assembled all for evening prayers; all seemed highly gratified.

December 22. The natives assembled at my tent at break of day. After breakfast, at which I had many spectators, the bell, an old musket-barrel, was rung for service, and I had a good congregation. The responses were very good, and called forth the admiration of my fellow-travellers. I consider the service of our church to be singularly adapted for the preservation of order in these native congregations. I was kept in close conversation, on important points, all day. In the evening, again held service. The natives were very urgent for Missionaries to come and reside among them.

December 23. It was determined by our friends that we should go to Pukeika this morning, return to this place, and take our departure from hence, across the country, to Taupo. We landed at a small settlement, to see the people, who were very much delighted, I being the first Missionary who had visited them. I was kept in close conversation for about two hours, the people having gathered for that purpose. They were here also very pressing for the residence of Missionaries among them. The demand for books was also very great, but my stock was nearly exhausted. About noon, we arrived at Pukeika, a formidable place, and the surrounding scenery grand. The eminences were covered with wood, save where the land had been cleared for a hamlet; the river, winding between the hill, gave a finish to the landscape. Being obliged to wait until morning, I took up my abode on the beach. Some natives, hearing that I was in the neighbourhood, came down the river to see me. Two young men, in particular, took up their position close to me,

and kept me in close conversation, till I could talk no more; they appeared to be in a pleasing state, and could read well. I gave away the last of my books here.

December 24. At daylight, three bells for morning prayers were heard from different hamlets in the neighbourhood, a pleasing sound. The two young men renewed their inquiries. At eight o'clock we took leave, and passing rapidly down the river, landed, at ten, at the place from whence we were to commence our march to Taupo. Our party consisted of twenty-five natives and three pigs; we parted with the two natives who brought us up the river from Whanganui heads, and were now about to return. We were detained two hours at the place of Aomaro for potatoes, as we had here to arrange our provisions for the road, there not being any place of refreshment between this and Taupo, nearly a week's very difficult march. At dark, we brought up by the side of a river, Te Umukoura, at the bottom of a very steep hill, which called forth my utmost effort to keep my footing. Some of our party did not come up till ten o'clock.

December 25. At eight o'clock we arrived at Mangaitoroa, a fine stream of water. The descent to the river being nearly perpendicular, I was obliged to take off shoes and stockings to prevent slipping. A fearful road. One of our fellow-travellers, the largest of our pigs, fell down the precipice, and broke nearly every bone. Detained for two hours, while the boys cut up the pig. One of our natives gave notice that we should meet a tira [a party], as he had struck his foot against a root.

December 26. About noon, we met a small party coming from Taupo; they gave us news of wars and rumours of wars, and were very much surprised at finding a European in the wood, especially when they discovered that he could speak to them in their own language. As our meeting was in accordance with the notice given yesterday, our party had much conversation upon the truth of the prediction of our fellow traveller.

December 27. At peep of day we were on the move, climbing over very large trees, and going through low, swampy ground. At eight o'clock, we were thankful to find ourselves clear of the wood, and entering a level country. The volcano Tongariro rose before us, the summit covered with snow, a splendid sight! The road we had just travelled was certainly the worst we ever passed over; in many places we had to creep under trees, and again to climb over and walk along the trunks of those which had been blown down. During the remainder of the day, our road was generally level, but intersected by many streams; at one place was a very singular rush of water from a rock, which formed the source of a large river. We brought up for the night at the foot of Ruapehu, the land very high, and apparently but a few feet below the snow which lay on the mountain.

December 28. To-day we travelled for five hours over barren ground, no vegetation of any kind, one continued bed of pumice-stone. We passed through a rushing stream of sulphurous water from Tongariro, and crossed the source of Waikato and several other rivers. Our walk was very uninteresting, except that towards the close of the day we met with some rare plants.

December 29. Lord's day. Our party lay quiet till eight a.m., everyone being much overcome. We have little food left, having expected to arrive at Taupo yesterday. At noon, we assembled for service, which we much enjoyed.

December 30. Obliged to walk through heavy rain, having no provision. Passed Roto Aeru, a fine lake on our left. We at length arrived at an old plantation, where we found some wild potatoes. Continued our March till four, when we arrived at a settlement on lake Taupo, a magnificent sheet of water, about thirty miles in length, with various fine bays. We were received with great kindness, and abundance of food handed out, though almost all the men had left yesterday on a fighting expedition, in consequence of a kanga [native curse] having been uttered respecting a chief. These abominations have nearly ceased northward. Toward sunset, I assembled all for evening prayer, and addressed them; while I was speaking upon the necessity of laying aside their lying vanities, a woman, who may be said to be under the influence of an evil spirit, came forth with the utmost fury, and declared that if these things were spoken against, she would cast herself into one of the boiling springs, and instantly ran off, professedly for that purpose. Several followed to secure her, while others coolly replied that she had better do so. I continued without further interruption, noticing to them the enmity of Satan to their even hearing of the one true and only God, and Jesus Christ whom He had sent. In the evening, I had much conversation with the people assembled around my tent, who were full of curiosity and wonder at all they saw and heard.

December 31. In the morning, a deputation arrived from a place at a short distance from us, to request our removal thither, as some of the leading men on the lake were waiting for us. We accordingly got under weigh and went to Te Rapa. Many speeches were made by our friends, who bade us welcome, and we had also to speak in our turn. We had here an evidence of the duplicity of old Watanui, the chief of Otaki, near Kapiti, from whom we brought a letter to the chief of Taupo; in this he desired that the people of this place would not attend to anything I had to say, as it was all deceit, but make a requisition for the tribes to go and join him against Ngatiawa, to renew hostilities, though peace had just been established. All much surprised at the conduct of Watanui, but as the character of the Missionaries was well known, his letter was treated with silence, and Iwikau, a brother to the principal chief, said he would not comply with the desire of Watanui, but would accompany me to the

Bay of Islands. We afterwards proceeded to Pukawa, where was a a good chapel erected at the desire of Mr. Chapman. I began to feel myself drawing near home, from having arrived at a place where one of our Missionaries had been. I had much conversation with the people here, though they did not evince any great anxiety for instruction.

January 1, 1840. At break of day we started for Motutere, that we might arrive before the wind sprang up. The place was small and dirty, and very much crowded, owing to their continued fears of attacks from the tribes of Waikato. We were not long here before there was considerable disturbance among the natives, everyone running for guns, and a general preparation for battle. I at length heard that the party who had come to settle the affair of the kanga [cursing] had taken away a man's wife, in defiance of all remonstrance. The disturbance, for some time, assumed a serious aspect. I was thankful to have an opportunity to send a messenger to Rotorua, to give notice of my having arrived thus far on my way. I examined all who could read, and found twenty-six who could do so, some of them very respectable. I had a good assembly round the tent, till late. Iwikau told me he would not go with me, owing to his fears of Ngapuhi (the Bay of Islanders); after some time, however, he concluded to go.

January 2. We proceeded to Rangatira, a very confined place, upon a point projecting into the lake. The people here were in much fear of Waikato tribes. I was glad to find a chapel here, and that all professed to be believers. I was engaged in talking until a late hour. Messengers arrived from Rotorua, bringing a short note from Mr. Morgan; they had heard, by way of Tauranga, that I might be expected, and had sent me some tea and sugar and a bottle of porter. The chief sent his son to accompany me, to fetch a Testament and a few books and slates.

January 3. We passed down the river Waikato, about three miles, and landed at some boiling springs, a very terrific spot; we were obliged to move with every possible care, lest we should fall through the ground into some dreadful cauldron below. On landing, one of the boys went to gaze, when a column of hot water issued with a horrible roar. The lad was reproved by the old people of the place, the spring being held in superstious regard, After breakfast I felt inclined to see this hot fountain, which we had not observed in motion since the retreat of the boy. The natives, seeing me approach, called out that it was the abode of the God of the Lake; however, I advanced, though with caution; I put my staff near the orifice of the fountain; a surly growl was heard from within, and up spouted a column of boiling water, warning me to retreat with all despatch. The natives immediately raised their voice, and particularly desired that I should not repeat my visit. I thought it most advisable not to do so, lest by another eruption they might be still more confirmed in their

superstitious ideas. Towards sunset, we ascended a steep and high hill, which was very wearying, being at the close of a fatiguing march. I felt it the more from not being able to discover the necessity of doing so, as our road appeared to lie over level ground. I was, however, amply repaid by finding a pleasing little band of enquirers after truth, who had formed a pa on the summit of the highest hill which could be found, as a place of refuge from the tribes of Waikato. There were two very old men, who could not read, but were well acquainted with many leading points of Scripture doctrine and the services of our church. Several young men could read. Though I was very tired, I held service, and afterwards continued in conversation with them till a late hour,

January 4. We took breakfast on the new bridge over the Waikato river, which is a very noble piece of work in itself, and must have been attended with much trouble. The bridge is formed of four very large planks, the ends of which rest on a rock in the middle of the stream: I was surprised to learn that the river does not rise in the winter, – the rain being, I presume, absorbed by the vast tracts of pumice, which extends for many miles. Towards the close of the day, I felt very faint, from the heat, and must have halted, had not Mr. Morgan's horse arrived, which in about two hours conveyed me to Ohinemutu, the pa of Rotorua. The chiefs assembled, though it was dark, and detained us, to hear all the news from Kapiti and Taupo. They afterwards furnished me with a canoe, which soon carried me to Mr. Morgan's house, at Mokoia, the island in the middle of the lake, where I was very glad to sit down once more in the quiet abode of a Missionary.

January 6. Old Te Heuheu, the principal chief of Taupo, came from Maketu. Much interesting conversation respecting Kapiti, Taupo, and the contemplated wars.

January 7. Went to Ohinemutu, for the purpose of meeting chiefs, to determine what should be done respecting Maketu, the grand bone of contention between them and Waikato, but found them too childish to arrange. Sent a messenger to Tauranga, to give notice of my intention to proceed on the morrow.

January 8. Took departure for Tauranga.

January 9. This morning, the rain fell heavily; but, as this was the last day, all were in good spirits, and determined to proceed. Our walk was exceedingly comfortless, as we soon became wet through. The rain continued till noon. At two o'clock, we emerged from the wood; my clothes, shoes, and hat torn to pieces. I could scarcely keep them on. While pushing my way through the wet bush, I came suddenly upon my brother, who had arrived at Tauranga three days ago, and had set off this morning, with my third son, Henry, to meet me, my note having been received last evening. This was a most unexpected pleasure, as I had concluded that he, with his family and my son, must have proceeded to

his station, never anticipating that he would put into Tauranga. At sunset, I had the pleasure of meeting my brother's family, Henry and George Clarke accompanying him to Poverty Bay; I had much news to receive, much to relate, and many mercies for which to be thankful. It was truly a joyful meeting.

The result of this meeting, fortunate in both senses of that word, was the formation of a most important station, – that of Whanganui. Before Mr. Williams left Paihia for Cook's Straits, it had been a matter of much regret that he and his brother were not likely to meet again for a long while to come, as Mr. William Williams would have to take departure for Turanga [Poverty Bay] before the return of the "Columbine" could be expected. By the double chance, however, of the one having resolved upon crossing the island to Tauranga [Bay of Plenty], and the other having been driven into Tauranga by stress of weather, a meeting did take place. The representatives of three districts were brought together, and thus it came about that the views of Mr. Henry Williams were carried into effect without delay.

So strongly was he impressed with the need of Whanganui, that he had resolved, could no one else be found, to undertake the charge of the station himself.

Henry Williams to Mrs. Williams.
December 6, 1839.

I have altered my route, and am proceeding overland to Taupo, Rotorua, and Tauranga; then, I trust, home. We left the "Columbine" more than three weeks since, and have been put to considerable inconvenience at her non-appearance; I am now travelling with little more than what I stand in. I obtained a supply of sugar, flour, &c, and a pair of shoes, from Captain Mayhew, which enables me to proceed onwards.

Such is the importance of establishing a Mission at Whanganui, that, rather than not hold here, I would come with my family; in the Bay, there is no idea of the state of things in this part. There is, I understand, good riding from here to Kawhia, also to Port Nicholson.

I have secured a piece of land, I trust, from the paws of the New Zealand Company, for the natives; another piece I hope I have upset. Our friend Ripahau I baptised on Tuesday morning; the work which has been effected through his means is great. I am sorry I have no books to give away as I pass along; they are all on board the "Columbine." They require, to begin with, here, not

less than five thousand prayer books and two thousand Testaments, besides school books, slates, writing paper, &c. I want much to return home, to have a talk with Mr. Mason, and Mr. Burrows, if arrived. One of them must come here; for it will not do to leave Mr. Hadfield here by himself. We must have men and women down here, and that immediately.

The first who took charge of the Whanganui station, April, 1840, was Mr. Mason, drowned, unfortunately, in 1843. He was assisted by Mr. Richard Matthews, who, however, did not long remain.

On January 18, 1840, Mr. Williams reached home, having accomplished a travelling feat which, in New Zealand, was as yet unmatched. The difficulty can scarcely be appreciated by those who only knew the country in later years, after colonization by the British Government, and the quieting of intestine feud.

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Mention was made, a few pages back, of the storm of invective to which Mr. Williams was exposed, in consequence of his interference with the land dealings of the New Zealand Company. Acting, upon his own responsibility, in behalf of the Church Missionary Society, he purchased from the native owners a piece of land, in order that it should be held in trust for the benefit of the native race. The trust, however, was not accepted, the Committee fearing collision with the Company. Mr. Williams was left outside, to bear the brunt of the Company's assaults, and the expense of the transaction. Being informed that the Company had themselves made provision for the natives, by the securing of reserves, – a mistake indeed, for the so-called reserves were not secured, – he abandoned the land to the Company, retaining, however, to himself, for his outlay, and as an acknowledgement of his title, one acre, 110 which he gave towards the endowment of a church. This is the well-known "Wellington Acre;" the whole story of which must now be told, from first to last. The falsehoods promulgated about this matter are rampant, even to the present day. Land-sharking and unblushing rapacity are attributed to him still, – if not in the North, at least in the settlements formed by the New Zealand Company.

About the year 1837, an Association, called the New Zealand Association, was formed in England, having for its object the purchase of land from the Maori, to be disposed of, at a profit, to intending colonists. The question of profit was kept in the back ground, and the advantage of colonizing the country brought into high relief. But the extension of the Colonial possessions of the Crown is a matter of public policy, belonging to the decision of the Queen's Government, and cannot, of course, be suffered to be irregularly brought about by private individuals.

Henry Williams had long been an advocate for an authorized and orderly colonization of the country. The evils caused by the influx of a convict population were on the increase; nor was there any hope of checking them, save by subjecting all comers to English law. But this could be done only by direct action on the part of the Crown. He clearly saw that irregular action would only increase and perhaps perpetuate the evil. Moreover, the natives, for the sake of money in hand, were beginning to evince a desire recklessly to part with their possessions, 111 bidding fair thereby to reduce themselves to a pauperized, and therefore turbulent mob, beyond the hope of civilization. To land sales upon a moderate scale there could be no objection; but excessive land sales were resisted by a system of putting lands into trust for the benefit of the native race. The sale of a large block of land at Kawakawa, to a private individual, was in this way hindered by Mr. Williams, and the disappointment is remembered to him still.

His views are best expressed by himself, as shewn in an extract from one of his letters to the Society.

January II, 1838. The pamphlet relative to the New Zealand Association, and your remarks, we have now under consideration. I have read them with

considerable interest, and do not hesitate to say, that unless some protection be given by the British Government, the country will be bought up, and the people pass into a kind of slavery, or be utterly extirpated. The European settlers are making rapid advances, and are beginning to hold out threats. Should any encouragement be given to the Association, thousands would immediately come and overrun the whole country; and the natives must give way. The only protection that I can propose, is, that the English Government should take charge of the country, as the Guardians of New Zealand; and that the Chiefs should be incorporated into a General Assembly, under the guidance of certain officers, with an English Governor at their head, and protected by a military force; which would be the only means of giving weight to any laws which might be established, and preserve that order and peace so much required. The natives have many years since proposed that this should be done, and have repeated their desire from time to time.

These views were adopted by the rest of the Mission, as appears from their letter to the Society, through their Secretary, Mr. Clarke.

Your letter of July 6, 1837, has been brought under the consideration of the Committee of Missionaries; and it is with much apprehension they view the introduction of the New Zealand Association, as it must terminate in the total ruin of the people, as a nation, if entered upon as proposed, though so recently received under the nominal protection of Great Britain. As yet, there is no shadow of Government in this country; each tribe, and each individual of a tribe, acts independently of every one; hence those acts of violence which are committed with impunity, and the sale of land, which the natives are too frequently disposed to make for the sake of a little present gain, without considering future consequences. We therefore regard, with considerable fear, the announcement of this Association, in the present state of the country, – as they will be enabled to purchase up the whole island, without fear of opposition, and, consequently, claim a right of sovereignty, – to prescribe laws to all within their dominions, setting at defiance any means which might be afterwards entered upon for the protection of this people. The Missionaries have endeavoured to devise some means whereby the land might be preserved more sure to the rightful owner, or the sale of land be more difficult or less general; but have not succeeded. The natives have, in some instances, proposed to give their land in trust to the Missionaries, to preserve it from being sold by any single chief, or purchased for a nominal value by any designing European, or company of Europeans. There are two large tracts of country now held in trust for some of the tribes in the Bay of Islands. This has been the means of preserving the land at present to these tribes; but it has been disapproved of by the

Corresponding Committee, though no better means pointed out . . . The natives are very degraded, under the subjection of Europeans of corrupt habits; and though we have been preserved by the good Providence of God, still do we live in the fearful foreboding of some political convulsion, which must necessarily result from the serious position of our affairs. The Europeans residing at present in the northern part of the island may be estimated at more than one thousand, and daily adding to their number. In May last, we forwarded a Petition to the King and Parliament, praying for protection against the lawless bands of Europeans residing on shore in this island. We regret we do not observe in your communications to us any means pointed out whereby New Zealanders may look for protection from encroachment, excepting the appointment of a small ship of war.

In a subsequent letter to the Society, Mr. Williams maintains his previously formed opinion. It is much to the same effect as the former letter, but is here inserted because it makes specific mention of the holding tracts of land in trust for the natives, lest they should altogether denude themselves of their possessions; a system which was presently misrepresented as a deliberate endeavour to hinder the colonization of the country. And this, notwithstanding the adoption by the British as well as by the Colonial Government of still more stringent means, – of even excessive means, to secure the end which the Mission had sought to attain.

June 18, 1838.

I hope our letter to you, relative to our views respecting the proceedings of the New Zealand Association, will arrive in sufficient time to be of some use to you, in preventing so great an evil to this people, as the establishment of such a Company in this land. In that letter you will see our general opinion; and as Europeans of different nations are frequently arriving among us, it is highly important that no time should be lost, for the preservation of the tribes around. The natives frequently enquire what course to take, and are evidently alarmed at the present movements.

Your letter to Lord Glenelg I have read, and think your arguments much to the purpose; though I am not quite so ready as you are to give to those gentlemen, connected with the plan, full credit for the purity of their motives, and the benevolence of their intentions. In my own mind, I have no doubt as to their intentions, which are benevolent to themselves alone.

Your observations (p. 16), "knowing as I do, &c," were perfectly correct at a certain period of the Mission; but for some years past, in consequence of the general influx of Europeans, we have had

great difficulties in restraining the natives from disposing of their lands. This fact I should have thought you were in full possession of, from the frequent communications from hence upon the subject. At this settlement we hold two large tracts of land in trust for the natives of the Kawakawa. This was objected to by the Corresponding Committee, and communications thereon made to you, with reasons for entering on the trust.

It is worth the while to make a short extract or two from the correspondence of other members of the Mission, the more effectually to dispose of the reiterated charge that the Mission were opposed to the colonization of the country. It is worth the while, simply because the charge is untrue. There is always some gain in chasing a falsehood out of the world, – in diminishing the number, even by one. But what if they had thrown obstacles in the way? could that be decently made a charge against them? What came they forth for to do? Was it not to devote themselves, at the sacrifice of all hope of worldly fortune, – even of life, should the sacrifice be required, to the well-being, moral and material, of the native race? Were they likely, or could they have been expected, to take any but the one question into consideration, – to stray from the path marked out from them. It was a matter of opinion only, and, as usual, supposed difference of opinion was treated as a crime, – was persecuted by those who boast of being ultra-liberal, but whose practice, as obtains with most of their sect, is inversely as their profession. It adds, however, to the discomfiture of reckless assailants, to be shewn that they have been wrong, not only in their deductions, but in their facts; in premisses as well as in conclusions. The Mission, in the unbiassed exercise of their own opinion, deeply impressed by the evils which they saw gathering around them, – evils against which they felt themselves powerless to make head, did come to the conclusion that, in the interests of their flock, it were better that the country should be governed by the Crown. To the necessary incidents of the change they were not blind; but they may be pardoned for not having foreseen the follies and vagaries of those who, having succeeded in shaking off the effective control of the Crown, and in substituting a travestie of what they are pleased to term Responsible Government, created and

fostered the bitterest hostility between the two races; hostility which even now, by virtual withdrawal of European pretensions, is scarcely appeased.

Mr. Davis thus expresses himself on the same question.

Waimate, May 26, 1838.

What the British Government will do, in the present case, appears uncertain. But to deliver up a country, which is not their own, into the hands of a company of men whose primary object is gain, is a crime, I trust, my countrymen will never be guilty of. That something ought to be done, there can be no doubt; or we shall soon get about us a lawless band, who will possess a sufficient force to take possession of the country, whenever they think proper. . . . If the country is to be colonized, let it be done by the British Government.

Mr. Maunsell, writing from the southern district, agrees with his brethren. His letter is quoted as somewhat modifying the apparent condemnation of the whole body of European settlers of that epoch.

August 7, 1838.

I have lately been favoured with your expositions of the plans and views of the Colonization Society for this land, and caught a hasty glance at Mr. Wakefield's reply to it. We certainly do look with apprehension on such a project; and have little doubt but that it will result in the extermination of the aborigines, and not without loss to the settlers. Their idea of sitting quiet in this land, with an armed force and such extensive powers, is ridiculous: the desultory influence of a few scattered settlers is so different from that of a body of fortune-hunters, who organize that influence into a system, and support it by power . . . . . Both publications were, I think, too sweeping, in speaking of European settlers. They are not all so bad as has been represented. At the Bay, there are some worthy and respectable individuals, besides others scattered throughout the land . . . . . The remarks, however, may stand good of the majority of the settlers.

These views, openly and dowrightly expressed by the Mission, were of course unpalatable to the leaders of the Association. Mr. Gibbon Wakefield, in order to discredit the testimony of the Mission, attacked their personal character; adducing the statements of one Flatt, who had been employed as an agriculturist by the Society in New Zealand, but had left in discontent. These were quickly disposed of; but, as usual, the charges obtained more

currency than the refutation. The Mission had, however, the satisfaction of learning that the Association had lost their bill, thrown out, in the House of Commons, on the second reading, by a large majority; also, that the Lord's Committee on the "Present state of the islands of New Zealand" had, after an extended examination of evidence, made favourable mention of the Mission labours. The Report stated that the Committee were of opinion "that support, in whatever way it might be deemed expedient to afford it, of the exertions which had already beneficially effected the rapid advancement of the religious and social condition of the aborigines of New Zealand, afforded the best hope of their future progress in civilization."

The loss of the bill put an end, nominally, to the Association. But it revived under a new name. The New Zealand Company was formed, in May, 1839, with the same object. Bolder than the Association, or exasperated by the memory of failure, the Company determined upon commencing operations, not only without an Act of Parliament, but in defiance of the British Government. They despatched several vessels to New Zealand, with colonists on board, and formed a settlement in Cook's Straits, to which they gave the name of Wellington. In this, the Company were wrong-doers; their entire proceedings were unconstitutional and illegal. 112

It was not likely that Mr. Williams should look with more favour upon the Company than upon the Association. His strict views of discipline and of respect for the Crown would indeed incline him to look upon it with less. He could not recognise, as an authoritative body, individuals who had set up an independent

dominion of their own. 113 He also foresaw the troubles which afterwards arose, from the attempt to extinguish the native title wholesale, by persons who were ignorant of native customs and proprietary rights. Still he would rather, for choice, have "given them a wide berth." He was brought, however, into collision with them, by finding himself called upon to purchase a piece of land, which the Company wanted for themselves. His object was to place the land in trust for the benefit of the natives; their object was, to buy with a view to selling again at a profit. For this, he was assailed with unmeasured abuse by the Company's chief agent, Colonel Wakefield, 114 – a man whose antecedents had been such, that he should have been the last to cast a stone. It must, however, be observed, that, for good and sufficient reason, these calumnies were not made public in New Zealand, where they would have been immediately exposed, but were brought forth in England, in a letter to "The Times."

The following is Colonel Wakefield's account of the transaction.

May 25, 1840.

Since my last letter, Mr. Williams, the Senior Missionary, has been here, deputed, as he implied, by Captain Hobson, to purchase the sovereignty of these parts of the island from the chiefs, and to lay claim for himself to the land I mentioned in Lambton harbour. In the former object he was unsuccessful, the natives referring him to me; but at length, when the chiefs learned that Mr. Williams and myself had come to an arrangement respecting his claim to the land, and had received from him a quantity of blankets as the price of their submission, they executed, I am told, some paper, of the purport of which they assure me they were totally ignorant. The whole transaction took place in an underhand way, and without the countenance and assistance of any of colonists.

With respect to the land claimed by him, amounting to forty acres or more, in the best site of the town, to which, in the opinion of everybody here, he had not a shadow of right, the bargain with the natives who assigned it to him two months after my first visit here having been concocted in fraud, I thought it better to compromise the matter with him, and to ensure the support of the Church Missionaries, by giving him an interest in the place; and, therefore, after a candid avowal on his part that he wished to have a slice for himself, and other confessions equally disinterested and compatible with his pretended anxiety on account of the native reserves, I agreed to give him an acre of the land he claimed for himself, and one acre for the sole use of Richard Davis, the native; they, in consideration of the land being surveyed, yielding all their rights to the Company. I cannot express to you the feelings of repugnance entertained by the respectable colonists who came in contact with Mr. Williams towards him, on account of his selfish views, his hypocrisy, and unblushing rapaciousness.

How such a tissue of falsehood, bearing its own character stamped upon the face of it, could ever have gained credence, at least among persons accustomed to weigh the words they read, is strange. There was, however, a favourable receptivity, – a desire to believe. The Company's settlers were accustomed to consider the natives as intruders upon New Zealand soil, and any claim on their behalf was treated with ridicule, tempered by fear; otherwise, the absurdity of charging any man with "rapacity," for interfering with the gains of a trading company must be apparent.

What if Mr. Williams had so interfered, for his own advantage? Had he not as good a right there as they? Was there a divine right of money-making inherent in the Company? But he was not acting for his own advantage, as shall presently be shewn. Is it not strange, again, that the more respectable among those settlers could have been induced to believe that a well-bred gentleman would have used such words as "a slice for himself;" or that any man, not absolutely a fool, would have placed himself in the power of a person of Colonel Wakefield's character, by carrying "candour" to such an extreme?

Mark, now, how plain a tale shall set down detraction. Let Mr. Williams' own statement, 115 which no one yet has ever ventured to impugn, be contrasted with Colonel Wakefield's.

In November, 1839, I paid a visit to Kapiti, at the express desire of Rauparaha, the principal chief in Cook's Straits, who had sent up a deputation to me of his son and nephew. We put into Port Nicholson, the wind not allowing us to proceed direct. Here I found some of our old natives, amongst whom was Richard Davis, who informed me of the whole of the proceedings of Colonel Wakefield in the purchase of Port Nicholson and the surrounding country, together with the opposition which he himself had given, and that his own piece of land he had not sold to the Company. Davis and his wife accompanied me to the northward, and after some weeks he mentioned to me that his wife had been wishing that they should proceed to Taranaki, her own country, and that he thought he should sell his land in Port Nicholson. I remonstrated with him; but told him that, should he dispose of it, I would give him what he should require, and that he and his people might remain upon it as long as they wished, and that the land should remain for them. It was for this purpose I made the purchase, being at that time wholly ignorant of any reservation of land for the natives in the way in which I have understood it. On my return to the Bay of Islands, I mentioned the circumstance to the local Committee of the Church Missionary Society, and recommended that it should be taken as the public property of the Society until we should see how the Company might act. This was declined on the part of the Committee, as it would bring us into immediate collision with the Company, which it was thought better to avoid; accordingly, the whole expense was thrown upon my hands. In the following May, I returned to Port Nicholson, with the treaty between Her Majesty and the chiefs of that part of the island, to obtain their signatures. I waited on Dr. Evans on my arrival, from whom I learned the general proceedings of the Company, and the reserve of one hundred and ten acres in this the first township, besides an equal number of country sections, with which I was perfectly satisfied, and expressed the same to Dr. Evans. I mentioned, therefore, to Dr. Evans the purchase I had made of a piece of land within the township, and that I was willing to see what arrangement could be made respecting it. I did not see Colonel Wakefield till Saturday following, at the house of Mr. Hunter, when he used highly improper language. In the presence of several gentlemen, I informed Colonel Wakefield that I should not enter upon the subject while he indulged in such language, – that I had already shewn my desire to Dr. Evans to meet the wishes of the Company, if it could be done. I observed that I would meet Dr. Evans on the Monday following; and, accordingly, on the Monday Mr. St. Hill and I met Dr. Evans at the house of Davis. Dr. Evans mentioned, to my surprise, that he had been retained on the part of the Company to dispute the claims of

Davis to the land in question; that he was only a slave, and had no right to it. I observed to Dr. Evans that I was sorry he had assumed such a position, as I was in hopes we might have adjusted the matter quietly; but if he thought otherwise, we must come to an immediate conclusion, – that I had shewn a willingness, on my part, to enter into an arrangement, which was now declined by him; therefore the consequences he and they must take upon themselves. I observed, that I was well acquainted with the custom of New Zealand, and that I maintained the right of Davis prior to the arrival of Colonel Wakefield. Our conference here closed.

After some hours, Mr. St. Hill came to me and renewed the conversation. He asked me, if I would give up the claim for a sum of money. I replied, certainly not.

On the Wednesday following, while preparing to take my departure, – not being able to obtain the signatures required, owing to the opposition of Colonel Wakefield and others to the treaty between the chiefs and Her Majesty, Colonel Wakefield came to me, making a most ample apology, and expressed his regret that he should have given way to his hasty feelings on the previous Saturday, and hoped that I should not leave the port with unfavourable feelings, and that he was ready, if I wished, to make a public apology. The fact was, that Colonel Wakefield wanted the land, and was willing to make any sacrifice confined to words. I replied to Colonel Wakefield, that I also much regretted that he had allowed himself to be carried away by his feelings; that his apology was sufficient, I desired no more; that I had, on my arrival, waited on Dr. Evans, and had shewn a desire to enter into an arrangement about the land, learning, as I had, that reserves had been made on behalf of the natives; that I saw that their town would be materially injured without the land in question, as it was a most important and valuable spot. I therefore told Colonel Wakefield that, in consequence of the reserves having been made, I would present the land for the benefit of the Company, reserving one acre for Davis, and to have any portion myself, I could not have less than one acre.

The reservation of these two acres was more particularly to shew that the land was mine by right of purchase; that I had full right and power over it; and by virtue of that right I presented the land to the Company, and, in order to put that right beyond dispute, I reserved these two acres, and also my right of a first selection of the same upon the said land, which will be seen by the Deed.

Colonel Wakefield evidently did not expect this donation, from his great surprise expressed. Dr. Evans and Captain Smith, Surveyor-General to the Company, observed to me, in the presence of others, that the Company would not allow this act of magnanimity to pass unnoticed; that they should recommend that country

sections should be attached to these two acres; and, moreover, they recommended that I should take these said two acres to myself; that the Company would look out and provide for Davis. This I declined. I observed to these gentlemen that the Company could, if they thought proper, make acknowledgment of this transaction.

I need scarcely say, that the only acknowledgment ever received by me, is the extract of the letter of Colonel Wakefield, which appears in "The Times" newspaper for September 5, 1840.

The following is a copy of my letter to Dr. Evans, on the presentation of my Deed to him.

Port Nicholson. April 29, 1840.

My dear sir, – In presenting the Deeds 116 of land lying between the two streams of water, Pipitea and Raurima, I beg to observe that I do so for the benefit of the Colony, from a representation that the available land for a town is confined.

I reserve for myself one section; less I could not. For the young man, Richard Davis, I also reserve one section; these two sections, of course, I select prior to any others upon the same land.
Wishing you and the colonists every prosperity, I remain,

Your most obedient servant,
HENRY WILLIAMS.
To Dr. Evans,
Thorndon.

Of the correctness of the statements of Colonel Wakefield you may now be able to form some idea. I challenge Colonel Wakefield, or any other person, to call in question, in any one particular, my explanation.

The land presented by me to the Company was not less than sixty acres, in the first situation in the town, at that time not worth less than ten thousand pounds, and now probably worth forty thousand pounds. The presentation of this piece of land to the Company, freely on my part, and without one shilling of expense to them, is strikingly at variance with the Colonel's most charitable

expression when speaking of the Missionaries of the Church Missionary Society, – "but as regards their grasping and selfish acquirement of territory, &c, I can confirm most fully, &c."

The section which I reserved on account of Richard Davis, he is now living upon, and I am happy to say, from all accounts, conducts himself well, and acts as a Missionary among his countrymen.

The section reserved for myself, I intend disposing of, the proceeds of which will be appropriated to the erection of a church in that part of the country where the various members of my family may be located. I need hardly mention that this purpose was formed from the first, and is not consequent upon any observations which have since been made.

The acre section was sold, and the proceeds now form part of the endowment fund of Trinity church at Pakaraka.

But the donor of the land was over-easy of credence. He gave it up to the Company, on the ground that the Company had, as they alleged, made town and country reserves 117 for the benefit of the native population. Now, this much boasted provision was only nominal. The so-called reserves were not reserves, in the right meaning of the word. They were lands left unsold; not legally secured, and therefore open to being dealt with at pleasure by the Government. And what was wanted has been so dealt with. 118

It is only fair to subjoin a Government plea, as contained in a despatch written in June, 1848.

It may be fairly assumed, therefore, that it will be only reasonable and just that the Government, having done so much for the natives, should re-imburse themselves from the lands originally set apart for reserves for the benefit of the natives.

Valeat quantum. Some there are, to whom this argument is of sufficient force.

.

On February 26, 1840, Mr. Williams baptized his trusty friend and brother peace-maker, Patuone, 119 elder brother to Thomas Walker Nene, whose name needs no further mention. Also, Patuone's wife, by the name of Lydia.

.

The New Zealand Company had set the Crown at defiance. The British Government, seemingly afraid to take extreme measures with a body of such influence in the House of Commons, resolved upon coming to the front, taking possession of the country for the Crown, and establishing a regular government, to control the irregulars. Captain Hobson was sent out, as Governor, and New Zealand became a British Colony. With his arrival, the first period of Mr. Williams' career, – that which was purely Missionary, in a foreign

land, is brought to an end. With the second period, political action, forced upon him as a duty, is somewhat intertwined. So much for the time during which he was permitted to work without hindrance from superior authority. His mana 120 had become paramount. In a country where a stranger was regarded as an enemy, he went where he, pleased without hindrance, and did almost what he pleased with those around him. It is instructive to compare the latter with the earlier pages of this book, – those which describe the life he led at first, how he was compelled to bear with the bullying insolence of every turbulent chief, – just able to secure standing ground for his foot and nothing more, – again and again on the point of being driven off; and how, out of all these troubles, he came forth at last, an acknowledged master, a power in the country that was not to be gainsaid.

The difficulty of peace-making in New Zealand has to be understood before it can be appreciated. War does not wear itself out in New Zealand; on the contrary, it spreads like fire, so long as there is stuff to consume. The inexorable law of blood for "blood for blood" keeps on multiplying cause for vengeance, which only extermination can fore-close. Nevertheless, after a

series of wars, which are computed to have cost over sixty thousand lives, Henry Williams established his name as "the peace-maker" over the face of the country. In peace he handed it over to the new Government, who had only to maintain what he had achieved. And when, seven and twenty years after, he was called away, peace was voluntarily agreed to between two warring tribes, for they felt that this would be the most fitting tribute to his memory.

While the splendid failures of some upon whom eulogy has been lavished are notorious, it seems not to have been perceived, save by an observant few, that the invariable result of what Henry Williams undertook, was an unpretending and quietly achieved, but complete success.

END OF FIRST VOLUME.

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98 The ruri-ruri is a very bad variety of haka, – brandishing of hands before the face, with et-caeteras, and accompaniment of forbidden song.

99 To pukana, is to roll the eyes and put out the tongue.

100 Upon the derivation of this somewhat uncouth word, the learned are not agreed. Some treat it as a corruption of episcopus; others, from the Maori words pico a po [stoop till night], because the priest bends his back in prayer from morning till night. The first mentioned derivation is probably the right one.

101 See "Christianity Among the New Zealanders," Ch, XIII.

102 Called Matahau, at Otaki.

103 Rauparaha is the last of the trio of the great Maori generals. His father, Werawera, was of Ngatitoa; his mother, Parekowhata, was of Ngatiraukawa. Both alike claimed descent from Rotorua, who came from Hawaiki in the "Tainui." This was the canoe which was dragged across the portage at Otahuhu, on its way to Kawhia, where its occupants settled, spreading presently as far as Maungatautari, the original district of Ngatiraukawa. He took as chief wife Akau, widow of Hape Te Tuarangi, of Maungatautari, the mother of his son Tamihana Te Rauparaha, now living at Otaki. After many battles with Waikato, in 1817 he joined Thomas Walker Nene and his brother Patuone in a raid upon the southern tribes. Ngatiruanui were routed with great slaughter; also Ngatikahungunu, at Wairarapa. During this expedition he cast a longing eye upon the island of Kapiti, advantageously placed for the obtaining of muskets and ammunition from vessels trading to Cook's Straits. Feeling, moreover, that owing to the alliance between Te Wherowhero, of Waikato, and Te Waharoa, of Ngatihaua, that his own position at Kawhia was becoming insecure, he succeeded, by much persuasion, in inducing Ngatitoa to abandon their ancestral possessions, and to migrate to the South. The battles that he fought in compassing the object, and his many hairbreadth escapes, do not concern us here; they have, moreover, been commemorated by Mr. Travers, in his interesting narrative. It must suffice to say that he did succeed in establishing himself at Kapiti, securing himself, through masterly diplomacy, by alliances; even persuading a section of Ngatiraukawa, under Te Whatanui, (of whom more anon,) to leave Maungatautari, and to settle in his vicinity. Crossing from Kapiti, he carried desolation into the Middle Island, and there acquired that territory, – the Wairau, which gave rise to the first fatal encounter, under British Government, between natives and Europeans. It did not appear, however, that he was the instigator of the massacre, and it is certain, at all events, that the Wairau had not been properly bought. Accordingly, the offence was condoned by Governor FitzRoy. In 1846, he was taken prisoner at Porirua, on suspicion of treason, by Captain Stanley, of the "Calliope," acting under Governor Grey; but was liberated after a while. He died at Otaki, in the year 1849.

104 This journal is condensed from the original manuscript; not from the C. M. S. Register, in which expressions that might have given umbrage to the New Zealand Company are carefully excised by the reviser.

105 This statement is corroborated by Mr. Buller, of the Wesleyan Society.

"I spent a day on the Island of Kapiti, and then proceeded to Port Nicholson. On my arrival there, I learnt that the land which had been formerly agreed by Mr. Bumby as the site of a Mission Station, had been disposed of to the New Zealand Land Company. But, on enquiry, it appeared that the actual proprietors of that spot had not sold, or agreed to sell; but that certain other chiefs had undertaken to sell the entire harbour, &c, and apportion the payment according to the right possessed by the different claimants. The proprietors of the Te Aro (the name of the place in question) had not signed the deed, nor consented to the sale: only two out of the six had taken the payment. A house had been built on the place for us, and they were very anxious for me to remain among them."

106 Te Rangihaeata was nephew by the mother's side to Te Rauparaha, his father, Rakaherea, having married Waitohi. His sister, Topeora, married Rangikapiki, of Ngatiwhakaue, by whom is the well-known Matene Te Whiwi. It was he who directed the massacre at Wairau, as payment for the death of his wife, killed by a random shot at the beginning of the fray. The following is from Mr. Travers' account.

"When Wakefield and party were dead, Rauparaha rose and said, – 'Hearken, Te Rangihaeata, I will now leave you, as you have set aside my tikanga [correctness]; let those of the Europeans that have been killed, suffice. Let the others live.' Rangihaeata replied, 'What about your daughter that has been killed?' Rauparaha replied, 'Why should not that daughter die?' Rauparaha also said, 'Now I will embrace Christianity, and turn to God, who has preserved me from the hands of the Europeans.'"

107 The well known story of "The Bloody Elizabeth."

108 This disposition to go beyond what they were taught, – to make additions and improvements, culminated, many years later, in hauhauism. The propensity is not confined to Maoridom.

109 This may appear, at first thought, a very one-sided arrangement, – that the owners should receive payment for what was for their own use and benefit. But the title could not well pass without some consideration. The system here suggested has been since adopted, to a small extent, by the Government. Had it being carried out to a much larger extent, those troubles which are causing, even still, so much anxiety, would have been altogether avoided.

110 One acre was also reserved for Reihana, the original owner.

111 Many natives, taking advantage of the inexperience of the purchasers, were selling land to which they had no right or title whatever, preparing the way for the troubles that afterwards came in. What else could have been expected by thinking men. Why should more honesty be expected in New Zealand than would be shewn in England, under like circumstances? If a man were to walk the streets of London offering a thousand pounds for Apsley House, he would not be long to find a seller. But purchase would not imply a conveyance. We can only suppose that the Company, taking so little pains to make enquiry, sought a colourable pretext for occupying lands, the possession of which was presently to be maintained by force.

112 Matters of a purely political character are avoided, so far as possible, in this "Memoir." But the scurrilous language of the Company's Agent towards Mr. Williams leaves no option, save to place the two parties in their right position towards each other. Henry Williams was not the man to sympathize with illegal proceedings; and that the proceedings of the Company were illegal, no one any longer affects to doubt. They themselves laid their own case before Sergeant Wilde. His opinion was, that "the parties would not be justified by law in acting under the agreement;" that "no acts which might be done or committed could be legally justified under the authority of the agreement; and that the course for the directors to take was, to "give notice to those who might be likely to act under the supposed authority of the agreement, that they must not do so, on account of its illegality."

113 The Company not only set up a separate dominion, but strove hard to maintain the independence. They did their utmost to hinder native chiefs at Wellington from attaching their signatures to the treaty of Waitangi, by which the sovereignty of the islands was ceded to the Crown. A continuous stream of invective was kept up against the three first governors, Hobson, Shortland, and FitzRoy, not upon personal grounds, for all three were estimable men, but because they wielded the authority of the Crown, and respected native rights, guaranteed under solemn treaty. In their anxiety to see the treaty broken, they committed the indiscretion of calling it, "a device to amuse savages." The bitter rebuke which they received from Lord Stanley, Secretary of State for the Colonies, a gentleman as well as a statesman, is not yet forgotten.

114 Of the Spanish Legion.

115 Mr. Hobbs, of the Wesleyan Mission, had kindly sent to Mr. Williams a copy of "The Times" newspaper, containing Colonel Wakefield's charges.

116 To place the matter beyond all cavil, it should be observed that in the deed of gift the lawful ownership of the land in Mr. Williams is acknowledged as follows.

Port Nicholson, April 29, 1840.
Memorandum of Deed of Gift from the Reverend Henry Williams, of the Bay of Islands, of certain lands at Port Nicholson, to Colonel William Wakefield in trust for the New Zealand Land Company, witnesseth – That the Reverend Henry Williams is now lawfully possessed, according to the law and custom of the native inhabitants of New Zealand, of certain tracts of land at Port Nicholson, in a place now commonly called Thorndon, and which has been selected as the site of the principal town to be formed in the territories of the New Zealand Land Company, and that the said lands so lawfully claimed by the said Henry Williams do extend from the beach called by the native inhabitants, – – – , to the mountain called Tinakore, and bounded on the south side by the brook called Pipitea, and on the north side by the brook called Raurima, &c.

117 Tenths, so called, but in fact, I believe, elevenths, – one allotment set against ten; not out of ten.

118 The land given by Mr. Williams to the New Zealand Company having been made over on the assumption that the so-called reserves had been secured to the natives, ought, in strictness of honest dealing, to revert to the donor, on its being shewn that the security was only nominal. But this is a flight of morality which in these times would be treated as Quixotism. It is possible that the New Zealand Legislature may yet be shamed into making good the whole of the reserves, or into giving an equivalent for what has been alienated, and those who are of a dreamy temperament may expect it. From a cause which may be readily surmised, all attempts have ended in nothing. For instance, – in 1844, an Ordinance providing for the Trusts was passed, and received the royal assent. But one of the clauses provided that the Ordinance should not come into force until it had been published in the "Government Gazette." Would it be credited in England, that a protest was entered against the Ordinance on the ground that the trustees named were all of one religious persuasion; and that either for that cause, or for another cause unavowed, the requisite notification was not made. Those who seek further information are referred to the speech of the Hon. Mr. Mantell, in the Legislative Council, ["New Zealand Hansard," August 26, 1873,] and to the judgment of the Court of Appeal in the case of Regina v. Fitzherbert, from which, said Mr. Mantell, "the Council would see that the Court appeared to decide that those tenths were in the hands of the Crown, unencumbered by any trust; that the Governor had no power to make native reserves; and that Her Majesty never executed any trusts or imposed any incumbrance whatever upon the reserves."

119 Eru Patuone was the principal agent in arranging the settlement of Mr. Hobbs, of the Wesleyan Society, at Hokianga, in 1827. There was little distinction drawn at that time between the two Missions, which worked very amicably, not together, but side by side. He died in 1872, a few months after his brother, Tamati Waka Nene, and was interred with military honours, in the Church of England burying ground, at the foot of the flagstaff hill, on the North Shore, Auckland. His age is not accurately known. The coffin plate gave 96, but he himself used to say that he well remembered Captain Cook.

Patuone had been always a friend to the Europeans, from the time that a Scotch company endeavoured to form a settlement at Herd's Point, Hokianga. Having married a southern woman of high rank, known as Riria (Lydia), he left the northern district, taking up his residence on the north shore of the Waitemata, where he was considered as the protector of Auckland, at that time weak and defenceless. Whenever any danger threatened, Patuone was "sent for," – notably when Ngatipaoa, said to be five hundred strong, landed in Mechanics' Bay. With his men, he took up a position behind the earth-works near St. Andrew's church. During the course of Heke's war in the North, Patuone fought on our side; but, generally speaking, he was more distinguished in council, and as a peace-maker, than as a warrior. Possibly his fame was eclipsed by the exceptionally brilliant feats of his younger brother, Nene.

The daring act of creeping into the pa at Ruapekapeka, by which it was ascertained that the defenders were outside, resulting in entrance by the troops, has been in error attributed to Patuone, but was performed by another brother, William Walker Turau.

120 I know not where to look, in English, for an equivalent to mana. It will be found in old English, if anywhere. "Sway" will nearly express the meaning, but not quite; in mana there is a latent association of fear. Possibly "influence," (if the old technical use of the word, which comes down at least as far as Milton, be superadded to the modern use,) would more nearly approach the meaning.

Mana has to be taken according to its context. It appears to have originally denoted "weight of character." But, by degrees, the meaning became amplified, and partly mystical. Nomen (associated with Numen), or its Greek equivalent, taken in the Scriptural sense, might cover its variety of meaning more nearly than any single English word; implying authority. Hic per nomen, non intelligi nomen istud, constans certis literis et syllabis, sed dignitatem, majestatem, et gloriam." [Suiceri Thesaurus Ecclesiasticus.] " Provoke him not, for my name is in him," Ex. xxiii., 21, would mean, as I understand the passage, "He has my mana." So, also, "baptised into (not in) the name of our Lord."

The word is of historical interest. A question was raised, whether Rangitake [William King] had a right, by virtue of his mana, to veto the sale of land at Waitara to the Government. This issue, though not the sole one, was keenly debated. What is mana? Some of the newspapers, taken, perhaps, by the jingle of words, gave as an equivalent, "manorial right." The guess was not so very far from the mark.

It is for the consideration of Oriental scholars whether nomen and mana have not a common Sanscrit root, – 'gna, cognosco, from which, naman, nomen.

APPENDIX TO VOL I.

APPENDIX TO VOL I.

A. – Page 14.

NOT from any desire to make much of the earlier career of Henry Williams, but for the pleasure of the grandchildren, mainly for whom the "Memoir" is compiled, room is found for the original account of the last naval action in which he was engaged.

"It is with great satisfaction we have to announce the capture of the 'President,' by the 'Endymion.' The following are the particulars. The 'President,' Commodore Decateur, made her escape from New York, and was fallen in with and chased by our squadron cruising off and near that port; but she outsailed the whole of them, except the 'Endymion,' Captain Hope, who continued the chase with the greatest anxiety, came up with, and brought her to action, which was fought with great fury for more than two hours, when the Yankee hauled down his colors, on the 'Pomone' appearing in sight. The loss on our side is about eleven killed and fourteen wounded; that of the Americans, upwards of ninety killed or wounded. We rejoice that none of the officers of the 'Endymion' were killed or wounded. The 'Endymion' is a beautiful forty-gun frigate (mounting about forty-six), a very fine sailor, and had a complement of about three hundred and forty men and boys. This is her complement; but from her loss in the attack on the 'Prince of Neufchatel' privateer, by her boats, her number is presumed not to be complete, independent of losing many of her best hands. She carries twenty-four-pounders on her maindeck, and thirty-two-pounder carronades on her poop and forecastle. The 'President' has nearly sixty guns, and her complement, before the action, about five hundred picked seamen. She carries long twenty-four-pounders on her maindeck, and forty-two-pounder carronades on her spardeck, and was generally considered in battle nearly as efficient as a seventy-two. This will set every idea of superiority at rest. A more glorious action was never fought, and it binds unfading laurels around the brow of so young an officer as Captain Hope. After the action, Captain Hope took his prize for Bermuda, where both ships arrived in perfect safety. The weight of the 'President's' broadside is 1,682 pounds, tonnage 1,600 tons. That of the 'Endymion' 1,324 pounds, and 1,277 tons,"

B. – Page. 15.

An opinion, – one entitled to the highest respect, has been expressed, that the charge of dismissal from the Navy ought not to be considered, even by way of disproof, as being too painfully wicked, and, moreover, in the nature of an admission that disproof could be needed. That opinion was expressed in England, and is in conformity with English tone of thought. But it is necessary, in the colonies, from time to time to conform to another tone of thought, no matter with what reluctance. That which would be harmless in England, is capable of working out its mischief here. The charge was made, and is being privately repeated still; adhered to with such pertinacity, that on one occasion, when refuted by mention of the Admiralty papers subjoined hereto, the answer was, "very likely; but how are we to know that they are genuine?" It is with instinctive aversion that the subject is approached, but all who have been advised with in New Zealand are agreed that there is no option but to crush the charge, once and for ever.

The following papers contain the formal proofs of the circumstances under which Henry Williams left His Majesty's service; also apologies, which, in deference to the mistaken, though well-meant advice of a superior, were not made public at the time.

"I, John Alexander Radcliffe, of No. 8, Delapay Street, in the Liberty of Westminster, in the County of Middlesex, do solemnly and sincerely declare that I am one of the Attorneys of Her Majesty's Court of Queen's Bench, in England, and that on or about the thirteenth day of May, instant, I applied to the Secretary of the Board of Admiralty, at Whitehall, in the said County of Middlesex, on behalf of the Reverend Henry Williams, formerly a Lieutenant in the Royal British Navy, but now residing in New Zealand, for a certificate of the date when the said Henry Williams quitted His British Majesty's ship "Thames," together with a certificate of the date of the removal of the name of the said Henry Williams from the List of Lieutenants in the Royal British Navy, and also the reason or cause assigned for such removal. That on or about the seventeenth day of May, instant, I received from the hands of Benjamin Moore, Esquire, the Chief Clerk in Her Majesty's Navy Pay Office, at Somerset House, in the County of Middlesex, aforesaid, a certificate, which is hereunto annexed, marked "A," whereby he, the said Benjamin Moore, certified that the said Henry Williams was discharged His Majesty's ship "Thames" on the twenty-ninth day of August, one thousand eight hundred and fifteen, in consequence of his promotion to the rank of Lieutenant, and that he, the said Henry Williams, was removed from the List of Lieutenants by an order issued by the then Lords of the Admiralty, dated eleventh day of April, one thousand eight

hundred and twenty-seven, in consequence of his entering into Holy Orders. [What follows is only technical.]

"Declared at the Mansion House, London, the twenty-sixth day of May, one thousand eight hundred and forty-seven.

"J. A. RADCLIFFE.
"Before me –
"P. CARROLL, Mayor."

– – – – – – – – -

"To all to whom these presents shall come: I, Sir George Carroll, Knight, Lord Mayor of the City of London, do hereby certify that, on the day of the date hereof, personally came and appeared before me, John Alexander Radcliffe, named in the declaration hereunto annexed, being a person well known, and worthy of good credit, and who did, before me, solemnly and sincerely declare to be true the several matters and things mentioned and contained in the said annexed declaration, pursuant to an Act of Parliament passed in the sixth year of the reign of King William the fourth. In faith and testimony whereof, I, the said Lord Mayor, have caused the Seal of the Office of Mayoralty of the said City of London to be hereunto put and affixed, and the certificate mentioned and referred to in and by the said declaration to be hereunto also annexed.

"Dated in London the twenty-sixth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-seven.

"REYNAL."

– – – – – – – – – –

"Department of the Accountant-General of the Navy.
"Admiralty, 17th May, 1847.

A. "I hereby certify that Lieutenant Henry Williams is borne on the books of H.M.S. 'Thames,' and on the Half Pay List of the Navy, as follows, viz.:

'THAMES.'
"Entered, 10th May, 1815, Midshipman; discharged, 29th August, 1815, promoted to the rank of Lieutenant.

HALF PAY LIST.
"Entered, 30th August, 1815, and removed from the List by their Lordships' order of 11th April, 1827, in consequence of his entering into Holy Orders.

"B. MOORE, Wages Office."

"This is the certificate referred to in the annexed declaration of John Alexander Radcliffe, the 26th of May, 1847.

"G, CARROLL, Mayor,"

"Admiralty Office, 26th July, 1822.

"Sir,

"In reference to your letter of the – inst, I have to acquaint you that a letter, in the usual form, granting you two years' leave of absence, to go abroad, is ready to be delivered by the Chief Clerk of this Office on payment of the public fee, to which it is subject. And I am also to acquaint you that unless such letter, containing instructions for your guidance, be taken up by you previous to your going abroad, your half-pay will be stopped so long as you may remain out of the country.

"I am, Sir,
"Your very humble servant,
"JOHN BARROW.
"Lieutenant Henry Williams."

– – – – – – – –

"Auckland, 3rd August, 1846.

"I, George Augustus, by Divine permission, Bishop of New Zealand, do hereby certify that Henry Williams, Clerk Archdeacon of the District of the Waimate, in this Diocese, appeared personally before me, in the month of July, in the year of our Lord 1846, to answer to an imputation of having left the Navy under dishonourable circumstances. And that I, having called upon the author of the imputation to prove his assertion, obtained from him an acknowledgment that he had received it upon hearsay, and that I, having further examined the documents submitted to me by Archdeacon Williams, consisting of public certificates from the Admiralty, and private letters from the Rev. Mr. Marsh, his agent in England at the time of his leaving the Navy, am convinced, and do hereby certify, under my hand and seal, that in my judgment, the above imputation is entirely unfounded.

"Witness my hand.
"G. A. NEW ZEALAND."

– – – – – – – – – – -

"Auckland, 3rd August, 1846.

"My dear Archdeacon,

"Your enclosure has made me quite happy, and I thank God that the same cause will send you back to your duties with your mind more at ease.

"If you are delayed, we shall be happy to see you again at the College whenever it is convenient to you.

"I remain,
"My dear Archdeacon,
"Your affectionate friend and brother,
"G. A. NEW ZEALAND.
"The Venerable Archdeacon
Henry Williams."

"Auckland, August 1st, 1846.

"Sir,

"You are doubtless aware of the existence of a correspondence between the Lord Bishop of this Colony and myself, relative to a certain conversation which took place some time in January last.

"Permit me, Sir, to express my regret that I did on that occasion cast any reflection on the manner in which you left Her Majesty's Service, which I am now convinced took place under the most honourable circumstances.

"I have, &c,
"ROBT. ST. AUBYN.
"The Venerable Archdeacon
Henry Williams."

"A true copy.
Russell, 14th August, 1846.
"JAMES CLENDON, Police Magistrate."

– – – – – – – – – –

"Extract of a letter from Thos. McDonnell, Esquire, R.N., additional Resident at New Zealand, to James Busby, Esquire, British Resident, dated Houraki, 12th March, 1836.

'I have only to observe that all doubts on my mind regarding Mr. Williams were removed, and I left the Bay of Islands with the best impression of his character, and with this conviction, that he was an injured man.'

"A true extract.
"JAMES BUSBY,
"Formerly British Resident at New Zealand."

=============================

C. – Page 58.

While this volume was going through the press, the question raised in the note to page 58 was submitted by Sir William Martin to Wiremu Hikairo, a most intelligent Assessor of the Native Lands Court. He does not seem to have quite apprehended the object of enquiry, but his observations on this curious custom are interesting, and, in the main, support the exposition given in the text. It will be noted, however, that he assigns an additional reason in support of the custom, – namely, that the chiefs find it to their interest, notwithstanding the occasional inconvenience, to maintain it. For "the object of such muru is to caution the men of the tribe to take care of the chiefs."

"Ko te Muru Whakanui koia tenei. Me he mea ka pangia tetahi Rangatira e tetahi aitua – aitua ranei ki tona tinana tonu ake, aitua ranei ki ana tamariki, aitua ranei ki tona wahine, aitua ranei ki ona taonga – i muri iho i te aituatanga ka tae te rongo ki etahi o nga Hapu o taua Rangatira, katahi ka whakatika mai aua Hapu ki te muru i nga taonga o taua Rangatira i pangia ra e te aitua ratou ko tetahi o ona hapu, ara, ko te hapu i noho ai ia i te wa i pangia ia e te Aitua – ka murua katoatia. Ko taua tu Muru he mea mahi whakakite tonu i te tirohanga atu ano a taua Rangatira ra ratou ko tona hapu. Heoi, kaore e aha atu, nana ka muru i nga taonga, nana ka kotikoti i nga whenua – hei aha hoki? Heoti ano ta taua Rangatira ra ratou ko tona hapu e tiaki ko o ratou tinana anake kei pangia e te patu. He mea ano, kotahi tonu te ra i puta mai ai nga hapu o taua Rangatira ra ki te muru. He mea ano, ko etahi hapu no etahi ra – ko etahi, no tetahi ra. Tae rawa mai, kua poto katoa nga taonga, whenua ranei, te muru e o mua ope. Engari, ko te mea hei whakangawari mo era ope, ma nga Rangatira o nga hapu i tae wawe mai ki te muru, ara, o nga hapu i whiwhi, ma ratou e tuku atu i etahi o nga taonga, whenua ranei, i riro ra i a ratou. Kia rupeke ra ano nga hapu o taua Rangatira i aitua ra te puta mai, katahi ano ka ta to ratou manawa ko tona hapu. Na, ko nga taonga, whenua ranei, i murua ra, ekore e hoki kau mai ki taua Rangatira ra ratou ko tona hapu. Engari ko te wa e ea mai ai aua taonga, whenua, i murua. Ko te wa e pangia ai hoki tetahi rangatira e te Aitua. Ko reira hoki te Rangatira i murua ai pera ai hoki te mahi me nga mea kua korerotia i runga ake nei.

"Na ko taua tu Muru he whakanui mo te Rangatira. Me he mea hoki kaore e peneitia te mahi, ka whakataukitia. 'E! to te kuri tona mate te ai he ahatanga.' No reira hoki te take o tenei kupu whakaiti, 'Kowai hai aha mai hei i tou mate?'

"Tetahi tikanga o taua Muru he whakatupato ki nga tangata o te hapu kia pai ta ratou atawhai i te Rangatira.

"Tetahi he mea kei heke te tupu o te Rangatira.

"Ko te take tena i mau tonu ai te aroha me te wehi o nga hapu ki o ratou Rangatira. He whakaaro kei tunuhuruhurutia ratou e etahi atu hapu.

"Ko te kii hoki a era wa. Ko nga aitua katoa e pa ana ki nga Rangatira he whakaarokore mo nga tangata o te hapu.

"Engari ko taua tu Muru i korerotia i runga ake nei – ekore e tupu te whakaaro i nga tangata noa iho o te Iwi, engari kei nga rangatira tonu.

"Ko nga tangata hei muru ko nga tangata i raro i tona mana. Ekore ra e poka noa te tangata ke ki te muru.

"I mea ai te ngakau o Hongi ki te tua i tona waerenga he mohiotanga nona, ki te noho noa iho ia, ekore tona iwi e haere ki

te mahi, a ki te kore e haere ki te mahi, tera ia e mate i te te kai. Tona haerenga ki te tua, wahi iti kua hinga mai ki runga ki a ia te rakau a kua mate ia."

TRANSLATION.

The Muru Whakanui [stripping to exalt], or complimentary taua, is as follows.

If some aitua or evil omen should happen to any chief – to his own person, or children, or wife, or goods – as soon as intelligence thereof should reach the tribes related to, or under the mana or influence of such chief, those tribes would rise and strip the chief, and also the tribe with whom he was residing, of all their goods and possessions; and this stripping would be done under the eyes of the chief and tribe, and they would raise no objection, even if they should deprive them of all their goods and landed possessions, and distribute them among themselves; all that the chief and his tribe would protect, would be their own persons from blows. It would happen sometimes, that all the tribes of such chief would come on the same day to strip; at other times it would happen that some tribes would come one day, and some another, when the last arrivals would find that all the goods and landed possessions were gone to the first tauas; in that case the chiefs of the first tauas would have to appease them, by giving them a share of the plunder taken by them; and not until all the tribes in connection with such chief unto whom the aitua had befallen had put in an appearance, would such chief and his tribe have any peace, after that they might breathe freely.

The goods and lands of such chief and his tribe would not be restored to them, but he must wait until some aitua should happen to some other chief of his nation, when he and his tribe would rise and recover all they had lost by the same process.

The effect of such muru or stripping would be to exalt or advance the importance of the chief; if he was not served this way, people would apply to him the proverb, – "Alas, the death of a dog, no notice need be taken of it;" hence also is the root of this contempt, "who would notice or avenge your death."

Another object of such muru is to caution the men of the tribe to take proper care of the chief.

Another object is that the influence of the chief shall not decline. Hence the constant love and jealous care of the tribes for their chiefs, fearing lest they themselves shall be done violence to by their friends and connections of other hapus, as it was the rule in those days that if any aitua befel a chief it was through neglect on the part of his tribe. Such muru aforesaid would not be applied to common people, but only to chiefs. The men entitled to muru, or strip, would be those living under the mana, influence, or protection of the chief. No one not connected with the tribe would take part in a muru. An instance of aitua: – -Hongi Hika made up his mind to cut down some bush for a cultivation, considering that if he

sat still his tribe would not go to work, and if they did not work he would be hard up for something to eat. In felling the bush, he had a narrow escape from a tree falling on the top of him, which would have killed him.

Pretexts in plenty could be found for robbing an European; but he would not be held liable to "complimentary" taua unless held in exceptionally high esteem. In 1850, Mr. Henry Williams, junior, was superintending the sawing of timber for the Pakaraka church. The men were rolling the logs to the pit; he himself was in the pit, giving directions; one of the logs slipped, and Mr. Henry Williams was so nearly killed that it was reported that he was killed.

The old chief, Kanawa, said that his teina [younger brother] was killed; that he should therefore make a taua on Pakaraka, and drive away the cattle, for utu. This, to the family, was a patent of nobility.

===============================

D. – Page 138.

I take occasion to offer what has not yet been made known, unless by disjointed mention, – the history of the Maori version of the Holy Scriptures, from the commencement of the work of translation to its completion. It is hoped that this account, necessarily condensed, may be the precursor of another more complete, giving details which can be supplied only by the translators themselves, and, – a matter of especial interest – the principles on which they worked. The care and the patient labour bestowed upon it, not only by persons to whom the Maori tongue was familiar as their own, but also by persons conversant with the science of language, was unintermittent for many years; the result of which, aided by the unlooked-for copiousness and plasticity of the medium upon which they worked, has been a monument, aere perennius, of pure and idiomatic Maori speech; which, moreover, at a period when the language was rapidly undergoing the invariable process of degradation, the Bible rendering has seemed to fix. Sir William Martin, the most critical judge perhaps in the southern hemisphere, considers it to be the best translation extant in any of the Polynesian languages. Bishop Selwyn also bears his own testimony in these words: –

"In New Zealand, this danger has been happily avoided, by the extreme industry and accuracy of our chief translators, [he is speaking of Archdeacon William Williams and of the Rev. P obert Maunsell], who have laboured with great success to ascertain the

exact meaning and power of the idioms of the native language, and to introduce into their version the best and most expressive words that could be found. The proof of this is often seen in the vivid delight with which a native convert brings his book to his teacher, to point out some of those peculiarly happy translations, saying, 'Now, this is sweet; now, that word is thoroughly clear.' It will need no argument to prove the superiority of a translation which thus speaks to the hearts and feelings of a native people, over one which brings down the word of God to vague and tame generalities."

Nor let the fact be overlooked, that to the existence of this work, already in the hands of the New Zealand natives, the comparative failure of the Roman Catholic mission is to be attributed, – a mission whose teaching had many attractions for the native mind, which were not diminished by the worldly liberality displayed. One of their converts is reported to have said to Bishop Selwyn, – (se non e vero, e ben trovato), – "Your blankets are too thin." The phrase is pregnant with meaning. But no persuasion, – moral or material, was able to countervail, among a hard-headed, inquisitive, and suspicious people, the suppression of The Book. Why anything should be kept back from them, they were unable to understand; why there should be secrecy and mystery on the one hand, and none whatever on the other. The reasoning by which such procedure is commonly defended is too fine-drawn to take effect upon the Maori mind. Moreover, the extraordinary acquisitiveness of the native character would hardly brook the taking away of that which had been once enjoyed.

So many of those who took part in this work have been called away from the scene of their labours, that for the earlier steps we must be content occasionally to rely on the somewhat meagre notices in the "Church Mission Record." In regard to later, and indeed more important proceedings, ample information is extant still.

The first attempt to reduce the Maori language to form, was made by Professor Lee, at Cambridge. From materials furnished by Mr. Kendall, supplemented by converse with the chiefs who were then on a visit to England, he compiled a grammar and a vocabulary.

The next advance was made in New Zealand. A Translating Committee was organized at Paihia, which pursued the work without intermission for many years. In a letter from Mr. Richard Davis to his friend Mr. Coleman, in England, written in 1824, the following passage occurs: –

"Mr. Shepherd has a good knowledge of the Maori language, and has translated the Gospel of St. John, which we hope soon to have printed. 121

In 1826, the Rev. William Williams, 122 an Oxford man, and a fine scholar, began the translation of Genesis.

In 1832, the Rev. A. N. Brown informs the Society that – "The work of translation has hitherto proceeded but slowly, owing, in great measure, to pressure of the secular occupation which falls to the share of the Missionaries in New Zealand. Up to June, 1832, there have been translated, at this station, three chapters of Genesis, the Gospel of St. Matthew, and the Acts of the Apostles; the church catechism, and one other catechism [Watt's]; part of the liturgy, the baptismal, sacramental, and burial services, and part of the marriage service."

In the same year, the Rev. William Williams informs the Society that – "It has been concluded that Mr. Yate shall again visit Sydney, for the purpose of superintending the press. We hope to send two Gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, the Epistle to the Romans, and the first to the Corinthians, together with a considerable portion of the Book of Common Prayer."

Mr. Yate proceeded accordingly to Sydney, and thus reports progress.

"March 2, 1833. I have completed the liturgy, catechisms, and hymns; and if all goes on as it is now proceeding, I shall complete all that is translated of the Scriptures: 1,800 copies of each are struck off, which, with the binding, paper, &c, will come to nearly £500, a large sum, but much cheaper than the last edition: inasmuch as we had only 550 volumes of the last for £90, we have how 3,300 volumes for £500. Out of this must be deducted about £90, the Wesleyan Mission's share; as they are to have a portion of the work, having made application to that effect; and £70 which the Auxiliary Bible Society here gave us; besides some paper, which we shall have when it arrives, and about £120 from collections, which would most assuredly not have been made, had I not have come up to new South Wales. Thus, £280 must be deducted from the sum total; which will make the actual cost to the Society, for 3,000 volumes, about £220."

In a letter, dated May 21, he writes – "I am happy to say I have at last finished printing." By the ship which brought this letter, he forwarded two copies of the works printed, bound in volumes: – Morning and evening prayers; sacramental service. Services: infant and adult baptism; marriage and burial; churching of women. Four catechisms; twenty-seven hymns; first nine chapters of Genesis; Gospel by St. Matthew; Gospel by St. John; Acts; Epistle to the Romans; first Epistle to the Corinthians.

It must be confessed, however, that the carrying through the press was but imperfectly done. The language was strange to the compositors; Mr. Yate himself not a professional reader. Beyond doubt, he did his utmost; but those who are practically acquainted with the operations of the press will see at once that much error, under the circumstances, was to be expected.

The Rev. William Williams then took in hand the Gospel of St. Luke.

In 1834, the Society sent a printing press to New Zealand, Mr. William Colenso in charge.

In 1835, the Rev. Robert Maunsell, 123 another ripe and trained scholar, came out in the service of the Society. Time being allowed for the acquisition of the language, he ultimately became the other great leader in the work.

In 1836, Mr. Maunsell began a translation of Exodus, in conjunction with Mr. Hamlin, one of the Society's catechists, who, without any pretence to the niceties of scholarship, was deemed by the natives to be the most perfect speaker of their language in New Zealand. The two proceeded as far as chapter xxii.; after which Mr. Maunsell had to work alone. He then translated six chapters of Isaiah, – from the forty-ninth to the fifty-fifth, which he printed in pamphlet form. The first twenty chapters (I believe) of Exodus were also printed. In the meantime, Mr. William Williams completed the remaining portions of the New Testament, revising, also, those which had been already printed in New South Wales; the New Testament was then printed as a whole at the Society's press at Paihia, and this was soon after followed by the Maori prayer book.

In 1844, Messrs. William Williams, Maunsell, and Puckey, were appointed a committee, at the request of Bishop Selwyn, to revise the Maori prayer book, which was considered to be still defective. The revision of the psalms amounted to a new translation. Mr. Maunsell had then made some progress in the Old Testament, but in July, 1843, his house was destroyed by fire, and in it were consumed his MSS., his dictionary, and his notes for the revision of 1844. He had to begin de novo, even before his hands had become healed from the scorches: friends in England contributed £200, which set him up again in books.

The Pentateuch, as prepared by him, was printed; then the other books,in succession, as far as the psalms, at the expense of the Church Mission Society. Their press, however, was then given up, and as Mr. Maunsell had no press wherewith to print the remainder, he appealed to the Auckland public. The appeal was liberally responded to, the subscription amounting to £500. Revision copies to the end of Malachi were then printed.

The next step was the formation of a committee of revision, consisting of Archdeacon William Williams, Mr. Maunsell, and Mr. Kissling, with Messrs. Hobbs and Buddle, Wesleyans. They revised the translation of the Prophets, and the Old Testament was thus complete.

In 1847, the New Testament was revised, a part by Archdeacon William Williams, Mr. Maunsell, and Mr. Puckey; the remainder by the two first named.

Never contented with what had been accomplished, striving onward still towards perfection – for, in truth, scientific knowledge of the language was continually on the advance, the translators girded themselves up again to the work. A committee was appointed for the further revision of the whole of the Old Testament, namely, Archdeacon William Williams, Mr. Maunsell, and Mr. Leonard Williams (an Oxonian), son to the Archdeacon, described by Mr. Maunsell as the best Maori critic he ever had to deal with. Messrs. Hobbs and Reid, Wesleyans, were conjoined; Mr. Whiteley sent some notes.

The Old Testament was carried through the press, in England, by the Rev. George Maunsell (son of Archdeacon Maunsell), the Rev. W. T. Mellor (since deceased), and Mrs. Colenso, daughter of Mr. Fairburn, the catechist, a very able and intelligent Maori scholar.

In 1867, another committee was appointed, – William Williams, Maunsell, and Leonard Williams, for the revision of the New Testament. This third and last revision was prepared for the press by Mrs. Colenso, writing in the corrections on a printed copy, herself suggesting several, which were adopted. It was carried through the press in England in 1867, by Bishop Selwyn. Thus the Maori Bible came out as it is, and as it is likely to remain, – "a monument," to borrow the words of Bishop Broughton, "of laborious and well-directed piety."

Even the translators of the Bible were not allowed to pursue their work in peace. They were often attacked, but seldom made reply. Fault-finding from those who are themselves at work can be listened to with respect, for they invite a fair comparison. But the do-nothing assailants attack in comparative safety, by affording no opportunity for retort. Sometimes the Mission did defend themselves; and, as in the following letter from the Rev. George Kissling to a local newspaper, not without effect.

To the Editor of "The New Zealander"

Sir,

Your correspondent "A.B.," in Saturday's number, labours under a mistake when he charges the Missionaries with delinquency in not giving the whole Word of God to the native race in their own language. As the accusation is one of a serious nature, I think it right to make a few remarks in vindication of their labours.

Firstly: I would observe that in the early history of this Mission, its agents were unsettled, and even in danger of life for a number of years, from the wild customs and habits of the natives, and a protracted warfare between their various

tribes. But as soon as the Missionaries could, with any degree of safety, enter upon their duties, they undertook the necessary and laborious task of rendering to writing a crude, oral language of several dialects, and they performed this work on principles which have stood the test of criticism, conferring a great boon on the country at large.

Secondly: The translation of the New Testament engaged their primary attention. In the year 1837, a beautiful edition was carried through the Mission press, by the Missionaries themselves. Besides this, they published a number of elementary, religious, and historical books in the Maori language, which have been the means of bringing the great bulk of the native race to read and write, and of diffusing among them much salutary and useful knowledge.

Thirdly: The translation of the Old Testament was never neglected. Portions of Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy appeared in print in 1840. These portions were considerably enlarged, together with some of the most interesting chapters from the Prophets, during the years 1844 and '45. Soon after, a more complete translation of the Pentateuch and the book of Joshua was forwarded to the British and Foreign Bible Society, – by whose liberality 5,000 copies were printed in the year 1848, for the use of the natives of New Zealand. These copies, in addition to more than 50,000 Maori New Testaments, have been circulated among the native converts, or used in their schools; a small portion only remaining on hand.

Fourthly: The Maori New Testament, the Psalms, and the book of common prayer have been carefully revised, and a new edition, stereotyped, is now expected from home.

Fifthly: The remaining portions of the Old Testament have received the careful and anxious attention of the Missionaries; their hands have not been idle, nor has the press been standing still. Little more than the minor Prophets are wanting, I believe, to render the Bible in Maori complete, so far as translation from the original text is concerned. The protraction and difficulties arising from printing in a colony circumstanced and situated like this cannot be fairly charged on the Missionaries of New Zealand.

Sixthly: The Word of God requires a true and faithful translation, which, considering the poverty of language at the translators' disposal, must naturally occupy a considerable time. By the way, has your correspondent ever heard of the loss which a Missionary at Waikato sustained from the destruction by fire of valuable manuscript? He might have borne this in mind when he brought his charge of delinquency against the Missionaries. Furthermore, is your correspondent aware of the peculiar difficulty attending the press from the nature of the Maori language, where an omission, or addition, or substitution of one single letter by a mistake of the printer, not only alters the sense of a whole passage, but often endangers the doctrine of Scripture itself to a very great extent? In short, does your correspondent know that to make a faithful translation of the Bible is, in fact, forming the standard and genius of a language for the nation? And has he ever calculated the time it occupied the translators of the English Bible before they produced a true and faithful version for the public use?

I trust that "A.B.," when he considers these points, and many others which may easily suggest themselves to his mind, will from a sense of justice withdraw his imputation of neglect against the Missionaries of New Zealand.

I am, &c,
G. A. KISSLING.
Auckland, October 18, 1852.

It is true that a question might be raised, whether the whole of the Old Testament ought to be placed at once before a savage race. Ulphilas, in his own translation, omitted [I write from memory] what were then called the four Books of Kings, for fear of exciting the warlike propensities of his Goths. But, as a matter of fact, this question did not arise in New Zealand. The translators gave the whole.

I have before me the first prayer book and the first New Testament printed, to which are prefixed the first eight chapters of the book of Genesis, and give the titles: – "Ko te Pukapuka Inoinga, me nga Karakia Hakarameta, me era ritenga hoki o te Hahi o Ingarani. Hirini: kua oti te ta e te Tipene raua ko te Toki, 1833."

The next in date is the New Testament of 1837, printed at the Missionary press, Paihia. The title page bears the additional notice:

"He mea wakamaori i te Reo Kariki." " Translated from the Greek": literally, a word maorified from the Greek tongue.

The next is: – "Ko tetahi wahi o Te Kawenata Tawhito, he mea wakamaori mai no te Reo Hiperu. No Ranana, na te Komiti ta Paipera, 1848."

Parts of the Old Testament, translated from the Hebrew. London. For the Bible Society.

The next is the New Zealand Testament of 1852, carried through the press in London, by Archdeacon William Williams. The title is the same, with the addition of the letter h after one variety of the w, – Whakaora, whakamaori; a refinement in spelling which had now become established. At the foot of the page we read: –

"Ranana. He mea ta i te Perehi o T. R. Harihona raua ka tana Tama, ma te Huihuinga ta Paipera mo Ingarani, mo te Ao katoa, ko tetahi wahi o te Kawenata Hou o Ihu Karaiti te Ariki, to tatou kai wakaora, me nga upoko e waru o te pukapuka o Kenehi.

"Ka oti nei te whakamaori ki te Reo o Nu Tireni. Hirini: kua oti te ta e te Tipene raua ko te Toki."

These are bibligraphical curiosities, now very scarce. The[se?] pages are given in full, for the benefit of that colonial Dibdin [??] may yet arise.

121 Mr. Shepherd was one of the first in the field. His translation, however, did not go through the press, the work having been taken up anew by the Committee. Mr. William Puckey was also engaged upon the Gospel of St. John, beginning at the middle of the fourteenth chapter; the Psalms, and the Athanasian Creed. His work likewise was superseded by that of the Committee.

122 Now Bishop of Waiapu.

123 Now Archdeacon Maunsell.

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