SECOND PARLIAMENT--SEWELL BECOMES PREMIER
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SECOND PARLIAMENT-SEWELL BECOMES PREMIER
Auckland, [Sunday,] 20 April 1856. Here we are once more, just beginning the same work which we did two years ago; only now trying Responsible Government in earnest, whereas before it was a sham. And I am Prime Minister. Poor FitzGerald could not come up. I mentioned his attack of Angina Pectoris. He was better when we left Lyttelton, but far from well, and of course liable to a recurrence of the malady at any moment, especially under excitement, which could not be avoided here. Mrs FitzGerald and the Doctors insist on his not moving from Canterbury; he himself I think has a hankering after the fun, and he talked of being able to come up by the next Steamer. I hope for his own sake he will not, though he is much missed here.
We left Lyttelton a fortnight ago last Tuesday [1 April]. Had a good smart run to Wellington in 22 hours. Stopped there till Saturday [5 April]. We stayed at the Cliffords, who were extremely kind and hospitable. I dined at Featherston's, a political dinner. Had a good deal of political talk with people, about which more anon.
Started from Wellington on Saturday afternoon with a fair wind through the Straits, and smooth water, but met in Blind Bay an unexpected enemy in the shape of a wind called a Spout wind, blowing right in our teeth, and so hard that our poor inefficient Steamer could make no head against it. We beat down the Bay as far as Croixelles Harbour, where we anchored in smooth water waiting till the wind abated, which it was sure to do at nightfall, and which it did accordingly. About 3 in the morning we lifted our anchor and slipped down to Nelson smoothly enough landing about ten o'clock [Sunday, 6 April]. We again took shelter with the Richardsons who are as friendly as ever. We found them beginning their preparations for flitting to England. Dr Richardson going up to take his seat in the House of Peers; Mrs Richardson and the appurtenances to follow in two or three months' time.
More talk with the Nelson politicians. All the Members but one going up, Stafford included.
Left Nelson on Thursday afternoon [10 April]; made a fair passage to New Plymouth, and dropped anchor in smooth water there on Friday night [11 April]. Took on board the New Plymouth Members, and 150 fat and very disagreeable Sheep. Away again on Saturday Morning [12 April] with a fair wind and by day break on
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Sunday morning were off the Manukau Heads, and went straight in through somewhat troubled waters, but nothing serious. Landed at Onehunga about mid-day. Found that our arrival had been notified, and Carriages were coming out to meet us. Dr Campbell the Superintendent of Auckland sent forward a most kind note, asking us to take up our quarters with him; and presently he himself drove down in his dog-cart to carry us up. We took up our abode with him till Friday last, and have now moved into lodgings for a time, but not permanently.
Now touching Politics. All the way up, so far as one's sea miseries permitted, I sounded people as to what they were going to do; and what was best to be done. There was no definite plan, except the Wellington one. Featherston, Fox, and FitzHerbert together, want to establish ultra Provincialism, at Wellington as Head-quarters. They are able men, but do not carry numbers with them, at least so I think. Nelson would like to have the Seat of Government. Canterbury wants her Land-fund. Auckland will fight to the death for the seat of Government. The universal cry on all these points is no surrender all round.
We arranged a Meeting of the Southerons on Monday last [14 April] the day after our arrival, to determine what to do. I was speaking, when the Governor's letter was brought to me, requesting me to form a Government. 1 The Wellington people looked disappointed, but I at once said that I would go to the Governor and the Meeting adjourned.
I went to the Governor, had a long talk with him. He told me that he had sent for me in default of FitzGerald, as a Member of the old Government, and he gave me a paper setting forth the Terms of Relation between him and his Ministers. 2 After a full talk with him, I told him that he had better send for Stafford, who had told me that if Nelson were fixed on as the Seat of Government, he would take Office. Featherston had told me that his health absolutely precluded it. The Governor assented to my proposal to bring Stafford to him. I left him, and went in search of Stafford, but was disappointed at finding that now, when it came to the point, he positively declined taking Office under any circumstances. He had virtually engaged to that effect when he was re-elected Superintendent. I arranged with him to go to the Governor next morning at 10 a.m. and meantime to leave the question open.
Next morning [Tuesday, 15 April] at 10 went with Stafford to the Governor, who asked him to form a Government, but he declined.
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The Governor read the Minute defining the Ministerial relations. One point stipulated was, that as to all Native-Affairs, he, the Governor should have the personal control, including the purchase of Native Lands. This is a ticklish point for the House is very jealous on that score. There is dissatisfaction with McClean the Native land purchase Commissioner, and the House wants control over it. I pointed out to the Governor that if the House raised a large loan, which is proposed, to buy Native Lands, it would insist on controlling the expenditure of the Money. Also that when it was called on to vote money upon the annual Estimates, for the charge of Native departments, it would be sure to kick unless it had the ordinary control over them. He admitted all this, but said he was responsible to the Crown for the peace of the Colony--that the Imperial Government bore the charge of the Military, and that he absolutely would not surrender to a fluctuating Government the control of Native Affairs. He would submit to his Ministers all his measures, and allow them to advise him, though he would not bind himself to follow their advice. Also in case of difference between him and them, he would refer the question to the Home authorities. In my opinion he is right, and I was not disposed to press him further. But Stafford was dissatisfied--thought as to Native Land purchase the House would insist on control &c. &c.
Stafford having declined, I felt that I had no alternative but to accept, which I did. There was not in fact any one else. Fox would have been ready, but that would have involved a Wellington Ultra Provincial Policy which I disapprove of. Besides Fox is so unpopular at Auckland, that he could not have carried on the Government.
After leaving the Governor, I went to Domett, the old Colonial Secretary under Sir Geo. Grey; an able man, but from what I hear an indifferent Speaker. (There are private circumstances about him which made it impossible to place him at the head, but did not preclude him in my opinion from taking a subordinate part,) and I offered him the Colonial Treasurership. He was very civil and friendly, wanted the Secretaryship, and for me to be Attorney General. I did not agree to this; so after a long talk at which Stafford, and another friend of Domett's were present, he told me that if pressed for an immediate anwer, he should decline. I left it so, and went away to consider the matter. The result of my deliberation was, that I determined not to press Domett farther. 3 It would never have done to join oneself to a man who was jealous of your position and who would be wanting to oust you. I then turned to Dillon Bell, who for a short time held Office with me and FitzGerald in the old
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Ministry. He readily accepted my proposal. Then I went to Bartley, an elderly worn out gentleman, a Barrister, a very high-minded honorable, gentlemanly old man, but quite past active service. Still he was one of the old Ministry, and without him I could only find an Attorney General by going to Whitaker (who now holds the Office) but who was the Opposition Candidate for the Superintendency against my friend Dr Campbell. Now Dr Campbell and his party are 8 in the Assembly, all virulent opponents of Whitaker, and I did not want to be forced into hostility to them, which I apprehended from taking Whitaker in. This made me anxious to prevail on Bartley to take Office and I pressed him as much as I could but without success. He finally declined on the score of age, nervousness, and inability to work. I took counsel with Bell, and we resolved to face the difficulties about Whitaker. I met Carleton (one of Campbell's friends) and told him what we were going to do. He was furious, at the notion, and promised us war to the knife. Nevertheless we resolved to proceed. I called on Whitaker, found him not very ready to join, but after some discussion with him and the Governor, prevailed on him. I added to our number Tancred, a firm friend, and who would be a useful addition in the Legislative Council. So our number was complete. The House met on Tuesday [15 April], when I requested an adjournment till Thursday [17 April] to make arrangements. 4 On Thursday, I announced that I had made them, all but settling finally the terms of relation between us and the Governor. 5 We finally settled these on Thursday Evening, and on Friday [18 April] I announced in the House that we were ready to take Office.
[Sunday, ] 4 May 1856. My Journal will be like the scenes of a Play. When the Curtain last dropped we had just formed our Ministry. Now for the Sequel.
Going back to Friday fortnight [18 April]; when I announced the formation of a Government, I asked the House to adjourn for a week to give us time to mature plans. This was granted, and all that week we were busy arranging what in Ministerial parlance is called a Policy. What that means you may know by reading the Newspapers, and my Ministerial Statement.
The one great difficulty arises from the unsettled state of relations between the General and Provincial Governments. The fault lies partly in the Constitution Act, but mainly with Sir George Grey, who completely betrayed the General Government not merely by
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omitting to call the General Assembly before he brought the Provincial Governments into work, but by handing over to those bodies enormous powers which were forbidden as well by sound policy as by the Constitution Act itself. It will take years to recover this first blunder. What we agreed upon was, as a principle, to work the Constitution Act as it is, without attempting organic changes; and to administer the affairs of the General Government in the Provinces through the Superintendents, so making only one authority in the Provinces, which would add respect to the Provincial Governments, and prevent conflicts which are repeatedly going on between the Provinces and Officers of General Government Departments in the Provinces. But will the Provincial Authorities swallow this? To be made sub-administrators under the General Government is to lower them from their present high estate. We propose to soften this, by extending their patronage and right of control, to all the Departments whatever, except the Customs. All our Policy hangs on this. Failing this, I am persuaded that the Constitution Act as it is will not work.
Well--[on Friday, 25 April] I made my Statement, 6 which was a long story of between 3 and 4 hours de omni scibili [of everything knowable]. It was listened to very patiently, the best compliment to a Speaker. The Governor sent down the Pension Bill, which I made the occasion of speaking, and I moved an adjournment (which was carried) till Monday [28 April], when we began to debate the sore subject of Pensions to the old Officials. This was the condition of Responsible Government, and without it we might just as well take up our hats and be off. Still there was too much personal hatred of the old Men to allow their Pensions to pass without resistance. I was in fear lest we should break down at this first step, and Responsible Government be on the rocks again, at least for another year.
[Sunday,] 11 May [1856]. My history will stumble on at an irregular pace. Now I have been in, and out--and here I am in again. To take up the thread of the story where I broke off. The Pension Bill was a bitter pill to swallow. Even one's own friends could scarcely submit to it; and Wellington with 4 votes of her own, and about 5 auxiliaries, lay in wait to defeat us on any ground. The Governor had fixed the quantum of retiring allowance at two thirds of the Salaries, with a salvo in case of difference of reference to the Home Government. There was a great deal of very disagreeable talking about it. Some men got up and abused the old Officials all round, using scandalous language, but all that one could say was, Don't attack absent men. At last on Tuesday (the 29 [April]) we
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divided in Committee on the question whether the Pensions should be fixed at half or two thirds of the Salaries. I told them it was of no use to settle it at half, as the Governor would not agree. However the House would have its own way, and voted accordingly, leaving me in a minority of 4 to 23. I then told the House that I would go to the Governor as an Ambassador, from them, representing their views, and would bring back an answer. The Governor behaved remarkably well; of course he would not recede from what he had stated, but agreed to refer the question home.
Wednesday Morning [30 April] I came down to the House with that answer put into conciliatory terms. The House was contented, and the Bill forthwith passed through Committee. We read it a 3rd time, and sent it at once to the Legislative Council. 7 So that Responsible Government became thereby an accomplished fact. I reckon that of itself to be a work of merit, if I may say so without presumption; for in truth it was a very ticklish affair; and the slightest possible mismanagement would have thrown us all into confusion, and perhaps upset Responsible Government itself. And the difficulty was, that I had no party none at least strong enough to force the measure on.
Then came the question of Policy. Now being Ministers established, we had to try our strength upon our Policy. We determined to give battle at once to the enemy instead of fighting a series of petty skirmishes. If the Wellington party could carry their ultra Provincialism let them come in, or vice versa. So after we had disposed of the Pension Bill, I moved a reply to the Governor's opening Speech, in which we had embodied in two or three Paragraphs the essentials of our Policy, being in substance that of an efficient General Government, as contrasted with ultra Provincialism. If the House adopted our reply it pledged itself of course to our principles. We knew that the Wellington party would oppose it. As soon as I had opened the motion, Fox got up and urged delay--said they had only had the copy of the Reply a few hours, and they wanted time to form combinations in order to make an opposition. A strange plea to be sure--but I acceded, and so the Motion was postponed till Friday (2nd of May) till which day the House adjourned.
Now came the intriguing and caballing. The Wellington party have but 4 votes; Clifford the Speaker makes 5, but he does not
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count on a division except as a casting vote. 8 So being numerically weak they can do nothing except by alliances; but how to make these? First every body but themselves repudiates their doctrine of a Federal American Constitution. So they are obliged to abjure their faith; and to declare that they only mean to work the Constitution Act as it is; with Provincial tendencies. But Fox tells us that he is only biding his time, and that he means Federalism as soon as he can get it. So that in truth their policy is Federalism in disguise. I do not call this honest, but it serves the present purpose of catching stray supporters. Next in importance, and numerically stronger are the 8 Auckland votes, anti-Whitakerites. 9 These are led by Carleton, a clever well-educated man, and a gentleman, but of singular crochets; (intensely conceited) and hating his Provincial antagonists 10 with an acrimony that no one can understand who does not know what Colonial hatred is. 11 The ostensible leader of this party is my friend Dr Campbell the Superintendent who is a sensible moderate man, (but led by Carleton). 12 The rest of the party are merely the fortemque Gyam, fortemque Cloanthum, votes et praeterea nihil 13 ['brave Gyam, brave Cloanthus, mere votes and nothing more']; But they are eight, and upon such a division of parties, they turn the scale either way. All which these men wanted was, that I should get rid of Whitaker. Then they would have supported me. No matter whether they agreed with my principles--no care or thought for the good of the Colony--Whitaker must be thrown over-board. (Now I had no great love for Whitaker myself--and only took him from necessity, there being no one else fit for the Office. Still once being there) I could only submit to this dictation by forfeiting the entire independence of the Government, and admitting a most noxious principle; namely that a Provincial
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party should infuse its animosities into the General Government and proscribe men simply on that ground. If we admit that, good-bye to the General Government. In fact it would only become a tool of the dominant Provincial factions. So I took my stand at once, and refused to enter into treaty on such terms. Accordingly, over they went to Fox. Then there were my three friends from Otago 14 --canny Scotchmen, come from the far South--genuine descendants of the men who sold poor Charles the first; (ready to do any thing for a consideration). Old [William] Cargill the Superintendent of Otago, on his first arrival, came to me in the most amicable way to preach good fellowship--the necessity of a strong Government and so forth--giving us all to understand that he would give us his hearty support. However, on the day of trial, it appeared that Fox had bought them. I mean literally got their votes by a bargain. They, like the rest of the Middle Island, are very anxious to secure their Land fund. So Fox at once contracts to hand it over to them, reserving about 2s 6d an Acre for the General Government. Besides this, he promises to dismiss sundry obnoxious Officials of the General Government who are at daggers drawn with the Otago Provincial Government; (and as a more substantial sop [James] McAndrew one of the party was) to have the Paper currency Ordinance repealed (in his favor), so as to allow him to issue paper money at discretion. What Scotchmen could resist such cogent reasons? So there go three votes more. There were a couple of stray votes besides. One my friend [John] Hall of Canterbury, (not an ill-meaning man, but who dislikes me, and has remembrances of our old feud when I helped to displace him from the Provincial Government of Canterbury.) 15 Also [Charles] Brown, the Superintendent of Taranaki, (a weak conceited man, who aspires himself to be Colonial Secretary, and of course would readily join others in the necessary preliminary of turning me out.) The sum total was, that we counted 17 votes against, and 16 with us--leaving us in a minority of one. We knew the result before the motion came on, and were quite prepared for it. As to the Debate itself--vide the Newspapers. 16 It was a very good one as far as speechmaking went. We had a crowded audience in the Gallery, and two unhappy ladies were penned up in the Speaker's room from 12 at noon, till 8 at night. The division turned out as expected, only one of our Men was locked out, making the apparent minority two instead of one. 17
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There was a good deal of what I call bush-fighting in the Debate, and the Opposition tried to prevent me from replying by refusing to speak, and so dragging me up before they had spoken themselves. However I got my opportunity at last though with some difficulty and said my say. 18 But as far as the vote was concerned the thing was done, and we were practically out of Office.
What next, was then the question. Both Sections of the Opposition reckoned that by driving me out, they should compel me to coalesce, and both reckoned without their host. Carleton and his party supposed, that I should now throw Whitaker overboard; Whitaker offered to go, but I would not agree to it. I recommended the Governor to send for Dr Campbell the Superintendent of Auckland, who moved the adverse vote--and failing him, then for Featherston the Superintendent of Wellington. To my surprise, Campbell refused point blank, to have any thing to do with forming a Government. I do not understand this. It is strange that Carleton should have put him forward without some previous understanding as to the sequel. It is true Campbell took on himself to recommend the Governor to send for Brown the Superintendent of Taranaki--but the Governor civilly told him he did not want advice--that he took from me, at all events for the present.
So Campbell declined, and then Featherston was called in. He came to me, and begged me to join them. Featherston and I are on the best possible terms, and I do not know a man whom I would more readily join as far as persons are concerned; but I told him it was impossible. He and his party had pledged themselves at the Hustings to the Federal doctrine so absolutely, that they could not recede; and I could not join a party whose avowed principles were opposed to mine, only to be held in suspense till a convenient
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season. Besides this, a coalition would be fruitless. The instant I joined Fox, all my friends would quit me. Finding this would not do, Featherston tried all sorts of combinations. But the Auckland eight were unmanageable. They hate Fox and Wellington, even more than they do Whitaker. There was a good deal of gossip about who was to be what--and half a dozen Ministries were tried, and thrown up. It ended in Featherston finding himself helpless; and on Wednesday morning (the 7th [May]) the Governor sent to tell me that Featherston threw it up. So there we were in statu quo--barring the fact that the failure of both sections of Opposition to make a Government, was a virtual reinstatement of us. I went down to the House on Wednesday and made a short statement. 19 We were all sworn into Office, and I became, and am Colonial Secretary. 20 How long to remain so, no one can tell. The enemy is lying by, only waiting an opportunity to upset us. Meantime we have moved out of our uncomfortable lodgings into a small house near the Shore, where we are much better off.
[Sunday,] 18 May 1856. We are out once more. As I mentioned the enemy lay by for a new attack. At first it was generally supposed that they had quietly succumbed and that we should move on unmolested; but soon the work of combination (one might almost call it conspiracy) began again. The Wellington party in order to buy the support of the Auckland 8, threw all their principles overboard, and submitted to make a public recantation of their political creed. In consideration of this, the Auckland 8 would agree to let Fox in. The Otago men had their share of the plunder stipulating for (leave to cheat the General Government out of) the bulk of their Land Revenue, making only an illusory payment of 2s 6d an Acre. Such at least is the bargain as understood by the Otago Men. Fox and his friends however say that they (have cheated the Otago men, and that they) don't mean any thing of the kind. They seduced over from our ranks one man, (that) Mr Cuff [of Akaroa] (whom I have spoken of before as a vendible commodity); and so put themselves in a better position by one than they were before. For the Auckland Men lost their mainstay Dr Campbell the Superintendent, who came and joined us. 21 So now being in a condition to make an assault Fox came down to the House on Tuesday (13 May) with a set of Resolutions partly on Finance, partly on general principles.
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Touching general principles the Resolutions affirmed in the most distinct way all the fundamental principles of my own Policy, and as distinctly negatived every doctrine which Fox had preached (and gave the lie direct to all his pledges) on the Hustings (by virtue of which he got his Seat. What a spectacle of political morality). As to Finance, by (fraudulently) suppressing the small items of the New Zealand Company's debt, and Native land purchases, he tried to impose on the House as if he were propounding a new scheme offering some mighty financial benefit. In point of fact, so far as financial figures go, theirs and ours are of course just alike. The Government has so much to pay, and so much to pay with. We can neither of us make it more or less; only we propose a definite plan of adjusting the public burthens, and they leave them out of calculation.
Well, down comes Fox with his Resolutions. There said he--what do you say to that? There's a Policy for you. (I protest the utter shamelessness of the proceeding) took me aback. (The very audacity of it helped its success.) Who could suppose that he was (impudently) taunting me to reject my own political creed, which he had dressed up as if it were his own? 22
Wednesday [14 May] the Debate came off. 23 The question was, what to do with the Resolutions. Oppose them one could not, except by denying one's own faith. At first I was disposed to do so on the ground of their dishonesty, but my friends declared that they should vote for them. Only we determined to move an adjournment of the Financial Resolutions, until after the Ministerial statement which we had promised on Friday. It did seem absurd in the House to pledge itself to financial details without having a particle of information before it. (But the inconsistency of these men is equal to their unscrupulousness.)
I moved an amendment to the effect that the consideration of Finance should be deferred until after the Ministerial statement. Went to a division on that, and was beaten by a Majority of two (one of our Men was absent.) 24 The Resolutions were then put and passed unopposed, with an addition completely upsetting the financial part of them, viz. that the Company's Debt, and Native Land purchase money must be provided for somehow. The debate lasted till nearly 12 o'clock. The Gallery was crowded, of which all the feeling was on our side. In replying to Fox I told him that I should not oppose the Resolutions; and that his plain, straight-forward
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(manly) course, was to move a vote of want of confidence. Accordingly he gave notice of such a Motion for next day. Well--what to do next? I took counsel with my pillow and resolved on my course.
Next morning, [Thursday, 15 May] after talk with Whitaker, Bell and Stafford, set off to the Governor to tender our resignation. He is sorry and anxious, but of course cannot alter the course of things. Came down to the Meeting of the House. Gatherings of the enemy in force, with all sorts of preparation for war. Presently, Fox rose to move his vote. I got up; said I had a communication to make. A dead silence. I shortly stated that in consequence of the vote of last night, and looking to the general aspect of parties we had resigned; and that I had advised the Governor to send for Stafford, 25 Ibi omnis effusus labor ['With that all his effort was wasted'--Virgil, Georgies, iv. 491-2]. All the fine speeches dropped away stillborn. Much disappointment was visible in some faces at my having recommended Stafford; the fear being that Stafford would succeed in forming a Government, leaving out the Wellington party. But Fox got up and spoke like a gentleman--said I had taken a right and constitutional course. Then after some ordinary business the House adjourned.
Stafford set to work to form a new Government. He went to Domett and Richmond, 26 who agreed to join him, upon condition that I did. He then came to me. I urged him to form a completely new Government, with none of the old elements in it. I pointed out that by omitting Whitaker we should clear off the Auckland Provincial Opposition, and by omitting me, get rid of the supposed anti Provincial bias. I strongly urged a Government to be formed of Domett, Richmond and himself, with somebody from the Auckland Provincial party. Such a Government would have been supported by Whitaker and me out of Office. But Stafford would not listen to this, and I told him at last, I would do what the service of the Colony might require. Then he opened negotiations with the Auckland party; offered for them to nominate the Treasurer, and to put one of their own Men into the Executive Council, so giving Auckland two Members in the Government. But they are so weak as regards capacity that they have no man amongst them fit for Office. So that at last when it came to the point, they found out that the only Auckland man capable of Office was Whitaker! Silly children--now they are ready to take the very man they quarrelled with before.
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But now a new difficulty arises. There is a point of honour in the case. They have been coquetting with Fox so long that at length they feel or fancy themselves compromised with him. They must give him a chance. Upon this, after a good deal of fruitless negotiation (Dr Campbell the Superintendent working heartily on our side) 27 Stafford's attempt at constructing a Government fails, and I am obliged reluctantly to advise the Governor to send for Fox. Thus, (by a series of movements, very tortuous and discreditable,) the final result which we all of us dreaded comes about. Fox and the Wellington party are in power. This came to a head on Friday afternoon (May 16th). Friday evening Fox received the usual communication from the Governor.
Now began all kinds of cabals and intrigues. The party who had united to turn me out, counted on my readiness to come in and join any body upon any terms, (and did not scruple to use that language, much to my indignation). All that I could do was to let it be known in unmistakeable terms, that I would not coalesce.
Saturday [17 May] the House met. Stafford made a statement of what he had done, and failed to do, exculpating me from the charge of greediness of office. Fox said his say, and I said mine. All quiet enough, and then the House adjourned. 28
[Sunday, ] 25 May 1856. (First let me note the arrival of the Denny and Zingari--the latter bringing letters from England up to December. A few from the Children, a scrap from Robert, and two or three from Lord Lyttelton, with another round robin, but of a different sort from the last, from the Members of the Association. 29 In truth these letters, I mean Lord Lyttelton's and the Association's are very agreeable. They express all that I could wish. I earnestly hope by this time the Debentures will have reached England, and in July the solid cash paid at the Union Bank of Australia will be a guarantee for the solidity of the security. These letters make me wish to be in England. Hopes of Peace at last--God grant it.)
Now to Politics--I left Fox on Friday week [16 May], under acceptance of Office; pledged to form a Ministry somehow. If possible a coalition one--if not a makeshift of some sort or another.
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Saturday (I am afraid Sunday) and Monday [17-19 April] were spent in fruitless attempts at coalition. All kinds of intrigues, cabals, and schemes were afloat, the end and aim of all being either to form a coalition embracing me and Fox--or failing that excluding us both. Neither of these would do. I do not know when I was ever so hard put to resist an appeal as on Monday last, when in Whitaker's office, Fox made a personal appeal to me, amounting to an importunity; founded on old friendship &c. &c. 'What, will you refuse to join any Ministry of which I am a Member?' What could one say in reply to a Man with whom I am and have been on terms of personal intimacy and friendship; particularly after he had swallowed all his doctrines, renounced and utterly abjured them as impious and heretical, in order to smooth away the obstructions to coalition. I hardly knew what to say, but I did say with as much kindness as I could, absolutely no. The truth is, that Fox is not sincere; and the Wellington Men are playing a very deep game. Their object is to get the Government into their hands any how. They will soon find means of kicking overboard any inconvenient allies; and with abundance of ability (and a plentiful lack of scrupulousness) they would soon get their own way without hindrance. Another reason determines me against coalition--that besides those broad differences of principle which now that Fox has recanted, may seem to be swept away, when we come to details of measures, I know that the Wellington Men and myself differ essentially. In truth the whole character of our respective policies is different. Take Native affairs for instance. I will not break connection with the Missionary bodies, the Bishop of New Zealand for instance, so as to throw them into antagonism to the Government. That would be madness, but Fox and the Wellington Men mean this. Here is a very uncomfortable state of the Natives; and a general sense of insecurity. The war at Taranaki continues. Tribes are leaguing together, some friendly, some unfriendly; but every thing relating to the quarrel between them somehow or other bears on the Land question. The friendly Natives are Land-sellers; the unfriendly ones make the non-sale of Land a point of Nationality, and are rousing if they can, a combination against us. American Whalers are preaching sedition all through the Colony, persuading the Natives that Russia has destroyed all our fleets and armies, and that the Troops are about to be recalled. Then they say--Hand over New Zealand to America, she will protect your Land rights. 30 Then day by day accidents occur, which badly managed would light a flame. A murder here, a robbery
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there. The other day a tribe of unfriendly Natives stole and carried away a quantity of powder from the Kawau mine, took it back into the Mountains, and bade defiance to the law. 31 To negotiate in a case of theft was impossible--to recover the powder impossible--to punish the offenders might involve war. The delinquents were a small tribe. The great bulk of the Natives are friendly, in the proportion say of 8 to 3. Still, once light the fire, and you do not know where the blaze will stop. All kinds of indirect influences are brought to bear to induce the giving up of the powder without compromising the Government. The Bishop of New Zealand tried his hand, but ineffectually. Then at last Bishop Pompallier the Roman Catholic Bishop went down, and from what I heard yesterday he has succeeded in obtaining restoration of the powder. 32 But in such a state of things to throw away the aid of these Religious Bodies in governing the Natives would be an act of sheer insanity. I know that Fox and I differ as to this. Of what use then would coalition be today, if we are sure to break off tomorrow? Add to these reasons the fact that Fox is personally so unpopular and distrusted by the bulk of our party that if I joined him the chances are that it would be with my solitary vote. I do not think that coalitions in general are good things; they emasculate a Government, rob it of all power of energetic action. The public have no confidence in it for its very basis is a negation of principle. Nor is it safe to receive into alliance professing converts, when they tell you that the sole object of their professions is to persuade you into junction. I do not believe in the sincerity of such men. I will not admit the wooden horse within the walls of Troy.
So the attempt at coalition failed. Simultaneously another movement was going on to detach the Auckland men from the Wellington party; and as the Auckland men agree in principle with us, there appeared a likelihood of some such plan succeeding; but it turned out that there was a compact, and a point of honor in the case, which obliged them to hold by Fox. So on Tuesday [20 May]
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THE JOURNAL-MAY 1856
Fox fell back on his last resource, patched up a (very sorry affair of a) Government, in the shape of himself as Attorney General, and leader, Hall of Canterbury as Colonial Secretary, and Brown, Superintendent of Taranaki, as Treasurer; with (a man of the name of) Daldy an unofficial Member of the Executive, 33 to represent Auckland. I should note that amongst the strange phenomena of the attempted coalition, was a direct overture from the Auckland men to Whitaker, those very men who went against my Government on the ground of Whitaker being in it, now turned round and besought him to be their leader. Whitaker declined--so they stuck (this man) Daldy in as a bit of dumb show, to do duty for Auckland.
Another strange, perhaps the strangest thing of all, is about my very excellent friend Dr Richardson. They have actually persuaded him to do their work in the Legislative Council. Richardson, the Man who eschews Provincial Government in every possible form! His friends hold up their hands and eyes. For my own part, I take it for granted that his motive was to save the Legislative Council from the indignity of having a bad man pitch-forked into it.
Fox came down to the House on Tuesday (20 May) to announce his arrangements. 34 After the House was over, we held an Executive Council at which we all resigned. The others were introduced and sworn in, in our places. 35 Everything was done in perfect order, and with good temper. I must say that for us all, that with plenty of sharp things said in the House, there has been nothing personal as yet, and every body has behaved becomingly.
Since Tuesday [20 May] nothing remarkable happened till Saturday [24 May], when the Zingari came in, bringing up two Nelson Members additions to our strength, just enabling us now to turn them out by a majority of one. 36 (Of the new arrivals one man Travers is rather of a shifty and uncertain turn of mind, but there appears little doubt of him. All his sympathies and local and personal connexions are with us.) So with the aid of the two new men we hope on Tuesday to turn Fox out. When this is done the Auckland men give us to understand that they will join us; and then we should form a strong Government, throwing Fox entirely overboard.
[Sunday,] 1 June 1856. Fox is out, and we are back again. We
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commenced our attack on Monday [26 May], by giving sundry notices of motion for the next day upon some of which we were sure of beating the enemy. On Monday came off the fight about the Seat of Government. We pressed this forward in order to clear it out of the way. A question of this kind hanging over us would have been a great embarassment; so we determined to get it over. Campbell the Superintendent of Auckland moved that it was not expedient to agitate the question of moving the Seat of Government. That was carried--a good many of us voted for it on the understanding that on the next question, viz. whether the Meetings of the General Assembly should be held at Auckland, we should vote for a more central place of Meeting. We carried this, and then came a fight between Nelson and Wellington. The Auckland men successively negatived each of the two places; their object being thereby to leave matters as they are. However we agreed on a resolution to ieave it to the Governor to decide between the two. 37 So that question stands. We were very late the divisions not coming to an end till past midnight.
On Tuesday [27 May] we made our onslaught on Fox; first by asking him all manner of questions about his Finance, the object being to expose a variety of weaknesses in his Financial scheme. (Then I moved an Address, virtually upsetting the Resolutions upon which he had turned us out; but this he swallowed without reluctance.) Then Stafford made the main attack on him, by moving an amendment, virtually refusing to entertain his Financial scheme at all; on the ground that he had omitted all provision for the existing burthens. A smart debate ensued; which ended in our carrying our resolutions by a majority of one. They wanted to adjourn, I know not for what object, (possibly to buy over some of our votes if they could. They offered weighty inducements to several in the shape of Offices, &c., but without success.) We refused to adjourn, and there was some smart skirmishing; they charging us with stifling debate--we charging them with factious obstruction of business. But we bore them down at last, and carried our point. 38 Then they said they should not take that vote as decisive--they required a vote of want of confidence. We gave notice of a motion to that effect for the next night.
Wednesday Evening [28 May]. The motion of want of confidence came off--more sharp firing; but it ended in our carrying the motion by a majority of one. 39 That was decisive, and of course on Thursday morning [29 May] they resigned. Stafford was sent for, and has since then been engaged in reconstructing a Government. 40
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THE JOURNAL-MAY-JUNE 1856
Now, having turned Fox out, the alliance between Carleton and his friends, and the Wellington Men is at an end; Stafford's object has been to secure alliance with those Auckland 8. Campbell the Superintendent is entirely with us, and so now Carleton comes over to us with some of the others, though some still cling lovingly to Fox, and want to force him into the Government. But the neck of the Opposition is broken. We have made some changes in the personnel of the Government. All the objections to Whitaker have vanished, so he remains Attorney General. Richmond of Taranaki, a Barrister, (a pupil of Duval, 41 and altogether a very sensible judicious person, will be Colonial Secretary.) I shall be Colonial Treasurer, with a sort of understood leadership, though Stafford will during the Session be ostensible Head in order to relieve the new concern from the objection of being too much like the old one.
There has been much talk again of coalition but it has ended in nothing. Tomorrow we shall most likely be sworn in again. The Government will stand thus--Richmond Colonial Secretary--myself Colonial Treasurer--Whitaker Attorney General--Stafford and Campbell in the Executive Council without Office.
